Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 2 - Oceania - K pdf

History and Cultural Relations Physiological and cultural evidence suggest that the Kaluli are moreclosely related tolowland Papuan cultural groups thantothose of the nearby highlands,bu

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Kaluli I01

Kaluli

ETHNONYMS:Bosavi, Orogo, Waluli, Wisaesi

OrientationIdentification 'Bosavi kalu' (meaning 'men ofBosavi")

isthe collective designation offourclosely related

horticul-turalistgroupswholiveintherainforest of the GreatPapuan

Plateau Ofthese four groups (Kaluli, Orogo, Waluli, and

Wisaesi), the Kaluli are the most numerous and the most

thoroughly studied

Location Kaluli longhouses arelocatedalongthe

north-ernslope of Mount Bosaviatroughly 142038'to 142°55'W

and6°23'to6°29'S,between the altitudes of900 and1,000

meters, inthedrainageofthe IsawaandBiforivers.Thisis a

land oflush, largelyvirgin rainforest, where thevegetation is

unbroken exceptfor the small settlementclearingsscattered

throughout Seasonalityis notbasedonchangesin tempera.

ture, because that averages between 29° and 32° C

year-round.Rather, theyear isdividedinto arelativelydry season

(MarchtoNovember)anda rainier one(Decemberto

Febru-ary) Duringtherainy seasontherearefrequentand violent

rainstorms,withdriving winds, torrential rains,and

impres-sivethunder and lightning displays Theregionisrichinbirds

and wildgame,andit is cutthroughwithmyriadbrooks and

streams.

Demography The Kaluliwereestimatedat1,200

individ-ualsin1969and 2,000in1987, whichmakesthemthelargest

singlelanguagegroup ontheplateau.Populationlevels for all

plateaugroups arethoughttohavebeensubstantiallyhigher

intheprecontact years,but the 1940sbroughtepidemicsof

measles and influenza, whichdevastatedmanyof thegroups.

The Kaluli lostasmuchas25percentof theirpopulationto

theseepidemics, and their numbers havenever fully

recov-ered Infant mortality ratestoday are quite high, and

influ-enzaepidemics still ravagetheplateau periodically

inguistic Affiliation Kaluli is a member of the Bosavi

Family of Non-Austronesian languages, which also includes

Beami (Gebusi)

History and Cultural Relations

Physiological and cultural evidence suggest that the Kaluli

are moreclosely related tolowland Papuan cultural groups

thantothose of the nearby highlands,but thereis nohard

ev-idenceto suggestthatthey originated anywhere outside of the

generalterritorythatthey currentlyoccupy.Early trade

rela-tionsandculturalborrowingsappear tohavebeen

predomi-nantly with thepeoplestotheirnorth andwest.Throughout

theirexistence, the Kaluli have been moving verygradually

eastward, away from established settlement areas, moving

ever moredeeplyintothevirginforests Some of this

move-ment maybe attributedto aneedtoseek freshgardenlands,

butit mayalso beexplainedin part as adefensiveresponse to

the expansionist pressures of the Beami and Etoro,

tradi-tional Kalulienemieswho livetothewestand northwestof

Kaluli territory. Warfare and raiding were common on the

plateau, buttherewerelongstandingtrade relations between

the Kaluli andcertainofthe otherplateaugroups,

particu-larly with the Sonia to the west and the Huli of the Papuanhighlands First European contact on the plateau occurred in

1935, bringing with it the introduction of newgoodstotheregional trade network-most significantly, steel axes and

knives.WorldWar11 brought a temporaryhalttoAustralian

government exploration of the plateau, which only menced in 1953 At this time, there began more frequent

recom-thoughstillirregularcontactswithAustralianadministrators

and more direct interventions into the lives ofthe plateaupeoples Raiding and cannibalism were outlawed by 1960,andin1964missionariesbuiltanairstrip near Kaluliterritory

to serve two mission stationsestablished nearby

SettlementsTheKalulilivein about twenty autonomous longhouse com-munities ofapproximately sixty individuals (or fifteen fami-

lies) each Thelonghouse is anelevatedstructure, about 18metersby 9meters, with a veranda at front and rear, and builtroughly at the center of the community's garden lands In-

side, the longhouseisdividedlengthwise downthe center by along hall, along either side of which are found the marriedmen's sleeping platforms alternating with cooking hearthsand,above the hearths, meat-smoking racks Partitioned offfrom the men's platforms, and running the length of thestructurealong the outside walls, the married women's sleep-ingplatformsfollow the same pattern as the men's, and awife

willoccupy theplatform directlyon theotherside of her

hus-band's partition Very young children sleep with their ers.Oldermalechildren andbachelors sleep together at the

moth-backof thelonghouse,whilemarriageable womensleep

com-munally at thefront Thehallway, and the space just beforethefront andbackdoors ofthe longhouse are public areas.The area immediately surrounding the longhouse is cleared offorestgrowth, and here there are likely to be found a few small

outbuildings to house visitors, and some of the land isplanted inbananas,pitpit, andsugarcane Other smallshel-

ters are built near the individual gardens that are scattered

throughoutthe longhouseterritory

EconomySubsistence andCommercialActivities Sagois thesta-

ple of the Kaluli diet, processed from palms that

self-propagate in the forest This food is supplemented by garden

produce-bananas, pandanus, breadfruit, pitpit, sugarcane,taro, and sweet potatoes Protein is derived from wild game,lizards, fish, and crayfish While the Kaluli keep domesticatedpigs, these are only killed on ceremonial occasions, and thepig meat is distributed asgifts.Anotherceremoniallyimpor-

tantfood is grubs, which are incubated in sago-palm hearts

anddistributedlikepork

Industrial Ariz Items ofKalulimanufacture are few and,for the mostpart, simple: digging sticks, stoneadzes,black-

palmbows,and net bags.Longhousesandfences are built offorest materials, and dams are sometimes built in streams.Stone tools have largely been replaced by steel axes andknives Kaluli alsomakenecklaces of shell and fashion elabo-rate costumes and headdresses for theirceremonial dances.Trade Circulation of goods among Kaluli longhousesoc-

curs in the context of ongoing, reciprocal gift exchange, as

distinct from the more straightforward trade relations

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be-102 Kaluli

tweenKaluliand non-Kaluli groups Kaluli tradeitemssuch

as netbags andblack-palm bows in return for dogs' teeth,

hombillbeaks,andtreeoil from otherplateaugroups These

items are passedalongwith Kaluhgoodstothe Huli of the

highlandsinexchangefortobacco,vegetable salt,and netted

aprons.Otheritemsfor which Kaluli trade includecowrieand

smallpearlshells from the coast,drums,and,morerecently,

glass beads, mirrors, and steel knives andaxe heads

Division of Labor Sometasksareallocatedaccordingto a

strict sexual division of labor Menin groupsdo theheavy

work of cuttingdown, dividing, andsplitting thesago-palm

trunk and pulverizing its core; they also clear the garden

lands, buildfences and dams,plantgardensandperform

gar-den magic, huntlarge gameanimalsintheforest, fish, and

butchermeat Women processthe sago pith, weedthe

gar-dens, tend the pigs,gathersmaller forest prey andcrayfish,

and havethe primary responsibilities ofchildrearing

Land Tenure Gardenland and stands of sagopalmare,

toallintentsand purposes, ownedbyindividualmenof the

longhousecommunity, andeachman isfreetogive,loan,or

bequeathhis propertyashe wishes.The general territory may

bespoken ofasbelongingtothelonghouseas aunit, but this

groupownership doesnotimplyany clanorlineagecontrol

overparcels ofit Ownershipobtainsaslong asthe landor

sagoisworked Shoulditgounusedfor ageneration, claims

ofownership lapse Rights in land and sago generallypass

from father to son,secondarilyto aman'sbrothers, his

broth-er's children, or his sister's sons Because the plateau is

sparselypopulated, thereislittle land pressuretogiveriseto

propertydisputes

Kinship

Kin Groups and Descent Kaluli clans are patrilineal,

exogamous, anddispersed throughout thelonghouse

settle-ments.Localizedlineagesoftwoormoresuch clans share

res-idence in any single longhouse While clan membership

passesthrough the maleline,anindividual hasclaims of

kin-shipboth to the father'sand mother's clans,with paternalkin

providing tieswithin thelonghouseandmaternal kin

provid-ing linkages with his or her mother's kin in another

long-houseof the territory Inpractice, thesiblingset-which

in-cludes one's actual siblings and all others of the same

generation born of one's mother's sisters and father's

brothers-takes priorityovergenealogical reckoningin

estab-lishingrelationships Whena manmarries,the importance of

maternalkinforestablishingextralonghouserelationshipsis

supersededbyties tohis wife'spaternal clan

Kinship Terminology. All kin two or more generations

distant from an individualarecalledmaemu ("grandfather"

or "grandchild"), which is also the term used to designate

peoplewith whom onesharesnodiscernible kin ties Father

and father's brother are called by the same term, as are

mother and mother'ssister.Theoffspringof all ofthese

peo-ple are classifiedassiblingsand shareacommondesignation

Thechildren of one's father'ssisterand mother'sbrotherare

termed cross cousins,though the mother'sbrother's

daugh-ter, uponbearing children, is reclassified with theterm for

"mother" and her childrenareclassified assiblings In

prac-tice,genealogicalreckoning ofrelationshipsispreemptedby

classificatory assignment ofa kin term,with no real effortmade topindown actualgenealogicallinks

Marriage and FamilyMarriage Kaluli marriages are arranged and usually set inmotion by the elders of a prospective groom's longhouse,under the leadershipof thegroom's father The young manand youngwoman tobe wedareoften quite unaware ofmar-riageplans untilbride-wealth negotiations are well advanced.Bride-wealthiscollectedfrommostifnotallmembers of the

groom's longhouse, regardless of actual kin ties, and itisshared out in the same manner bythe bride's longhousecom-munity.Sisterexchange,ortheprovision of a groom's classifi-catory sister as marriage partner to a wife's classificatory

brother,istheideal,butitrarely occurs.Bride-wealth tations are accompanied by greatceremonial, known as the

presen-"Gisaro,"aritualdanceand song performance put onby thegroom's kin and supporters Upon payment of bride-wealth,the new wifeistakentothelonghouseofher husband,but itmaybe weeks beforeconjugal relations begin Marriage estab-lishes arelationship of customary meat exchanges betweenthe groom and his affines-particularly the father and broth-er(s) of thebride-which continue throughout the marriage.Polygyny ispermissible, but it appears to be rare

DomesticUnit Within thelonghouse, each nuclear ily functions as a semiautonomous unit in gardening and inmaking its own meals However, since so much of social andeconomiclife is based on the cooperative efforts of the widerrange oflonghouse members, and since food tends to beshared throughout the community, the entire residentialcommunity canbe viewed as the unit ofconsumption.Inheritance Otherthan land and sago, which usually passfrom father to son, personal possessions are few Net bags,bows, tools, or items of dress or adornment are given to thesurviving spouse, the children of the deceased, or close agemates

fam-Socialization Youngchildren are raised by their mothers,withthe help of other women and older female children ofthe longhouse A girllearnsher future role early on bywatch-

ing her mother and, as she grows older, by helping in themother's tasks Young boys soon find themselves free of re-sponsibility, and they are encouraged to play at games orroam theterritory with their age mates to hunt or fish As aboy becomes independent of his mother's care, he movesfromher sleeping platform to the unmarried men's commu-nal hearth at the rear of thelonghouse, and here he isex-posed to the talkand tales of men During a boy's teens hetraditionally enters into ahomosexual relationship with anolder man, for it is thought that he needs semen to promotehisdevelopment into full manhood Prior to contact, the un-marriedyouths of several clans would go into seclusion in thebau a, or ceremonial hunting lodge, for periods of as much as

a year During this time of seclusion from women, the menand boyswould go on day-long hunting trips throughout theforest, andthus each boy would have the opportunity to learn

in detail thefeaturesof his territory, the behavior of the forestanimals, and other elements ofmen's lore This practice didnot constitute an initiation per se,but it did provide a period

of intense immersion in the world of men

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Kaluli 103

Sociopolitical Organization

SocialOrganiation. The longhouse is the most

signifi-cantunit ofsocial,economic, and ritualcooperation among

theKaluli,taking precedenceoverclan andlineageaffiliation

in most practical matters Longhouses are tied to one

an-other, however, throughthe gift-exchange relationships

es-tablishedbetweenaffines, sibling sets,andpatrilaterallyand

matrilaterallyreckoned kin,and theseextracommunity

rela-tionships may be called upon by an individual to secure

hospitality orsupport

Political Organization Kaluli societyisessentially

egali-tarian, having no formally understood positions of

leader-ship Elderstend to wield moreinfluencethanyounger men,

but group action may be initiated by any adult male who can

successfully enlist supporters for his cause

Social Control In the absence of formal leadership

of-fices, social control is dependent upon informal sanctions

suchas gossip or ostracism,andanindividual deemedguilty

ofasocial orpersonalinfraction may bemetwithdemands

for compensationbytheaggrievedpartyorparties Beliefsin

spirits provide supernatural sanctions for violations of food

taboos.The threatofretributiveraidsonceserved as an

im-portantmeans ofdiscouragingserioustransgressions,but the

government nolongerpermits recourse tothissanction

Conflict The principal sources of conflict are theft of

wealth or of womenand (pre-1960) retributionfor a death

Deathsare heldtobe the result ofwitchcraft,regardlessofthe

apparent cause Insuchcases, closefriendsand kinsmenof

the deceased would determinethe partyresponsible through

divination and then organize a raiding partyto attack the

witch's longhouse Membersof theraidingpartywould

con-verge on thelonghouseatnight,rushingthebuildingatdawn

with the express purpose ofclubbing the witchtodeath.The

body of the witchwouldbecutup and distributed to kin of

the raidingpartyparticipants Later, the members of the

raid-ing partywouldpaycompensation to the longhouse of the

witch in order to prevent further retributive raids

Govern-ment intervention ontheplateaubroughtretributive raiding

and its attendantcannibalismto anendinthe1960sbut

pro-vidednoalternativemeansofredressingadeath.Instead,an

accused witch is now confronted and compensation is

de-manded,but there is no means toenforcepayment

Religion and Expressive Culture

Relgo Beliefi. Kaluibelievethat thereis aspirit world

that iscoextensive withtheeveryday worldof natureand

sub-ject to the same laws butthatcannotbedirectly perceived.

Every human is thought to have a spirit 'shadow" (inthe

form ofwild pigs formales,cassowaries forfemales)that

wan-ders about in the forests of Mount Bosavi A human andhis

or her shadowcounterpart are linked in such a way that injury

or death of one's shadow means thatonewill sickenordie

Along with the pig and cassowary shadows ofliving humans,

the shadow world ispeopledby three types of spirits:anekalu

(spirits of thedead),whoarekindly disposedtothelivingand

canbe recruitedtoprovideassistancewhenneeded;mamul,

who are generally aloof from humans but who during their

hunts on Mount Bosavi may inadvertently kill a person's

shadow animal, and whose ceremonial dances cause the

thunderstorms during rainy seasons; and kalu hungo

("dan-gerousmen')who inhabit specific creeks or other such

loca-tions in Kaluliterritory andwhowillcause bad luck or badweather when humans trespass on theirproperty.

Religious Practitioners Mediums are men who have ried spirit women in a dreamandwhodevelop theabilitytoleave theirphysical bodies to walk about in the spirit world

mar-Atthe same time, spirits may enter the medium's body and

speakthrough him duringseances tohelppeople in curing anillness,locating lost pigs, or divining theidentityof a witch.Witches (sei) can be male or female and generally do not

themselvesknowof theirevil aspect,which waits until its hostsleeps and thenprowls about in the night seeking its victims.Sei are thought not toattack their own kin, except on ex-tremely rare occasions

Ceremonies The centerpieceofKaluliceremonial life isthe Gisaro,whichisperformedat allmajor celebratoryocca-

sions such as weddings "Gisaro" specifically refers to thesongs and dancingperformedforahostlonghouse by visitors;the songs arecomposed to incorporate sorrowful references

toimportantplacesandpeoplewho have died but who aremembered with fondness and grief The ornately costumedGisarodancerperforms his song in the central hall ofthe host

re-lorghouse, and his goal is to incite members of the hostgroups to tears with thebeautyandsadness of hiscomposi-tionand thestateliness of his dance When he has succeeded,longhouse men run up to the dancer and thrust burningtorches against hisbackand shoulders, burninghim After allthe singers of a Gisaro troupe have performed, the dancersleave small gifts for their hosts, as repayment for having

evokedtheir tears and grief

Arts Theultimate artistic expression is the compositionandperformanceof Gisarosongs and the properexecution ofthe accompanying dance Visual arts are not highly devel-

oped,except in theelaboratecostumesofthe Gisaro dancers.Medicine Food taboos and the use of medicinal plants arecommonlyapplied to treat illness, butmost curing is donethrough the assistance of a medium, through actions hetakes

whiletraveling in the spiritworld

Death and Afterlife Upon death, one's spirit ately quits thenow useless physical body and is chased intothe forest by thelonghouse dogs.The spirit isthus forced to

immedi-walkon the Isawa River,which in this new noncorporeal stateappears as a broad roadleadingwest.Eventually, the spirit ar-rives at"Imol,"a place ofenormousfire,where hebumsuntilrescued by a spirit woman who carries his charred soulbackalongthe Isawa, stopping at spirit Gisaroceremonies alongtheway In this way,she gradually"heals"thesoul, eventuallybringing him toherspirit longhouse and takinghim as herhusband (in the case of the death of a woman, the spirithelper andeventual spouse is a male) Henceforth, the spiritwillappear to humans as just another wild creature of the for-est or will speak to his or herkinthrough a medium Tradi-tional mortuary ritual called for the body of thedeceased to

be slung in a hammock-linkaffair of cane loops, after thebody had beenstripped of ornaments and clothing, and hung

at the front of the housenear the unmarried women's munal area Fires would be lit at the head andfoot of the

com-corpse,andduring the next days friends andkinwould viewthe body Later, the bodywould be placed on a platform out-side until decomposition wascomplete The bones would be

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104 Kaluli

later recovered andhungup inthe eavesofthelonghouse

Since 1968, government edict has required that bodies be

buried in a cemetery.Survivorsofadeceasedpersonassume

food taboos during theperiodofmourning Thesetaboosare

obligatoryfor the surviving spouse andchildren,buttheyare

oftenvoluntarily takenonby close friends and other kinas

well

Seealso Foi, Gebusi

BibliographyFeld, Steven (1982) Sound and Sentiment: Birds, Weeping,

Poeticsand SonginKaluliExpression.Philadelphia:University

of Pennsylvania Press Rev ed 1990

Schieffelin, Bambi (1990) The Giveand TakeofEveryday

Life: Language Socialization of Kalulb Children Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press

Schieffelin, EdwardL (1976).The SorrowoftheLonelyand

theBurningofthe Dancers New York: St Martin's Press

Schieffelin, Edward L (1985) "The Retaliation of the

Ani-mals: On the Cultural Construction of the Past in Papua

New Guinea." In History and Ethnohistory in Papua New

Guinea,edited by Deborah Gewertz and EdwardSchieffelin,

40-57 Oceania Monograph no 28 Sydney: Oceania

Riteswereheldtoencourage thepropagation of totems.There were initiation ceremonies for both sexes,with circum-cision for boys Shamans (wireenun) concerned themselveswithcuring illness andcommunicatingwith their dreamspir-

its, who were often sent out oninformation-gathering sions.The Kamilaroi believed in an "All Father," the moralandkindly deity in the sky who received the souls of goodAb-

mis-origines upon their death Each individual was believed tohavea soul, adream spirit,and a shadow spirit Sickness ordeathwas believed to result if one's shadow spirit were mo-lested or captured by ashaman Some individuals also hadthe aid ofa spirithelper

Bibliography

Fison, Lorimer, and A W Howitt (1867) Kamilaroi andKurnai: Group Marriage and Relationship, and Marriage byElopement Oosterhout, the Netherlands: AnthropologicalPublications

Parker, K Langloh (1905) TheEuahlayiTribe: a Study originalLifeinAustralia London: Archibald Constable

ofAb-ETHNONYMS: Camileroi, Euahlayi, Gunilroy

The Kamilaroi were an Aboriginal group located in New

South Wales, Australia, along the Barwon, Bundarra,

Balonne,and upper HunterriversandintheLiverpoolplains

Theyare nownearly extinctand onlyasmall numberremain

TheKamilaroi language,which isnolongerspoken,is

classi-fied inthe Pama-NyunganFamily of Australian languages

TheKamilaroiwerenomadic hunters andgatherers with

aband-level social organization Important vegetable foods

wereyams and other roots,aswellasa sterculia grain,which

wasmadeinto abread.Insectlarvae,frogs, and eggs of several

different animals were also gathered Variousbirds,

kanga-roos, emus, iguanas, opossums, echidnas, and bandicoots

wereamong the importantanimals hunted.Dingo pups were

regarded as adelicacy Fishwere alsoconsumed,aswere

cray-fish,mussels, andshrimp.Mentypicallyhunted, cleaned, and

prepared the game forcooking.Womendid theactual

cook-ing, in addition to fishing and gathering Individual

Kami-laroi didnot eatanimalsthatweretheir totems,althoughthe

Euahlayi, arelated group, didnotobserve thisrestriction

Their complex kinship and marriage system has made

theKamilaroi a group of considerableanthropological

inter-Kapauku

ETHNONYMS: Ekagi, Ekari, Me, Tapiro

OrientationIdentification The Kapauku live in the central highlands

ofwestern New Guinea, now Irian Jaya Although they aregenerally treatedas a single cultural group, there are varia-tions indialect and in social and cultural practice across Ka-pauku territory The name "Kapauku" was given them byneighboring groups to the south, and the Moni Papuans,theirneighbors to the north, call them"Ekari," but they callthemselves"Me," which means 'the people."

Location The Kapauku occupy anecologically diversegion of the west-central highlands, between 135°25' and

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re-KaPauku 105

137° E and 3°25'and4°10' S Mostof the regionis above

1,500 meters,withthreelarge lakes (Paniai,Tage,andTigi),

andfivevegetationzones,includingmuchtropicalrainforest

Rainfall isplentifuland theaveragedailytemperature ranges

from 20° C to 60° C

Demography. Inthe 1960s, theKapauku populationwas

estimated at about 45,000; today they number about

100,000

LinguisticAffiliation The Kapauku language (Ekagi) is

classified within theEkagi-Wodani-Moni FamilyofPapuan

languages

There islittle informationavailable regarding thehistoryof

theKapauku priortoEuropean contact,buttheyhavelong

been horticulturalists (both intensive and extensive) and

traders in theregion.Animportant intertribal trade network

linkingthesouth coast of New Guinea to theinteriorran

di-rectlythroughKapauku territory,bringingthepeopleof the

region into contact withpeoplesandgoods fromfarbeyond

their ownterritorial borders Europeancontactwith the

Ka-pauku did not occuruntil 1938,whenaDutch government

post wasestablishedatPaniaiLake.It wasquicklyabandoned

withtheJapanese invasion ofNewGuinea In1946thepost

was reestablished, and a fewCatholic and Protestant

mis-sionaries returned to the area

SettlementsTheKapaukuvillage settlement is a loose cluster ofabout fif-

teendwellings, typicallyhousingabout 120 people Houses

are notorientedto oneanother inany formalplan,as

individ-uals are free to build whereverthey please,aslongasproper

title or lease is held to the piece of land upon which the house

isto bebuilt Dwellingsconsist, minimally,ofalargehouse

(owa), an elevated structure with a space beneath in which to

shelterdomesticatedpigs Thisbuildingisdividedintohalves

separated byaplankpartition The front halfistheemaage,or

men'sdormitory.Thebacksection issubdividedintokugu,or

individual "apartments," one for eachwoman and her

chil-dren Iftheowa isinsufficienttoprovidespace forwivesand

children, outbuildings (called tone) areadded

EconomyLeopold Pospisil, the leading authority on the Kapauku, la-

belstheir economy as'primitive capitalism" characterized by

thepursuit ofwealthinthe form of cowrieshellmoney, status

distinctions based on such wealth, and an ethic of

individualism

Subsistence and Commercial Activities Kapauku

sub-sistence is based on thesweet potato, to which about90

per-centofcultivatedland isdevoted, and pighusbandry Sweet

potatoes are grown both for humanconsumptionandtofeed

thepigs that,throughsales, areabasic source of income and

wealth Commonly grown, but constituting a far smaller

por-tion of thediet,are aspinach-likegreen(idaia),bananas,and

taro In the densely populated Kamu Valley, hunting is of

smallimportance due to a paucity of large game animals, but

it isindulged in by men as sport Ediblefishare absentfrom

thelakes,butcrayfish,dragonflylarvae, certain types of

bee-tles,and frogsaugmentthediet,asdoratsand bats Farming

isdoneboth onthe mountainslopes and in the valleys land gardens are given over to the extensive cultivation ofsweetpotatoes, with long fallow periods betweenplantings

Up-Inthe valleys a more intensive method isfollowed,using bothmixedcropping and crop rotation Households will generallycultivate atleast one of each type ofgarden

Industrial Arts Kapaukumanufacture is limited and, forthemost part, not specialized Netbags,forutilitarian and fordecorative purposes, are made from woven treebark, as arethearmbandsand necklaces wornbyboth men and women.Alsomade from thisbark are women's aprons Kapauku alsomanufacture stone axes andknives, flintchips, and grindingstones From bamboo they make knives for the carving of

porkandforsurgicaluse.Othercarving tools arefashioned

from rat teethand bird claws, andagricultural tools includeweeding, planting, andharvestingsticks.Weaponry consists

of bows and arrows, the latter of which may be tipped withlongbladesofbamboo

Trade Trade iscarried out intra- andinterregionallyandintertribally,with trade links extending to the Mimika people

ofthe coast The two most importanttradecommodities arepigsand salt Trade is generally conducted in shell currency,pigs, or extensions ofcredit, and the bulk oftrading occursduring pig feasts and at the pig markets Barter is a relativelyunimportant means by which goods may betransferred.All

distributionsof food incur a debt on the part of each recipient

torepay inkind to the giver Pospisil notes that the Kapaukuare lively participants in the selling of pigs and pork Shellmoney (and sometimes an obligation to provide pork) is re-quired inpayment to a shaman for the performance of magic.Division of Labor There is a sexual division of labor.Tasks held tobe the exclusive province of men include theplanning of agricultural production, digging ditches, makinggardenbeds,felling trees,buildingfences,plantingandhar-

vesting bananas, tobacco, chili peppers, andapuu(a larvarietyofyam), whiletheburningofgardens, plantingsu-

particu-garcane, manioc,squash, and maize,aswell astheharvesting

ofsugarcane, manioc, and ginger, are preferentially but not

necessarily done by males Exclusively female tasks includethe planting of sweet potatoes and jatu (an edible grass,

Setaria palmifolia) and weeding.Other tasks, suchas planting

andweeding taro andharvestingsweetpotatoes, areusuallydoneby women All other tasks relating toagriculturearecar-ried outbymembers of both sexes The gathering of crayfish,water beetles, tadpoles, dragonfly larvae, and frogs is largelythetask ofwomen; the hunting of large game is an infrequent

enterpriseandisdoneonlybymen.Smallgameishuntedbyyoung men and boys Pigs and chickens, while usually owned

bymales, are tended by women oradolescent children,butonlymales are allowed to kill and butcher them The weaving

ofutilitarian net bags is a woman's job, while the production

ofthe more ornate andcolorfuldecorative bags is the ince of males

prov-Land Tenure Aparticular piece of land is the property ofthe house owner, always male, with use rights accorded tomembers of hishousehold Sons inherit land from their fa-thers Ownership implies rights of alienation of the land aswellas usufruct rights

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106 Kapauku

Kinship

KinGroupsandDescent Kapaukureckondescentalong

both maternal andpaternal lines,butvillagesarepatrilineal

andexogamous, withpostmaritalresidencegenerally

patrilo-cal Themost importantKapauku kinshipgroup isthesib,a

named, ideallyexogamous, totemic, patrilinealgroup whose

members shareabeliefin a commonapicalancestor.Twoor

moresibsgroup intolooselyunitedphratriesthathave

com-mon totemictaboos butare not exogamous.Manyof the sibs

arefurthersplitinto moieties; Kinshipties with otherlineages

(through affines) give rise tolarger, political amalgamations

known as"confederations."

KinshipTerminology Kapauku kinship terminologyis of

theIroquoistype,butitdivergesintheway inwhichparallel

andcross cousins aredifferentiated: the sex ofthe nearest

and themostdistant linkconnectingthe individualtohisor

her cousin determines cross- or parallel-cousin status

Ka-pauku kinshiptermsdifferentiateamongpaternaland

mater-nal relatives, affinal and consanguineal relatives, and

generationally.

MarTiage and Family

Marriage Marriageis ideally arrangedbetween the

fami-lies of theprospective groomand brothers and mother of the

prospectivebride.Thepreferencesof thewoman are

consid-eredsecondary to thepossibility ofcollecting ahigh

bride-pricebut,in practice,her mothermay set aforbiddingly high

bride-price to discourage an unacceptable suitor.

Elope-ments, while considered improper, occur with some

fre-quency. Insuchcasesthe families of theeloping couplewill

likelyaccepttheunionbynegotiating abride-price afterthe

fact.Courtshipisoften conductedinthecontextof thepig

feast, whenyoung menandwomen arrive atthe hostvillage

from neighboring villages todance andto beseenby

mem-bers of theopposite sex.Premaritalsex,whilenotapprovedof

because ofits possible negative effect on awoman's

bride-price, isgenerallynotpunished Premaritalpregnancy,

how-ever, isseverelydisapproved Divorce involves thereturn of

bride-price, and the children generally remain with their

motheruntiltheyreach theageofabout 7,atwhichtimethey

jointheirfather'svillage Polygyny,as anindicator of the

hus-band's ability to pay multiple bride-prices, is the ideal A

widowisexpectedto remarrywithinasuitableperiod

follow-ingthedeath of herhusband, unless sheis quiteoldor very

sick, but the levirateis not assumed

Domestic Unit The household consists, minimally, ofa

nuclear family, butit morecommonlyalso includes

consan-guinealoraffinal kinsmen and their wives and childrenas

well Inthecaseofwealthyand prestigious men,theremay

also beapprentices orpoliticalsupportersandtheirwivesand

children The household is the basic Kapaukuunit of

resi-dence and,to alargeextent,ofproductionandconsumption.

Within the household, thehouse owner is titularhead,

re-sponsiblefororganizingproduction activitiesand

maintain-ing cooperation amongthe malehousehold members

How-ever,each married malehas soleauthorityoverthe affairsof

his wifeor wivesandhisoffspring, anauthoritywhicheven

the headof householdcannot usurp.

Inheritance Personal items, such as bows and arrows,

penis sheaths, etc., are interred or otherwise left with the

corpseof the deceased Landandaccrued wealthisinherited

bymalesthroughthepaternalline, ideally bythedeceased's

first-bomson.Ifthereisnoson,aman'seldest brother its Womendonot inherit land

inher-Socialization Children learn adult roles through tionandbyspecifictraining.Boysleavetheir mothers' apart-mentsatthe age of about 7toliveinthe men's dormitory,atwhichtimetheyareexplicitlyexposedtothe expected adultmale behaviors Thereisnomaleinitiationceremony.Girls,uponachievingtheirmenarche,undergoabrief period (two

observa-days,twonights)ofsemiseclusionin amenstrual hutduringthe timeof their first two menstruations Duringthis timetheyareinstructed intheresponsibilitiesandskillsof adult-hood by close female relatives After theseperiodsofseclu-

sion, girls put aside the skirtlike apparelof childhood and

begin to wearthebark-thongwrapof adulthood

SocialOrganization. TheKapaukupatrilineage is a localized grouping whose membershipclaims descent from acommon apical ancestor Its dispersed character makes itinutile for political purposes; rather, its functions pertain totheregulationof marriage,the establishment of interpersonal

non-obligationsof support(bothpersonal and economic), and ligion The sib establishes shared totemic taboos that involveitsmembersinrelations ofmutual ritual obligation, particu-larlyinthe matter of redressing taboo violations Most day-to-dayrights and obligations are incurred within the localized

re-patrilinealgroup; it is tomembers of this group that anvidual will turn for assistance in amassing the bride-wealthnecessaryfor marriage, as well as forallies in conflicts arisingwith outsiders Within the village, households are relativelyautonomous, aseach household head is able to call on fellowmembers for supportineconomic and ritual endeavors.Political Organization Kapauku leadership is based onpersonal influence, developed through the accumulation ofwealth in shells and pigs, particularly through sponsoring pigfeasts Aheadman (tonowi) uses his prestige and wealth toinduce thecompliance of others, particularly through the ex-tension orrefusal ofcredit Again, the principle of organiza-don isbased upon the tracing of at least putative kinshipties,and the larger the group of individuals united in a politicalunit, the morethese ties are based on tradition rather thandemonstrable links The most inclusive politically organizedgroupistheconfederacy, which consists of two or more loca-lized lineages that may or maynot belong to the same sib.Such groups unite for defenseas well as for offense againstnonmember groups The leader of the strongest lineage is alsotheleader of the confederacy, and as such this leader is re-sponsible for adjudicating disputes to avoid the possibility ofintraconfederacy feuding He is equally responsible for repre-senting the confederacy in dealings and dispute settlementwith outsiders, deciding uponthe necessity of war, andnego-datingtermsof peacewithhostile groups Leadership isos-

indi-tensibly the province of men only, but in practice

consider-able influence may be wielded by women

SocialControl Socialcontroliseffected in Kapauku localgroupsby inducement ratherthanby force The primary form

of inducementisthe extension orwithdrawal of credit Since

aheadman's supporters are tied to him through his economic

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Kapauku 107

largess, thethreatofawithdrawalofcredit,orofapremature

demand forrepayment, provides strong inducement for

oth-ers to accede to the headman's wishes Sanctions such as

publicscolding or shootingan arrowintoamiscreant'sthigh

arecommon,butinsuchcasesthe partybeingpunishedhas

the opportunity tofightback Kin-basedobligationstoseek

vengeance for the death of a lineage member are often

in-voked Less frequently, to punish sorcerers, ostracism or

death maybe inflicted

Conflict Kapauku donot carefor war, but members ofa

lineage areobligatedtoavengethe death of their kin Warfare

almost never occursbelow the level of theconfederacy,andit

is mostfrequently occasionedbydivorce.Wars arefought

ex-clusivelywithbows and arrows At the morelocalizedlevel,

disputes over economic interests orfactionalsplitsbetween

twopowerful headmen may leadtooutbreaksofhostilityto

the pointof violence Suchoccasionsmay requirethe

inter-vention of confederacy headmen

Religious Beliefs The Kapauku believe that the universe

wascreated by Ugatame, who haspredeterminedall that

oc-curs orhas occurred withinit.Ugatameisnot,strictly

speak-ing, anthropomorphized, although a creation myth-in

which disease and mortality were first brought to the

Kapauku-attributestoUgatamethecombinedcharacters of

a youngwoman and a tall young man Ugatame dwells be

yond theskyandismanifested in, butisnotidentical to,the

sunand themoon.It isbelievedthat, alongwith thephysical

universe, Ugatamecreatedanumber of spirits These spirits,

essentially incorporeal,frequently appear toKapaukuinthe

form of shadows among the trees, which can be heard to

make scratching orwhistling sounds Lesscommonly, they

willappearin dreamsorvisions, at timesassuminghuman

form They canbe enlisted by the dreamerorvisionary as

guardians and helpers, forgood or forill The souls of the

dead can similarlybepersuaded to helptheir surviving kin

Religious Practitioners Magical-religious practitioners

areof two classes:shamans (whopractice magicforgood

pur-poses) andsorcerers(whopractice"blackmagic").Bothmen

and women canbecomeshamansorsorcerersthroughthe

ac-quisition of spirithelpers indreamsorvisions and through

the successful (asgaugedbyperceivedresults) useof magic

Theshaman practices curative and preventive magic, while

the sorcerer is concerned with causing harm to others

(through illness, death, or economic failure) Ghouls are

olderwomenwhosesouls have beenreplaced during sleep by

rapacious spirits hungry for the taste of human flesh The

ghoul, by all appearances a normal womanduringthe day,

travelsabroad in the nighttodig up the corpses of her

pos-sessing spirit'svictimsandmakeafeastoftheir flesh.Women

believed to bepossessed inthis wayarenotkilled, for their

death would simply release the possessing spiritto find anew

hostess Rather,ghoulsareheldtobe thehelpersof sorcerers,

whoseblackmagicisheldresponsible for the women's

condi-tion It isthesorcerer's magic thatmustbecountered,orthe

sorcerermustbekilled,tostop thedepredations ofaghoul

Ceremonies One of the most important Kapauku

cere-moniesisthe juwo, orpigfeast This begins witha seriesof

rituals associatedwith theconstructionofadance house and

feasting houses, after which follows a period of nightlydances, attendedby peoplefromvillagesthroughout the area.After about three months a final feast is held wherein thesponsorsslaughter many pigs and pork is distributed or sold.Duringthis final feastday, trade in items of manufacture isalso conducted

Arts Visual arts are notheavily represented in Kapauku

culture, apartfrom thedecorativenetbagsmade by the menand the armbands and necklacesworn asbodily adornment.Dances, as partof the pigfeast,arefrequent.There are two

principal dances, the wait tai and the tuupe The ugaa,which is a song thatbegins withbarkingcheers, is followed by

anindividual's extemporaneoussolo composition, thelyrics

of which may contain gossip, local complaints, or a proposal

heorshe may be the target of sorcery, a preventive cure may

besought before the actual onsetofillness

Death and Afterlife Death, regardless of the outwardcause, isthoughtalwaystobe causedby sorcerers or spirits.Thesoul goes to spend its days in the forest, but it returns tothevillage at night to assist its survivingkinor to seek venge-ance inthecaseofwrongfuldeath Thereis noconceptof anafterworld, inthe sense ofsome"other" place in which the

dead dwell Aprincipal concernof Kapauku funerary

prac-tices isthe enlistment of the soul of thedepartedasguardian

ofitssurviving kin.Themorebelovedorprestigious the ceased, the greater thecaretaken, throughburial practices, totemptthemtosucharole The headisleft exposed, shelteredunder acoverofbranches,butprovidedwithawindow Cre-mationfor fallenandunclaimedenemiesandcompleteinter-mentfor those oflittlesocialstatusconstitutethe lower range

de-offuneraryattention

See alsoMimika

Bibliography

Pospisil, Leopold (1958) Kapauku Papuans and Their Law

Yale UniversityPublications inAnthropology, no 54 NewHaven, Conn

Pospisil, Leopold (1960)."TheKapauku Papuans and TheirKinship System." Oceania, 30: 188-205

Pospisil, Leopold (1963) Kapauku Papuan Economy YaleUniversity Publications in Anthropology, no 67 NewHaven, Conn Reprint 1972 New Haven, Conn.: HumanRelations Area Files

Pospisil,Leopold(1978).TheKapauku Papuans of West NewGuinea 2nd ed NewYorlc Holt, Rinehart &Winston

NANCYGRATrON

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108 Kapingamarangi

Kapingamarangi

ETHNONYMS: Kapinga, Kiriniti

Orientation

Identification Kapingamarangi, one of the Polynesian

outliers,isthe southernmostatollinthe Eastern Caroline

Is-lands of Micronesia."Kiriniti"is alocalrenderingof the

En-glish "Greenwich."

Location Locatedatl4'N, 15446' E,theatollconsists

of thirty-three flat islets forming a semicircle on an

egg-shaped reef surroundingacentrallagoon Its total landarea

of 1.09 square kilometers supports a native vegetation of

ninety-three different species of plants, but only five of

these-breadfruit, coconuts, pandanus,Alocasia taro, anda

nitrogen-fixingcreeper-wereusefulasfood Theaverage

an-nual rainfallis305centimeters,but the atollissubjectto

per-iodicdrought, lasting fromweeksto years.

Demography TheKapingamarangi populationfluctuated

according to periods of adequate rainfall and extended

drought, averagingabout 450 people Currentlythe

popula-tion ismuchlarger,withmany Kapingamarangilivingin

Po-raided villageonPohnpei

inguisticAffiliation Kapingamarangiis amember of the

Polynesian Familyof OceanicAustronesianlanguages.Most

people speakatleastoneotherlanguage, including English,

Japanese, and Pohnpeian

Accordingtolocallegend,thepresentPolynesian population

isdescendedfrom ElliceIslandscastawaysofsome600-700

years ago (possibly supplemented by immigrants from

Sa-moa) Theyarrivedtofindasmall residentpopulation

(pre-sumably Mordockese) whom theyappear to haveculturally

absorbed Once settled, this populationwas extremely

iso-lated, the onlycontactsbeingwithcastawaysfromthe Gilbert

Islands, the Mortlocks, the Marshall Islands, and Woleai

The lattertwo wereculturallythemostsignificant,withthe

Woleaians introducing plant medicines, sorcery, anda very

important group fishing method, while the Marshallese

slaughteredoverhalf theKapingapopulationin 1865 The

firstEuropean shipenteredthelagoonand establisheddirect

contactwith theislandersin1877.Thereafter, shipsfrom

Ra-baul visitedthe atollperiodically, tradingWesterngoodsfor

copra. These contacts resulted inthe introduction of both

Westerngoods and plantsandtechniquesfromother islands

When theJapanesecolonialadministration assumed control

ofMicronesia from the Germans in 1914, shipping, trade,

andtravel becameregularfeaturesofKapingalife With the

constantneedfor laboronPohnpei (adistrictcenter), men

were taken there as workcrews on road gangs and

planta-tions. In 1919 theJapanese administrationgranted the

Ka-pingaland inKoloniatohouse emigrants to Pohnpei.This

settlement,called Porakiedvillage,hasgrown overtheyears

to its presentpopulationofabout600,andit has beenthere

that Kapingamarangi people have had their most intensive

contacts with other islanders Regular ship visits between

Pohnpei andthe atoll facilitate a flow ofpeople, which

in-creasedinfrequencyafter World War II and theadventoftheUnited StatesTrustTerritory ofthePacific Islands that suc-ceeded the Japanesecolonial administration While the Japa-nese wereinterestedmainlyincommercialdevelopment,theUnited States hasemphasizedeconomicandpoliticaldevel-opment,bringingpeopletoPohnpei fortrainingto rundevel-opment programsontheatoll.In1979,PohnpeiDistrictbe-came a state ofthe Federated States of Micronesia, andKapingamarangiis now amunicipality ofPohnpeiState,withits own constitution

Settlements

Ontheatoll, residencecompounds, all of which have namesand well-defined boundaries,arelocatedonthethree centralislets In additiontothe atoll community andPorakied, Ka-pingapeople have maintained a small settlement onOroluk

Atoll since 1954 for copra production and pig and turtlehusbandry

EconomySubsistence and CommercialActivities. Kapinga peoplecontinue to subsist on local products, especially coconuts,breadfruit, pandanus fruit, and taro Of these, onlytaro re-quires constant care, which has intensified since the 1880swhen Cyrtosperna largely replacedAlocasia Thisvariety oftaro grewfasterand larger than the native one and quickly be-came a staple Coconut groves have largely replaced pan-danus groves to accommodate the copra trade, the incomefrom which has beenaugmented by government andmunici-palsalariedjobsand the saleof handicrafts Cash income isused tobuy foods such as rice, coffee, sugar, tea, tinnedfish,

andcandies; tools and utensils; and, recently, gasoline for theoutboard engines that havelargely replaced sails on theca-

noes Imports areretailed by a cooperative, a branch of thePohnpei Federation of Cooperatives, which buys copra fromlocal producers

Industrial Arts Traditionally, Kapinga produced a variety

of implements, using wood for houses, canoes, handles,

pad-dles, breadfruit grating stands, poles, digging sticks, traps,

and outrigger-canoe parts Coconut husk was made intosennit cord and the cord into ropes and coir nets Hibiscus

and breadfruitbast was used forclothingand cordage Shellswere used for cutting, scraping, and abradingtools,andcoco-

nut and pandanus leaves made thatch and a variety of mats.Pandanus leaf was also used for canoe sails and, woven with abackstraploom, clothing Since World War II many of theseitems have been produced for the handicraft market, whichyields a significant percentage of the income ofPoralied vil-lagers on Pohnpei The copra trade allowed Kapinga to re-

place their shell tools withmetal counterparts, and since the1950s locally produced fishing lines and netting fiber havebeenreplaced by mail-order nylon and other synthetics Can-vas sails have replaced those made from plaited pandanusleaf

Trade Other than copraproduction and commercial

fish-ing and handicrafts on Pohnpei, the only other significanttrade-again on Pohnpei-has been that of trade friendshipsbetween Kapinga and their Micronesian neighbors, usuallyinvolving the exchange of fish for vegetable foods

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Kapingamarangi 109

DivisionofLabor As in most Pacificsocieties, the

divi-sionoflaborisbasedmainlyongenderandage Women

con-trol the domestic sphere, centered in the residence

com-pounds,wheretheycook,washclothes,careforchildren,and

do craft work(basketryandmatmaking).Womenleave their

compoundstohelprelativesinothercompoundsandtowork

intheirtaropatches,locatedon oneofthe centralislets and

three otheroutlyingones.The quintessence of manhoodis

fishing,but menalso harvest fruit fromtreesandconstruct

and repairhouses and gear Men also madeboththeirown

and women'swraparound skirtsfromhisbiscusand breadfruit

bast beforepeopleadoptedimported cloth Because women

are responsible for scheduling meals (and assessing food

needsthatrequireharvest tripstoouterislet groves andtaro

gardens), they havea lienonmen's timeandcanoes. Men

have to schedule their work around the needs of their

households

Land Tenure Kapingamarangi is typical ofOceanicatolls

initsidentification ofrelationsregardingland with relations

amongkin Onaculturallevel,landandkinshiparedefined

intermsof each other Everytransaction inland, therefore,

implies some sortof kinrelation Kapingadistinguish taro

plots from"Land,"i.e.,drylandused for groves Taroplotsare

always ownedby individual persons while 'land" proper is

owned either individually or, more often, by kin groups

Rights todry landareeitherownership rightsoruserights.

Ownership of landinvolvesusingit atwillforanyandallof

itspurposes,including residence;harvesting food, leaves,and

wood;planting;andgraves.Ownerscanalsoconveythe land

by willorgift Userights involve using land forsomeofits

purposes (usuallyharvestingfood, leaves,orwood) onlywith

thepermission of its owner.The applicationof these

princi-ples exemplifies the structure ofkin relations and groups

Residence compounds are owned bydescent groups called

madawaawa, whose members are descendants of a former

owner reckoned through both males and females Garden

landwas and still isownedby individual persons or, more

commonly,bycognaticdescentgroupscalledmadahaanau.A

person's orgroup'slandusuallyconsistsofabundle ofrights

inseveral plots scatteredoverdifferent islets with part of the

bundlecomingfromeach parent

KinshipKin Groups and Descent Kinship groupsarecorporate

withrespect totwothings: landandceremonies Group

for-mation usesthe cognaticdescentprincipleofeligibilitywith

oneexception.Themadawaawa,the group centeredonhouse

compounds, is really adescentcategorywithasix- or

seven-generationdepth from whosemembershipgroupscanbe

re-cruited for specific purposes, suchas feasts,funerals, house

repair, and roofthatching;asgroups formfor these projects,

peoplecanopt in orout, withparticipationsignaling group

membership For members of the secular class,such

recruit-ment used cognatic descent But since eligibility for the

priesthood was inherited matrilineally, those madawaawa

consistingexclusivelyofmembers of the sacred classwere

ma-trilineal (nonexogamous) lineages These lineages

func-tioned as a group during specific cult-house rituals and for

weddings, funerals, and other celebrations of their members

thatspecifically centered onthe group's house compound Similarly, theland-owningmadahaanau functionedasritualgroups duringlife-crisis eventsoftheir members

Kinship Terminology Kapingakintermsareofthe waiiantype,distinguishing allascendinggenerationfemales

Ha-asdinana,or"mother" fromallascendinggenerationmalesasdamana, or "father." All relatives in Ego's generation arecalledbythesingle siblingterm,duaahina,and alldescending

generation relatives are referred to by the term for child, darna.

Marriage and Family

Marriage Traditionally, there were no marriage rulesother than those prohibitingsexbetween parents andtheirchildren andbetween full orhalf-siblings Other than thisnarrowlydefinedincestrule,wefindonlymarriage strategies,

usuallyfocusedonprotectingoraugmentingafamily's holdings. Thus we find instances ofpolygyny, polyandry,

land-cross-cousin marriage, parallel-cousin marriage, father'sbrother-brother's daughtermarriage, wifesharing, and wifeswappingbetween maleparallelfirst cousinsfor purposesofconceiving achild Marriageswere usually arranged by par-ents.Afteraninitialperiodofvirilocal residence,thecouplelived in the bride's mother's compound A man practiced

strict avoidance of all in-laws except small children of the

compound.The considerable strains ofuxorilocalresidence

make marriagesbrittleintheirearlyyears,anddivorcehas

al-waysbeencommon (25-33percent ofall marriages).Domestic Unit Thedomesticunit isthe household com-pound,whichcan contain asfewasone or asmanyasfiveofwhatwewouldcall nuclearfamilies,each ofwhich consists of

one to twelve (or sometimes more) people The core ofa

compound was a set of related women, their in-marriedspouses, and their children Each household contains a

woman,withorwithout spouse andchildren,but it may also

contain a cousin orelderlyrelative.Atpuberty,boys moveto

themen'shousetosleep,buttheycontinue to eat andworkattheir natal compounds Thus, a compound ranged in sizefromone tothirtyormorepeople. KapingalivingonPohnpei

continue toorganizetheirhouseholds bycompoundseverpossible

wher-Socialization Children typically grow up in a compoundconsisting oftheir(naturaloradoptive) mother's femalerela-tives, in-married men, andtheirchildren Men ofthe com-

pound spendlittle timethere, appearing mainly for meals and

tosleep.Whenababyisold enough to beweaned, he or she isgivento anoldersiblingforcare.By age 4or5 children(espe-ciallyboys)join peer groups andspend less time at their com-pounds and more time around the islets and the lagoon.Boys' groupsare morestable than girls'groups, since girls are

moreusefultotheirmothersat amuch earlier age Boysbegin

tofishonthe reef with pole and line at 7 or 8years of age

Traditionally, there was noformal initiation of children, though a father gaveasmall feast when hisadolescent sonfirstbegantosleepinthe men'shouse, and a boy got his firstloincloth when he caught one thousand flying fish There was

al-nocomparableinitiationforgirls Boys and young unmarried

menconstitutedaworkforce for the men's house, which or,

ganized group fishingandprovided labor for all cult houseconstruction and repair projects While a girlwas socialized

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1 10 Kapingamarangi

almostentirelybywomenof herownand relatedcompounds,

boysweresocialized firstbytheirmothers,thenbytheir older

siblings,thenbytheirpeers, andfinallybymenof their

com-pounds and the men's house

SocialOrganization The Kapinga social orderwas

hierar-chically organized: the household was nested in the

com-pound, where malesbelongedto men'shouses,whichwere

controlledbytheirheadmen andanelder malecalled the

to-moono These leaders were,inturn, accountabletothehigh

priest, calledaligi, whowasresponsiblefor organizing all cult

house ritual and for communicating with thegods,whowere

the ultimate source of allauthority

Political Organization. The institution that integrated

household compounds, descent groups, and the men's

houseswasthe culthouse,whoseactivities wereorganizedby

thepriesthood.Thehighpriestexercisedagooddeal of

con-trol over fishing and access to land resources through his

ownershipof breadfruittreesanddriftlogs (usedtomake

ca-noes); byhisabilitytotaboo thelagoon,deepsea,andtrees;

and by his decisionson timing of rituals By restricting the

numberofcanoes, heindirectlycontrolled thefrequency of

angling, lending a powerful saliency to men's houses, the

other major alternative forfishingactivity Men's houses

var-ied innumberbetweentwoandfive,andthey exercised

con-trol over their members' time through the organization of

group fishing expeditions, which could number asmany as

three during a day Fishing was organized by a headman,

while work groups were organized and provisioned by the

tomoono There was a good deal of competition between

men's houses in fish catches and insongcomposition The

men's house located lagoonward of the cult house on the

mainisletprovidedthe major workforcefor cult-house

proj-ects, and its tomoono had vetopoweroverthegranting of

permissiontoconstruct canoes He wasalso given the task of

provisioningand caring for Europeans after contact His

liai-sonresponsibilityeventuallyevolvedinto aposition of power

that became a secular chieftainship (he was called 'king")

afterthe collapseof the cult house andconversionto

Chris-tianityin 1917

Social Control Disputesoverlandwereordinarily settled

by the familiesinvolved, while those arising among men were

normally settled inthe men'shouse Breaches offishing or

men's-house protocolweredealt withbythetomoono,while

thehigh priest dealt with ritualviolations,sometimesby

exe-cution, whichordinarilywasdonebyputtingthe violatorin a

canoe and setting itadrift

ReligiousBeliefs Therewere threeclasses of spiritswith

whom people hadto cope The high gods werespirits who

came to the atollontheoriginalcanoe orwerespirits of

for-merhigh priests Thepriesthood (withitssacred/secular class

distinction) and the organization of peopleby age category

weredesigned todealwith these powerful unpredictable

be-ings.Another setof spirits, called the 'lineofghosts," were

spirits ofrecently and long-deceased people who inhabited

theouterlagoon,coming ashorein alineatnighttosteal the

soulsof unwary people sleeping orwandering outside their

houses Onesimply avoided these spiritsbytryingnot totract theirattention.Finally, therewas afemale spirit whoin-habited the northern islets, enticing unsuspecting men atnighttodrive them crazy Amale spirit inthe southern la-goon waited to molest women at night, making them ill.Being accompaniedby someone of the opposite sex wouldforfend anattackbyeither

at-ReligiousPractitioners Thepriesthoodwasorganizedin

apanel of twenty men, with tenonthe side of thehighpriestandtenledby the"calling"priest Each sideconsisted of fivepriests andfive sergeants-at-arms, all rankedasymmetrically

(i.e., the high priestoutrankedthe"calling" priest, who ranked thenextpriestbelow the high priest, etc.) Thehighpriest'sjob was to maintainagoodrelationshipwith the gods,

out-toascertain their desires andtheir moods, and to keep themwell disposed to thecommunitysothatthey wouldbring rainandfish and would not precipitate disasters such as droughtsandgales

Ceremonies In additionto daily rituals ofsupplication,

thehigh priestconducted major rituals called boo, of whichtherewerefive, conducted on an as-needed basis: renovation

of the cult house, replacing of dark mats, replacing ofbleached mats (used by the gods), canoe making, and freeing

of parturient mothers from confinement These rituals allused an identical format, differing only in the specific prayersandchantsinserted Lower-ranking priests hadspecific roles

inthese rituals The ripening ofbreadfruit and the beaching

of whales werealso ritual occasions for which special prayerswere given Menfishing on the deep sea had to offer chants ofsupplication to the gods before commencing fishing Specialrituals also wereperformed during droughts and epidemics, atthe sighting of ships,and to correct errors in performance of apriorritual

Arts Artsnativeto the atoll weredance, song, and tales TheKapinga dance, called koni, was performed duringand after major rituals Itinvolved a stereotyped stance withthebody held rigid and the feet moving in place The dancewasaccompanied by songs calleddaahili that were short sen-tences and phrases repeated in a monotone at increasingtempo Their contents referred obliquely to events that wereotherwise gossip-love affairs, being jilted, ridicule for somefaux pas, and the like The bulk of Kapinga songrepertoirewasthe chant The subjects of chantsincluded prayers of sup-plication orcelebration of the gods and other ritualformulas;eulogies; and accounts of fishing expeditions, the beachings

folk-ofwhales, and sexualencounters

Medicine Medicinal practices included bone setting,massage, special foods for specific illneses, and chanting bythepriest in life-threatening situations Plant medicines andsorcery wereimported by a Woleaian in the 1780s

Death and Afterlife Kapinga believe that death is a

natu-ralpart of the life cycle They fear early, untimely death by cident, disease, or malicious spirits and socialize theirchil-

ac-dren with lessons of reasonable caution at work, at play, and

inthosesituations when spirits might be about Because

con-trolover one's emotions is soimportant in forfending ter, griefwas and is considered particularly dangerous, at-tracting the attention of ghosts and leading to insanity.Funerals controlpersonal emotion through the work of hav-ingto organize a major set ofceremonies and provision them

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disas-Kariera Il1

with food for mourners andothers.AUof thisactivity takes

place over a24- to 36-hourperiod requiringintense

concen-tration,work, andboth theincurringandcollection of debts

Chantingmarksevery stage ofafuneral, providingitsclosure

asentertainment Atdeath,the soulissaidtoleave thebody

forever.Thesoulsofmenandwomengotothe farlagoonto

join the line ofghosts.Those ofwomenwho dieinchildbirth

go tothegoddessRoua inthedeepsea, wherethey (andthe

souls of high priests) may return to the atoll as beached

whales Otherwise,the souls ofhighpriestsbecomenewgods

See also MarshallIslands, Nomoi, Pohnpei,Woleai

Bibliography

Buck,Peter(1950).Material CultureofKapingamarangi.

Ber-nice P Bishop Museum Bulletin no. 200 Honolulu

Emory, Kenneth (1965) Kapingamarangi: Social and

Reli-gious Life of aPolynesianAtoll Bernice P Bishop Museum

Bulletinno 228 Honolulu

Lieber, Michael D (1974) 'Land Tenure on

Kapingama-rangi." In Land Tenure in Oceania, edited by Henry P

Lundsgaarde,70-99 Honolulu:UniversityPress ofHawaii

Lieber,MichaelD.(1977).-ChangeinTwoKapingamarangi

Communities." In Exiles andMigrants inOceania, editedby

Michael D Lieber Honolulu: University Pressof Hawaii

Lieber, Michael D., andKalhoH.Dikepa(1974)

Kapingama-rangi Lexicon Honolulu: University Pressof Hawaii

MICHAEL D LIEBER

Karadjeri

The Karadjeri(Garadjui,Guaradjara,Karadjari) are an

Abo-riginalgrouplocatedinthestateofWesternAustralia,inthe

areaof Roebuck Bayand inland to Broome In 1984 there

were thirty-five individuals Karadjeri is classified in the

Pama-NyunganFamily of Australian languages.The

Karad-jeriwerehuntersandgatherers with theirsubsistenceterritory

defined withreference to variousreligious andsacred sites.

Bibliography

Capell, A (1949) "Some Myths of the Garadjeri Tribe."

Mankind 4:46-47, 108-125, 148-162

Piddington,R., andM Piddington (1932).'ReportonField

WorkinNorth-Western Australia." Oceania 2:342-358

reckon-Ngaluma, lndjibandi, Pandjima, Bailgu, and Nyamal) The

territoryassociated with the Kariera type of organization isdefinedby thedrainage ofthe De Grey River,aswellas por-tionsofthe regionalong bothsides ofthe Fortescue River Incommonwith other Western Australian groups, theKarieraaretraditional hunting andgatheringpeople, locallyorgan-izedintosmall bandsand centeredonnuclearfamilies, whichexploita portionof thelarger Kariera territory.The Karierahave a'four-section" systemofdescent-basedsocial organi-zation, in which two patrilineal, exogamous moieties arecrosscutbytwomatrilinealmoieties.Thissystem-esablishes

two sets ofwife-giving and wife-taking sections, markedbykinshipterms that denote the appropriate wife-giving group

as onewhose members include classificatory cross cousins:that is,aman isexpected to marry either hismother'sbroth-

er'sdaughterorhis father's sister'sdaughter Becausethese

groupsarereciprocallydefined (i.e.,ifamanfrom sectionA

isexpectedtomarryawomanfromsectionB,sotoo isa man

fromsection Bexpected to marry a woman from section A)

thesystemalso entailssisterexchange,atleastclassificatorily.Other aspects of the Kariera-type system, accordingto kin-shipusage,include thedivisionof all relativesintothree gen-erations Within a single generation further subdivisions

occur along the male and female lines For the males, onesuchdivision consists of thefather's line, including amongitsnumber thehusbandsof thefather'smother's sisters and the

brothersofthe mother's mother The other division isalong

themother's line and includes as well the husbands ofthe

mother's mother's sisters and the brothers of the father'smother Amongthefemales,these twodivisions are mirrored

Grandparentsandgrandchildren areterminologicallymerged

aswell,in twodimensions: betweenoneanother,aentwillusethe sameterm for agrandchildasthatgrandchilduses for the grandparent; and a member ofan interveninggenerationwillrefertohisorhergrandparent with thesameterm appropriate forhisorhergrandchildof the same sex.Membership in either of the two patrilineal moietiesis life-

grandpar-long,and it is from this membership that a personderives his

orher ritual and territorialclaims-althoughwithregard toterritory, membership cannot be understood to construerights to property in land, which are absent in traditional

Western Australian Aboriginal societies Rather, shipentialsrightsof access to rituallysignificant sites andtheright and obligationto participate in aparticular area'sritualceremonies and topartake of itstaboos.Suchmembershipisalso invokedtoestablish hunting rights within aparticularband'sterritory,althoughnonmembers may be accorded tem-porary rights aswell Thematrilinealmoieties serveprimarily

member-to defineappropriate marriage partners and, since ital residence ispatrilocal,awifeexchanges hersection affilia-tion(and therefore herpatrilineageaffiliation) for that ofherhusband Among theKariera,maleinitiationconsists inthe

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postmar-112 1MUI L&

young man settingout on alongjourney(ofseveralmonths),

which often will take him beyond the borders of his own

section's traditional territory and may even bring him into

contactwithnon-Kariera groups.Throughoutthecourseof

this journey he acquiresknowledge of thesurroundinglands

and, moreimportantly,isgraduallyintroducedintothe ritual

lore associated with the territory.Onthisjourney, the young

manseeksawife,but healso establishes theroughoutline of

the"road," thespecificportion ofterritoryinwhich hewill,as

an adult, traveland hunt

BibliographyRadcliffe-Brown, A. R (1930). "TheSocialOrganization of

AustralianTribes, PartI." Oceania 1:34-63

Radcliffe-Brown, A R (1930) "The Social Organization of

AustralianTribes, Part II." Oceania 1:206-256; 322-341

Radcliffe-Brown, A R (1930). 'The SocialOrganizationof

AustralianTribes, Part III." Oceania 1:426-456

Keraki

ETHNONYMS: Morehead, Nambu, Trans-Fly

OrientationIdentification The term "Keraki" generally refers to one

ofseveral small transhumant culturalgroupsliving nearthe

Morehead River in the Trans-Fly region of Papua New

Guinea, applying principallytoNambuspeakersbut also

in-cludingsomeof their immediate neighbors The name also

refersto oneof theroughlyninesmall "tribes"intowhichthe

Keraki aredivided

Location Keraki territoryliesinthesouthwesternpartof

PapuaNewGuinea,just totheeastof theMoreheadRiver,at

about9°Sby 142°E.Thearea ischaracterizedbyextremesof

climate.Duringaconsiderablepartof therainy season,

espe-ciallybetweenJanuary andMarch, muchofthelandisunder

water,andtheKerakiareobligedto take upresidencein

semi-permanent villages in one of a few locations along high

ground.TherainsabateinMayorJune,thecountrydriesup,

theland becomes parched,andtheKerakimove tolocations

along oneofthe lagoonsorlarger streams, within reach of

water Attheheightofthe dryseason,thepeopleoften livein

small clearingsinthe forestto escapetheconsiderableheat

Demography In 1931, the ethnographic presentfor this

report, F.E.Williamsestimated theentireKerakipopulation

at about 700-800 Recent estimates indicated 700 Nambu

speakersandanother 800speakers of theTonda and Lower

Morehead languages

LinguisticAffiliation Nambu, Tonda, and Lower

More-head are three of the seven small Non-Austronesian

lan-guages that make up theMorehead andUpperMaro RiversFamily.

History and Cultural RelationsOwing to its sparse and scattered population, inhospitable

climate, and apparentlack of potential fordevelopment, theMoreheadareawaslittle affectedbyEuropean contactinthe1920s and 1930s when F E Williams conducted his basic

ethnographic research Even today, the region issomewhatisolated, with very little economic development Culturalre-lations and communications among groups are hamperedbyflooding of thearea inthewetseason, lack of waterinthedryseason, and, intheprecontact andearly-contact era, bytheconstant raiding of powerful headhunters from across theborder tothewest

SettlementsThe semipermanentvillagesareusually located in or on theedge of a forest area, onhigh ground The village itself is aclearing, planted with coconut palms, with houses irregularlyscattered about Gardens ring the village, and decorativeplants and flowers growwithin Houses are of several types.The mongo-vivi,or"proper"house,is along,oblongbuildingwith a ridged roof, stamped and hardened clay floor, andsemicircular verandas oneither end A good-sized house isabout9meterslong,3.6meterswide, and 2.4 meters high,al-thoughdimensions vary considerably These houses are usedprimarily for food storage, especially for yams Typically, vil-lages also contain a number of shelters, called gua-mongo,

underwhich Kerakispread their mats These shelters are ple open-sided structuresconsisting of four poles supporting

sim-aridgedroof Incontrasttothesemipermanent villages, thetemporaryvillages-which might be used as dry-season set-

tlements, headquarters for large hunting parties, or othertemporary encampments-usually contain only haphazard,roughly built houses, shelters, and lean-tos, with little at-tempt made to clear the brush

es-by timber markers laid along the ground The entire area iscustomarily fenced against wild pigs,wallabies, etc By Junethe yam vines,attached to2-meter-long poles, have begun toturnyellow, and the harvestbegins-desultorilyatfirst, thenmoreseriously as the vines wither.Yams are levered up or dugout withheavy spatulate digging sticks, then picked out byhand, and latersorted into piles for cooking, replanting, orfor feasts Otherimportant root crops are taro, manioc, andsweet potatoes Sugarcane, coconuts, andbananas are alsogrown, and various other fruits, especially papayas, comple-ment theKeraki diet Sagoisrare and highlyprized, thrivingonly inthe few sago swamps that exist in Keraki territory

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Keraki 113

Garden produce issupplemented by hunting,mainly for

wal-labies Theseanimalsaretakeneitherindividuallyor

collec-tively, by means of adrive,which is sometimesaidedbygrass

burning Cassowariesandwild pigsarehuntedtoo,although

pigsarealso raisedinsmallenclosures Fishing isemployed

using a variety oftechniques includingstationary traps, hook

andline, shooting with bow and arrow, and stupefying with

poison root, but fishcontribute relativelylittletotheKeraki

diet

IndustrialArt. Keraki havefewmanufacturesbeyondthe

simpleutilitarian objectsused intheirdailylives.Personal

or-naments are few Theonlyparticularlywell-finishedpieces of

woodworkarethe drum, about 1 meterlong, tapering to a

longish waist inthe middle,withahandleofonepiece; the

spatula, used for scooping out thepulpyinteriorofyams; and

aboomerang-shaped hair ornament Formerly, Kerald

head-hunters lavishedconsiderablecare onthemakingofcarved,

painted or barbed arrows foruseinraids,andtheyalsocarved

delicate wands orclubscalled parasi, which were shattered

over theheads ofvictims Perhaps their mostfinelymade

ob-jects aretextiles,includingmats, embroideredcarryingbags,

plaited belts andarmlets,andfinelyworkedwomen's

mourn-ing dresses

Trade Keraki engage in such considerable barter ofall

sorts ofobjectswithneighboringpeoplesthatit isdifficult for

theethnographer toidentify truly indigenous manufactures

However, since theMoreheadarealacksappropriate natural

stone,theirmostimportant tradewasforstoneaxesanddub

heads, which, togetherwith painted arrows, they obtained

fromthe Wirampeopleinexchangefor meloshells, usedas a

men'spubiccovering Other stone wasobtainedfrom Buji,

on the coast near themouth ofthe Mai Kussa River

Division of Labor Asinmosttribal societies, Kerali

divi-sion oflabor is based on age and sex Women clean the

houses and grounds, cook day-to-day meals, make textiles,

andtake primaryresponsibilityfor the children Men hunt,

build houses and shelters, conduct ritual matters, and do

much of thecookingfor feasts.Garden workisdonebyboth

sexes, although the sexes doperformslightlydifferenttasks,

with men doing mostoftheheavy felling,clearing, fencing,

planting, and harvestingandwomendoingmostof thedaily

weeding, cleaning, and harvesting

LandTenure Whilethepopulation densityofthe

More-head area is only about 0.2 persontothesquarekilometer,

and the land isvastin proportion to thepeople, there are

nevertheless rules ofownership, control, and inheritance of

land These rules are more closely observed for good land

closetothesemipermanentvillages thanforrelativelyuseless

land far from habitation sites The whole territory is divided

into large,named areas of about 13 to 15.5 squarekilometers

each,separated by natural boundaries and nominally owned

by one of the nineKerakitribes, but actually belonging to one

of thevillages of the tribe Each of these major tracts is

di-vided into a number ofindividually owned minor tracts The

yure,or owner of the land,gives formal permission to garden

on the land,althoughthis iscommonly given to all whoask

Succession to yure-ownership is fromfather,through younger

brother, and back to son; land may also bepartitioned among

sons andbrothers

Kinship

KinGroups andDescent Keraki society is divided intoexogamous moieties ofunequal size One of these moieties issubdivided into three major sections This moiety systemoverlays a system of local totemicgroups Descent is reckoned

classifica-DomesticUnit Thebasicdomestic unit isthe household,

generally consisting of a man, his wife or wives, and theiryounger children Occasionally a close relative may reside

with them, but households are typically small and simplyconstituted

Inheritance Inheritance is normallypatrilineal.A womanwill leave herpossessions to the "sons' wives" who live in her

village

Socialization Keraki have no form of institutionalizedstruction exceptduring theseclusion andinitiation of youngboys, when theylearnthe secrets of the bullroarer and"sacredpipe," learn of hunting and other rituals, and hear secretmythological stories At other times, children of both sexesareleftto observe theday-to-day norms ofbehaviorand toconduct themselves accordingly Bythe norms ofWestern so-

in-ciety, parents are quiteindulgentand somewhatneglectful,although they do instruct and scold children when necessary

Sociopolitical OrganizationSocialOranization. Keraki society is divided into tribes,with each tribe having three or four local section groups.Most villages belong predominantly to one section or an-

other Even when two sections are represented in the samevillage, section members live together These local sectiongroups, united by ties of kinship,commoninterest, and fel-lowship, are themost important units of Keraki social organi-zation They hunt together, make sago together, and oftengarden together.They cooperate in ritual matters: the groupowns the majorbullroarer and combines to initiate boys, itcooperates infertility and death rituals, it acts as a group inthe exchange of marriage partners, and it collectively orga-nizes feasts Formerly it raided together These exogamouslocal groups becomeaffinallylinkedtoone anotherthroughexchange marriages. The twohusbands become tambera or

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1 4 Keraki

exchange partners, and they performritualservicesfor each

other'schildren Othermales ofapproximatelythesameage

become kamat (sisters' husbandsorwives'brothers),offering

hospitalityandfriendshiptotheircounterpartsinthe

oppo-sitelocal group

Political Organization. The Keraki recognize hereditary

headmen of the local groups described above.However,since

these local groups are patrilineally organized and typically

very small, consisting of only about thirty persons, the

headmanisusuallythe eldestactivemale Leadershippasses

to ayounger brother and then to theeldestsonof theoriginal

headman The headmanexercises very little realauthority

His'decisions" merelyreflect thegeneralconsensusof

opin-ion.There is noformal leadership above the local group level

Social Control Social control within thegroup is

main-tained largelythrough a sense ofconformity, knowledge of

the importance ofreciprocity, feelingsofin-groupsolidarity

andsupport, andgeneralconservatism.These arebolstered

byfears ofpublic reprobationorridicule,retaliationthrough

violence or sorcery, and the possibility of supernatural

retribution

Conflict Conflictwithin the local group israre, owing to

the socialcontrol mechanisms described above Occasional

thefts and sexualjealousiesare the most commonexceptions

Fighting withKeraki people from outside the localgroup is

calledguwari,inwhichthe men from onevillagedescendin

open invasiononthe men from anothervillage Loud, wordy

quarrels might developinto generalbrawls, sometimeswith

sticks and arrowsused as weapons, but thesefights usually

end in reconciliation In contrast to this was the moku, or

head-huntingraid, directed againstnon-Kerakipeople,most

commonlythe Gunduman These raids took the form of

un-expected, often predawn raids Heads were quicklysevered

with bamboo knives and attached to cane head carriers,

whereupon the entire party fled Once in their camp, the

raid-erscookedtheheads,ofteneating a bit offlesh,usuallyfrom

thecheek, and cleaned the skulls, which they erected on poles

astrophies Men who had taken heads achieved status and

somemeasureof influence within thegroup TheKeraki were

comparatively peaceful, however, moreoftenbeing the

vic-tims of theaggressive Marind orWirampeoplethan the

vic-tors themselves, and their head-hunting raids were rather

infrequent

stimulus for food production andbring together otherwisedisparate groups Hosts providesociability,food, and sexualpartnersformale guests; these favors are then reciprocated at

areturnfeast At the individual level, by far the most tantceremony ofmale youth is the period ofseclusion and in-itiationmentionedabove, where young boys are taught ritualand mythological lore In a practice not uncommon in the

impor-Trans-Fly, theinitiates are sodomized by men from the site moiety in order to promote the boys' growth

oppo-Arts Keraki artsinclude wood carving, textile making, andaspects of music and performance associated primarily withritual

Medicine Sickness and death are often ascribed to cery Treatments for sorcery vary, but they often include

sor-bleedingortheextraction of some object introduced into thebody

Death and Afterlife Deceased are buried in a house,often a yam house The corpse is wrapped in bark and

shallowly interred in a supine position with feet facing thesouth (toward the sea) Roughly a year of formalmourningandfoodavoidance follows, particularly for women, who cuttheirhairandthen let it grow, refrainfrom washing,andwear

makamaka, elaborate costumes constructed of multiple layers

ofplaited swamp grass After interment, there is a small burialfeast, followed by the erection of a small memorial and the

burning ofpersonalbelongings.A larger feastsignalstheend

of formal mourning Women then remove the makamaka,andthe memorial is uprooted.Thereisa belief in a soul thatindependently continues the existence of a person afterdeath, but where it abides is unclear

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