2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan

2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan 2007 di cư và các luồng văn hóa giữa việt nam và ba lan

Accelerat ing t he world's research Migration and cultural flows between Vietnam and Poland Grazyna Szymanska-Matusiewicz Cite this paper Downloaded from Academia.edu  Get the citation in MLA, APA, or Chicago styles Related papers Download a PDF Pack of t he best relat ed papers  Cent ral and East ern European Migrat ion Review Polit ical Power, Religion and Gender: T he Cas… Grazyna Szymanska-Mat usiewicz T he Viet namese Communit ies in Cent ral and East ern Europe as Part of t he Global Viet namese Diasp… Grazyna Szymanska-Mat usiewicz Polit ical Power, Religion and Gender: T he Case of t he Viet namese in Poland Grazyna Szymanska-Mat usiewicz Article Migration and cultural flows between Vietnam and Poland Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) 1–21 ! Scalabrini Migration Center 2016 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/ journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0117196816654617 apmj.sagepub.com Grazyna Szymanska-Matusiewicz University of Warsaw Abstract Based on anthropological multi-sited fieldwork, this article examines the changing flows of Vietnamese migration to Poland, starting with educational migration in the 1950s up to the current economic-oriented migration Changes in the geopolitical order, such as the collapse following the Cold War and the reorientation of foreign policy of both countries, affected the nature of Vietnamese migration and cultural transmission The biographical narratives of Vietnamese migrants in Poland were examined to analyze the interconnections between macro-structural factors, micro-level individual experiences and meso-level of transnational connections maintained by the Vietnamese community in Poland with their country of origin Keywords Vietnam, Poland, Soviet Bloc, educational migration, labor migration, cultural flows Introduction Currently, the Vietnamese are the biggest migrant community originating from Asia in Eastern European countries, such as Poland, the Czech Republic and Russia In Poland, they are the second largest population of foreigners, numbering around 25,000–30,000, including irregular migrants (Wysien´ska, 2012) Despite this fact, the literature on the Vietnamese in Eastern Europe is still scarce and most of the available scholarly works are written in Polish, Czech or Russian To date, most studies by researchers in Poland, the Czech Republic and Russia tend to concentrate on such issues as integration and adaptation of the migrants to the majority society (see Go´rny Corresponding author: Grazyna Szymanska-Matusiewicz, Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw, Karowa 18 Street, 00-027 Warsaw, Poland Email: szymanskag@is.uw.edu.pl Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) et al (2007) and Halik and Nowicka (2002) concerning Poland; Blafkova (2009) and Freidingerova (2014) concerning the Czech Republic; Williams and Balaz (2005) concerning Slovakia; and Mazyrin (2004) concerning Russia) In such studies, Vietnamese migration to Eastern Europe has not been contextualized as part of the global Vietnamese diaspora, and their mobility was not analyzed in the context of global geopolitical changes However, some works discussing the aspect of transnational connections and global interconnectedness of the Vietnamese in the former Soviet Bloc countries has already been published, including the work of Gertrud Huewelmeier concerning the circulation of religious flows between the Vietnamese residing in Eastern European countries and their compatriots in Vietnam (Huewelmeier, 2011, 2013a) and the role of bazaars as places of intersections of global connections (Huewelmeier, 2013b, 2015) Similarly, Schwenkel’s studies (2014, 2015) of former contract workers in the former German Democratic Republic and Vietnamese graduates of Eastern European universities argue for the inclusion of the experiences of Vietnamese migration to Eastern Europe in the study of Vietnamese diaspora, which so far has been predominantly US-centric The objectives of the paper are three-fold: firstly, it aims to provide a transnational perspective on the Vietnamese diaspora in Central and Eastern Europe, which has predominantly been described only as an immigrant community residing in particular countries, according to the model of ‘‘methodological nationalism’’ that was criticized by the transnational approach in migration studies (Basch et al., 1994; Glick Schiller, 1999) Secondly, it seeks to broaden the scope of academic discussion concerning the Vietnamese diaspora, which thus far has been dominated by ‘‘stateless’’ diaspora members—post-Vietnam war refugees residing in the USA and other Western countries—by including the ‘‘statelinked’’ migration of Vietnamese to Poland (Le, 2011, 2014; Sheffer, 2003) Thirdly, by presenting the life-histories of people who migrated to Poland in the context of specific historical and geopolitical conditions that shaped their mobility throughout the past 60 years, the article takes into account the relations between the emplacement of particular countries The notion of cultural flows, referring to the mobility of humans, artifacts and ideas in the ‘‘ill-defined sphere of culture’’ (Tzanelli, 2011: 384) is a concept commonly used in migration studies, particularly by scholars analyzing the transformation of culture in the context of globalization (see Appadurai, 1990; Hannerz 1997; Lash and Urry, 1994) In this article, I adopt the approach to cultural flows formulated by Ulf Hannerz (1987), which, in turn, was inspired by Wallerstein’s world-system theory According to this perspective, the discussion of ‘‘cultural flows’’ must consider the structural inequality shaping the mobility of cultural contents (Wallerstein, 1974) Wallerstein introduced the notion of the world-system, defined as a ‘‘unit with a single division of labor and multiple cultural Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz systems’’ (Wallerstein, 1974: 190), as divided into three parts: core, semiperiphery and periphery The theory implies that, in the field of migration studies, the flow of the labor force tends to move from the periphery to the core However, cultural flows tend to move primarily in the opposite direction Hannerz (1987), in his interpretation of Wallerstein’s theory of the flows taking place inside the ‘‘global ecumene,’’ invoked the example of Nigerian migrants, who become transmitters of cultural elements from the ‘‘core,’’ exemplified by the former metropolis, Great Britain, to their country, which is a part of the peripheries Using the world-system theory as a framework for the analysis, I am particularly interested in how the re-positioning of such countries as Poland and Vietnam inside the world-system influenced the direction and intensity of cultural flows between the two countries According to Wallerstein (1974), during the Cold War era the Soviet Union and its satellite states partially withdrew from the world-system, forming a world-empire with its own system of political governance (see Babones, 2013) However, it remained on the position of semi-periphery inside the world-system, maintaining limited, albeit important, connections with the rest of the global system After the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, the countries of Central–Eastern Europe were situated in the position of semi-periphery However, joining the European Union opened to them the possibility of joining the center, comprising Western European countries (Babones, 2013) Vietnam, in the year 1979, was considered by Wallerstein to be among the ‘‘poor semi-periphery’’ countries (Li, 2008; Wallerstein, 1979: 100) After the introduction of doi moi (economic reforms) in 1986, it shifted into a more central position as it sought to achieve the same level of development as the ‘‘richer semi-peripheries’’ in the region, such as Malaysia and Thailand Poland and Vietnam could be included in the group of semi-peripheries during the Cold War era Their position changed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, as the world-empire, which included the two countries in one economically and culturally bound entity, ceased to exist By analyzing the nature of cultural flows from the cultural domain of Poland to the country of Vietnam transmitted by different waves of Vietnamese migrants, this article will shed light on the emplacement of Vietnam in the world-system and and how cultural flows impact the country Methodology The paper is part of a larger research project entitled ‘‘Vietnamese from Poland: Transnational Migrant Community as a Bridge between Poland and Vietnam,’’ which is currently being conducted in the two countries Although the research is carried out in both countries in accordance with multi-sited fieldwork (Falzon, 2009; Marcus, 1995), in this paper, I will only refer to the Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) part of the research that I performed in Vietnam, given the focus of the study, i.e., the cultural flows transmitted by the Vietnamese who returned from Poland to their country of origin The realization of the project was made possible by a grant sponsored by the National Centre for Science, Poland, which I received in the year 2014 In the first stage of my research, I conducted two months of fieldwork in Vietnam (July and August 2014) I conducted participant observation, participating in various social events, such as festivals and meetings, organized by returnees from Poland The events were organized by the government institutions that dealt with the sending of students in the past and by associations formed by students and returnees from Poland (e.g., the Vietnamese–Polish Friendship Society and the Association of Vietnamese in Poland) I also conducted in-depth interviews with return migrants from Poland, as well as Vietnamese circulating between the two countries Overall, I interviewed 31 people in Hanoi, Ho Chi Minh and a village in Nam uinh province Of _ the total interviews, 17 were recorded and transcribed while I had to take down notes for the remaining interviews Four interviews were conducted in Vietnamese (with the help of an interpreter), while the rest was conducted in Polish In many cases, I conducted multiple conversations with one person The profile of the interviewees is summarized in Table The research was supplemented by analysis of available documents and data, including statistical data on the number of Vietnamese arriving in Poland at different points in time The fieldwork and analysis was informed by the postulate of historicizing the field (Fitzgerald, 2006) According to Fitzgerald, many scholars embedded in the transnational paradigm tend to overlook the fact that the current era is not the only period of history when the multifold connections transgressing the state borders were established and maintained Instead of focusing on the transnational nature of the contemporary world, we should rather analyze various bonds and flows that have been established, lasted and possibly disappeared over time During the interviews conducted in Vietnam, I examined the biographical narratives of people who had experienced staying in Poland in order to grasp the various ways in which Poland was present in their lives in the particular period of history Such analysis will allow me to address the question concerning the changing nature of cultural flows between Vietnam and Poland It must be remembered, however, that although the cultural flows were undeniably shaped by macrostructural factors, such as the geopolitical conditions of the Cold War, they were transmitted by migrants who were active actors, reproducing and re-creating the cultural resources in their lived experience Therefore, the paper is intended as an anthropological analysis, focused on the indigenous ways of experiencing and interpreting cultural flows among the community of Vietnamese from Poland Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz Table Profile of interviewees Characteristic Gender Male Female Age group 30 and below 31–49 50 and above Period of migration to Poland First phase Second phase Third phase Fourth phase 1.5 and second generation Place of residence Hanoi Ho Chi Minh Nam uinh _ Hanoi and Warsaw Number 21 10 11 16 10 7 15 Macro-level perspective: Changes in the geopolitical frame Numbering around four million people,1 the Vietnamese diaspora is one of the most significant diasporas originating from Southeast Asia Various studies on this group have looked into such issues as their integration in the host societies, diaspora politics and the return migration of Viet Kieu to the homeland Since most overseas Vietnamese reside in the USA (1.7 million as of 2010, according to the US Bureau of Census) and other Western countries, such as France, Australia and Canada, most studies were dedicated to these communities, which are of limited relevance to the Vietnamese in Central and Eastern Europe Le (2011, 2014) applied the distinction of stateless and state-linked diasporas, proposed by Sheffer (2003), to characterize Vietnamese migrant communities in particular countries While the Vietnamese community in the USA can be described as a diaspora of refugee origin, many of Review of Vietnamese Migration Abroad Consular Department – Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam Statistics of State Committee of Vietnamese Overseas, referring to ethnic Vietnamese (people of Vietnam origins regardless of their current legal status) residing in foreign countries Available at: http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/vietnam/documents/eu_vietnam/vn_migra tion_abroad_en.pdf Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) whom are antagonistic towards the communist government of Vietnam, the communities in Central and Eastern European countries can be described as state-linked because the origins of their migration were strictly connected with the policy of the state As such, the political institutions of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam played an important role in these migrant communities Although such a distinction seems too simplistic—e.g., anti-communist political activity was also present among the Vietnamese residing in the Central Eastern European (CEE) countries (Szyman´ska-Matusiewicz, 2015a)—it provides a good starting point toward a more detailed and nuanced description The origins of the Vietnamese migrant community in Poland are closely connected with the fact that, in the Cold War era, Northern Vietnam (and later the Socialist Republic of Vietnam) and the People’s Republic of Poland belonged to the Soviet Bloc Therefore, both countries and societies were part of the entity that Susan Bayly referred to as the ‘‘global socialist ecumene’’ (Bayly, 2007; Huewelmeier, 2015) As a member of the Soviet Bloc, Vietnam forged cooperation with other socialist countries, including the exchange of specialists and professionals (Bayly, 2007; Schwenkel, 2014, 2015) and providing a labor force for the factories in Czechoslovakia (Alamgir, 2014) and Germany (Schwenkel, 2014) Regarding the formation of the Vietnamese community in Poland, the most important aspect of this cooperation was educational exchange Government agreements paved the way for selected students from Northern Vietnam and the children of the Viet Minh who were fighting in the south to be offered the opportunity to study in one of the Soviet Bloc countries The first Vietnamese students arrived in Poland in 1955 Student migration continued throughout the whole communist period, with the peak years being 1969/1970 and 1970/1971 (Halik, 2006) The situation profoundly changed after 1989, the turning point marking the fall of communism in Poland This led to the relaxation of the immigration policy and the introduction of the free market Under such conditions, the Vietnamese were able to come to Poland more freely Although educational cooperation between the two countries has been reduced after the opening of the borders, Poland experienced an influx of another category of migrants motivated by economic factors (Halik and Nowicka, 2002) The main area of their economic activity was trade—mainly with goods imported from Asia—which were sold in open-air markets (bazaars) However, after the fall of communism, Poland headed into a new direction in its international relations, associating with Western European countries and joining the European Union in 2004, all of which can be interpreted as a struggle to become part of the core of the world-system This new emplacement significantly impacted the migration policy of Poland, which had to adhere to the common migration policy of the European Union, focused on restricting access to its territory by citizens of ‘‘third party countries’’ (Kicinger, 2005) However, despite the change of the geopolitical landscape, Vietnamese Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz migration to Poland has continued It can be perceived as a manifestation of the importance of migration networks established in the communist era, which enabled mobility to become a self-perpetuating phenomenon (Massey, 1990) Analysis of various stages of migration to Poland, which I will perform, will enable me to consider the future of Vietnamese mobility, as well as address the broader theoretical issue concerning the relations between the emplacement of particular countries in the world order and the nature of cultural flows transmitted by migrants Stages of Vietnamese migration to Poland In this section of the article, I will present the experience of particular categories of Vietnamese migration to Poland, distinguishing four categories of migrants The first three categories are, to a large extent, consistent with the classification presented by Schwenkel (2015), who described three phases of Vietnamese students’ mobility: post-colonial, wartime and postwar However, in my paper, this classification has been expanded in order to include the migrants who arrived in Poland at a later period of time First phase: 1955–mid-1960s The first Vietnamese students arrived in Poland in 1955 Their arrival was facilitated by government agreements between the People’s Republic of Poland and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam following the establishment of diplomatic relations five years earlier In the same year (1955), the Embassy of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam was opened in Warsaw The migration from Northern Vietnam to various countries of Eastern Europe during the communist period was aimed at educating prospective cadres, designated to form the intellectual and professional elite of a rising communist country This educational migration was strictly regulated by the policy of both states In the first stage, students who were sent to Eastern European countries were chosen mainly based on political factors, such as the involvement of the family in the communist movement One of my interviewees, Mr HCi,2 who came to Poland in 1956, claimed that all of the students sent to Poland that year were the children of people participating in the war against the French occupation In the 1950s and the early 1960s, there were only a small number of Vietnamese students Their stay in Poland was strictly monitored and controlled by the Vietnamese Embassy in Poland and its representatives Many interviewees claimed that during their stay in Poland, their activities were strictly monitored by their group leaders (trF ~ ng do`an) They were not allowed All of the names of the interviewees have been changed in order to protect their anonymity Some biographical details, such as the field of study and the city in Poland where they studied, have been altered in some cases to protect the interviewers’ privacy Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) to move freely outside the dormitories For example, they could not walk in the streets alone, but only in groups or with at least two people The control was based on the system of denunciations Students were subjected to intense propaganda training throughout their stay in Poland, where they were instructed to behave properly (i.e., they were constantly reminded to avoid ‘‘improper’’ contacts with Polish people) The system of denunciations was strongly developed and the students were expected to spy on one another Virtually none of the students from this period stayed in Poland after finishing their education because it was not allowed by the policies of both Poland and Vietnam Although there are no data on returnees, it can be justifiably supposed that, in the 1950s and 1960s, almost all students returned to Vietnam after completing their studies Most of them occupied prestigious and important positions upon their return to Vietnam For example, Mr HCi made an impressive professional career as a ship constructor, reaching management positions in the stateowned shipbuilding industry of socialist Vietnam Those who studied in Poland were able to land important positions due to their professional skills, which were highly valued, and their personal connections, such as having a ‘‘good background’’ (i.e., they were members of prominent families) Second phase: Mid-1960s–mid-1970s The second phase is characterized by the arrival of large numbers of Vietnamese students in Poland The peak years were the academic years 1969/1970 and 1970/1971, when there were 725 and 819 Vietnamese students, respectively, in Poland (Halik, 2006: 30) According to the informants, the growth in the number of Vietnamese students in Poland was connected with the intensification of the war In the narratives of my informants, the experience of educational migration was likened to ‘‘saving one’s life’’ or ‘‘salvation.’’ One of my informants, Mr MAnh, who arrived in Poland in 1972, invoked the poem of the famous Polish poet, Wislawa Szymborska, describing a Vietnamese woman as a mother struggling to protect her children from the atrocities of war In his opinion, sending students to the countries of Eastern Europe was also a strategy to protect and save the most valuable part of the nation, the ‘‘children’’ as well as future elites, from the risks connected with the war.3 It should be stressed that during this period the students were still strictly controlled by the representatives of the Vietnamese Embassy From 1964, when the war spread to North Vietnam, Vietnamese youth were influenced by the ba sU n sa´ng (three readiness) propaganda action movement (Malarney, 2002; Nguyen, 2005): In addition to the duty of fighting the enemy, they were also In one of the meetings organized by former students to Poland, the event was publicized as luru hoc sinh Mr Manh interpreted the term, luru, not only as referring to overseas students, but also as ‘‘saving.’’ Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz encouraged to ‘‘go wherever the country wants them to go and whatever the country needs them to do.’’ Therefore, obedience to the state policy was framed as sacrifice for the sake of national interest, and disobedience, such as maintaining romantic relations with a Polish person or a reluctance to return to Vietnam after finishing their studies, could be interpreted as a form of treason The vast majority of students from this era returned to the home country However, returning to Vietnam was not always easy Unlike the situation in the 1950s and 1960s, in 1970, following the change of the First Secretary, with Edward Gierek replacing Wladyslaw Gomulka, Poland became a country more open to foreign influences, including elements of Western popular culture Despite the control imposed by the embassy, the students had some opportunities to encounter products of American popular culture, such as Hollywood movies and rock-and-roll music In Polish shops, iconic products of Western culture—such as Coca-Cola—became available Those students, particularly those who were the lone Vietnamese in their faculty, had multiple occasions to interact with their Polish peers In Vietnam, the 1970s was a very difficult period The end of the war did not bring significant improvements to the economic situation As Schwenkel (2015) notes, the many returnees were in precarious situations—not all of them were granted good career possibilities, unlike the student migrants from the previous decade Some of them were sent to the south after the reunification of the country to be part of the educated cadres there, and others were offered jobs that they considered to be below their level of qualifications According to the research participants, in the late 1960s and 1970s, the selection of students sent for foreign education became more merit-based Previously, i.e., in the late 1950s and early 1960s, the opportunity to study abroad was available primarily to those who were members of prominent families In the late 1960s, the results of school examinations became the most important criterion for the selection of candidates These changes were further strengthened in the later periods However, by the third phase, studying in Eastern Europe was no longer as prestigious as in the earlier times Third phase: Late 1970s–1989 After the end of the war and the reunification of Vietnam, the number of students arriving in Poland dropped to around 20–30 people every year, according to my informants They added that the Vietnamese Embassy exerted less control over the students During this period, more students decided to stay in Poland after finishing their education or they dropped out of university One research participant, Mr Chaˆu, is part of this cohort He was among 23 students who started their studies in Poland in 1979; only six returned to Vietnam This situation was undeniably affected by the changes in the political and economic situation in Poland The late 1970s and 1980s were a period of economic stagnation in Poland However, from the mid-1980s, the economic policies of the Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) 10 state became more relaxed due to the reforms introduced by the Minister of Industry, Mieczyslaw Wilczek, in 1988 One of my informants, Mr Kieˆn, a wealthy businessman engaged in business activities both in Poland and Vietnam, said that the period between 1985 and 2000 were the ‘‘golden years’’ for the Vietnamese starting a business in Poland Two events during this period shaped the development of the Vietnamese community First was the arrival of the Vietnamese who were formerly employed as contract workers in the factories in the former GDR and the Czech Republic These new arrivals engaged in trade at markets and bazaars They formed what would become the economic elites of the community The transnational flow of goods, including the importation of cheap clothes and shoes from Vietnam and China to Eastern Europe, intensified during this time, and the Vietnamese contract workers-turned-traders played an important role in this trade chain (Williams and Balaz, 2005) The second phenomenon was the inflow of PhD students from Vietnam in the late 1980s, which was still a part of the state program However, unlike the educational migration in the earlier periods, arrivals at this time had economic motivations— many were interested in joining the international trade chain In most cases, students pursuing PhDs were former graduates of Polish universities who had previously gained knowledge of the Polish language and society One example is Mrs Mai, who graduated in technical studies in Poland in the mid-1970s and returned to Vietnam to work in a research institute in Hanoi However, the economic situation during that time—known as the ^ era—prompted her to join the PhD exchange program Mrs Mai bao cap openly admitted to her superiors that she was not intending to work for a PhD, and her boss allowed her to return to Poland Mrs Mai formally enrolled in a PhD program while simultaneusly engaging in selling clothes imported from China After a couple of years, when she had saved sufficient money, she returned to Vietnam She did not complete her PhD studies My informants explained that in the late 1980s, acquiring an education in Eastern Europe ceased to be an important factor in enhancing an individual’s social position and professional chances This coincided with the introduction of doi moi reforms, which included opening to the Western world and a reorientation towards a new ‘‘core,’’ i.e., the English-speaking countries of the West (Schwenkel, 2015) These changes also contributed to the decision of many students from this migration wave to remain in Poland Fourth phase: After 1989 Vietnamese migration to Poland continued after the fall of communism, with sharp increases in 2007 and 2011 (Table 2).4 It is possible that many No data on border crossings (arrivals) were available before 1994; this is according to a representative of the Border Guards whom I interviewed Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz 11 Table Border crossings (arrivals) of Vietnamese citizens (all types of visas), 1994–2014 Year Number of border crossings (arrivals) 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 3,629 4,162 5,986 7,165 4,492 3,952 3,264 3,128 3,528 3,986 5,956 8,007 8,910 10,761 3,057 1,882 2,872 11,094 5,156 3,687 3,754 Source: Border Guard, 2015 migrants entered Poland in the early part of 2007 in anticipation of stricter submission policies once Poland became a member of the European Union at the end of 2007 The reasons for the spike in 2011 are not quite clear Many of the Vietnamese arriving in this period were economic migrants They came to Poland to engage in the bazaar trade of goods imported from Asia; some went into bars and restaurants serving ethnic food The number of Vietnamese arriving in Poland was growing each year until 1997, when Poland adopted stricter immigration policies in preparation for its joining the European Union However, the inflow of the Vietnamese resumed and the total number of Vietnamese staying in Poland increased Table shows that the number of Vietnamese with valid residence permits rose between 2007 and 2013 The notable decline in 2014 can be attributed Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) 12 Table Number of Vietnamese citizens with valid residence permits in Poland, 2007–2015 Year Number 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 9,130 9,042 13,404 11,696 9,257 8,567 8,207 7,206 6,379 Source: Office for Foreigners (UdSC), 2016 to a change in the methodology of collecting data;5 in 2015, it can be seen that the number of Vietnamese residence card holders has remained relatively stable Concerning the economic activities of the Vietnamese community, most are involved in trade and the restaurant business According to data from the Ministry of Labor, 56 percent of labor permits issued to Vietnamese in 2012 were in the trade sector, and 28 percent were in the service sector (restaurants and hotels) The group of migrants who were in Poland after 1989 is internally diverse, including those who have resided in Poland for more than 20 years and are relatively well adapted to Polish society, as well as recent arrivals Various categorizations of this community can be found in the literature (Halik and Nowicka, 2002; Wysien´ska, 2012) Although the vast majority of immigrants perceive their migration as temporary and intend to return to Vietnam in the future, only some of them actually return The factor that often encourages them to prolong their stay is the children who attend Polish schools (Szyman´ska-Matusiewicz, 2015b) The second- and 1.5-generation Vietnamese6 form a distinct category of Vietnamese in Poland, who will play an important role in the future of cultural flows between the two countries According to the Office for Foreigners, the same decline was observed for all foreign nationals in 2014 due to the change of methodology The data regarding residence permits should be treated only as an approximation since many Vietnamese residing in Poland legally possess residence permits issued by other European Union countries (mainly the Czech Republic) in accordance with Schengen regulations First-generation immigrants are those who immigrate as adults; 1.5-generation immigrants refer to those who immigrate as children; and the second generation refers to children born to foreignborn parents or the children of first-generation immigrants (Rumbaut, 2012) Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz 13 Geopolitical order and individual memories: How migrants view Poland Historical processes impacted not only the nature of Vietnamese migration, but also the migrants’ perceptions of Poland Interviews with various categories of return migrants who resided in Poland in different time periods reveal significant variations of their memories about their stay in Poland Educational migrants from the communist era For many returnees who studied in Poland in the communist era, the image of Poland and memories connected with life in this country are positive Informants often expressed gratitude to the Polish state and Polish citizens for the help and support that they experienced during their stay there They commonly described their studies in Poland as ‘‘the most beautiful period in their life.’’ The concept of nostalgia (Boym, 2001; Ritivoi, 2002) can provide a good analytical frame to understand their experience, enabling the grasping of the specific emotion of ‘‘longing for what is lacking in a changed present a yearning for what is now unattainable, simply because of the irreversibility of time’’ (Pickering and Keightley, 2006: 920) In their narratives, they often stressed that during their studies in Poland they experienced a couple of years of comfortable, peaceful and wealthy life For example, Mr Danh described his arrival in Poland as a fulfillment of socialist utopia As he expressed: In the school, we were told that socialism is a paradise And when we arrived in Poland, it was true—it was socialism there and it was a paradise There was good food, good clothes, high-rise buildings (Mr Danh, returnee, interviewed August 2014) Their perceptions of Poland were heavily influenced by the conditions in Vietnam, which at that time was a poor and unstable country due to many years of war Students arriving in Poland were provided with accommodation in student houses dedicated to foreigners, which offered good living conditions, but also served as a means of isolating the foreign students from the Polish population (see Pirvelli and Rykiel, 2007) They were also provided with food and additional money for daily expenses The scholarship given to the students in Poland was sufficient not only to cover everyday needs, but also to support their families in Vietnam Several informants said they bought items, such as textiles or household equipment, and sent them to Vietnam (usually through the graduates returning home) Therefore, studying in Poland somehow contributed to the improvement of the lives of students and their families as well Former students, particularly the older cohorts, valued the education and professional skills they obtained in Poland It is particularly interesting that Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) 14 they mentioned the importance of ‘‘soft skills’’ (i.e., open-mindedness, flexibility, the ability to solve problems independently and time management skills) that could not be gained through education in Vietnam or in the Soviet Union One example is Mr Manh who, after completing his studies in a technical faculty in Poland, became general director of a state-owned company in Vietnam According to him, staying in Poland equipped him with good organizational skills, which led him to fast promotion in his career Located on the margins of the Soviet Bloc, they considered Poland to be a country with a relatively high degree of individual freedom, especially since the 1970s Some returnees experienced difficulties in adjusting to the conditions in Vietnam Upon their return, they received a ‘‘decision’’ (quyet dinh) from the authorities concerning their work assignments In some cases, the work entailed working away from their hometown, or working at a job that was below one’s level of qualifications One of my interviewees, Mr Danh, was very disappointed when he received the decision requiring him to work in a high school He did not submit to the decision and, as a result, he was unemployed for some time Later, he decided to get additional training in Vietnam to become a journalist, a profession that he considered gave him some personal freedom, a value that he attributed to the influence of his stay in Poland Some of the students mentioned that studying in Poland made them more ‘‘cultured’’ (va˘n ho´a) and ‘‘civilized’’ (va˘n minh) because of their exposure to Polish and Western cultures They often expressed admiration for Polish poetry and prose This is confirmed by the fact that many Polish literary works have been translated into Vietnamese by former students In so doing, they played the role of ‘‘cultural ambassadors of Poland in Vietnam.’’ During my stay in Vietnam, I was invited by the official state organization, the Association of Vietnamese Writers (Hy i Nha` Va˘n Vig t Nam), to the book launch of a collection of poems by Wislawa Szymborska The poems were translated by Mr TA Minh Chaˆu, who studied in Poland and later became an ambassador to Poland At the meeting, I met a handful of people translating Polish literature, both classic and popular contemporary books According to them, translating works from the Polish language is an expression of gratitude towards the country that provided them with an education To sum up, the cultural flows transmitted from Poland to Vietnam by the Vietnamese migrants indicate that, in the ‘‘socialist ecumene,’’ Poland occupied a more central position than Vietnam, as indicated by the direction of these flows However, it must be remembered that Vietnam, a periphery, sent Vietnamese specialists to other countries of the socialist ecumene, such as Angola or Mozambique, to educate local elites (Bayly, 2007) Economic migrants in the 1990s and 2000s In this part of the article, I present the results of my fieldwork research in one of the villages situated in Nam uinh province The village has a history of _ Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz 15 emigration to Poland of almost 20 years During my stay there in July 2014, I interviewed four returnees from Poland and their family members All four returnees were irregular migrants to Poland: two were deported while the other two voluntarily returned to Vietnam.7 For this group of migrants, their contacts with Polish society were circumscribed by their unauthorized residence status as well as the nature of their work They worked at big bazaars or trade centers (as they are called now) in the capital, Warsaw, and its suburbs, such as Stadion Dziesi˛eciolecia and Wo´lka Kosowska (Huewelmeier, 2013b, 2015; Klorek and Szulecka, 2013; Szulecka, 2007) Their economic activity is a typical example of an ‘‘ethnic enclave’’ (Portes, 1987; Portes and Jensen, 1987; Waldinger, 1993), as indicated by the spatial concentration of enterprises and the engagement in selected sectors of the economy, typically the trade in clothes and ethnic restaurants As such, Vietnamese migrants tend to have limited contact with Polish society The low levels of language competence, participation in communal activities or maintaining social contact with Polish neighbors had been noted in other studies regarding the Vietnamese community (Go´rny et al., 2007; Klorek and Szulecka, 2013; Wysien´ska, 2012) These were confirmed during my fieldwork in Nam uinh, during which I observed that despite spending a couple of years in _ Poland, my interviewees had limited knowledge of the Polish language (with the exception of some words commonly used in trade) When asked about their first impressions connected with Poland, or about the things that they liked and disliked most during their stay in Poland, the return migrants had problems formulating any detailed answers For example, they were unable to mention popular Polish food products; they said they ate only Vietnamese food During their stay in Poland, they not only worked with other Vietnamese, they also lived together, renting common apartments They spent their leisure time almost entirely together with other co-ethnics Most of them associated Poland as a place where they worked hard, and had some unpleasant experience with Polish authorities (representatives of the Police and the Border Guard) However, in the narrative of Nha^ t, a man in his thirties, the aspect of cultural influences appeared and played an important role When I asked him how his stay in Poland affected his life, he claimed that although he was not able to achieve economic success, the experience of living in Poland was important because he was able to experience Polish culture (va˘n ho´a) When I asked him to explain this issue in detail, he mentioned such issues as a better level of hygiene and a cleaner environment He also claimed that Poland is a civilized country (va˘n minh), standing higher than Vietnam in terms of civilization and development However, he did not discuss any specific cultural differences Before going to Vietnam, I had an opportunity to interview a relative of one of the returnees who was still residing in Poland Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 16 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) 1.5- and second-generation migrants In comparing Vietnamese migrants during the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, their different experiences may be due to the nature of their migration (educational vs economic) To understand the impact of the current geopolitical frame, an analysis of the 1.5- and second-generation migrants who returned to Vietnam is instructive I interviewed seven people who were born and raised in Poland and are now living in Vietnam Currently in their late twenties or early thirties, five returned to Vietnam together with their parents and two decided to return to Vietnam without their parents This category of return migrants demonstrate a more nuanced and intricate image of Poland Some of them stressed mostly the positive aspects, often with some kind of nostalgia, while others complained about the feeling of non-belonging and experiencing some discrimination and racism during their stay in Poland From the point of view of my research, the most interesting aspect was how the experience of life in Poland impacted their life in Vietnam The interviewees’ peers in Vietnam were either not familiar with Poland or viewed it as an exotic country It is much different from the situation during the Cold War era when Polish culture was quite well-known among the educated stratum of Vietnamese society Poland was known during this period, thanks to the poem Em oi Ba Lan (My Sister Poland), written by Vietnamese author To Huu, and the circulation of movies and TV productions among the countries of the Soviet Bloc (Halik and Nowicka, 2002) Although their university diplomas from Polish academic institutions are regarded highly by prospective employers, they are considered to be less prestigious compared to diplomas received from universities in Western countries, such as the USA or Great Britain Except for two women, Nha`i and Kim Cu´c, who were employed with Polish companies, the other informants were not able to make use of their competence in the Polish language or the personal connections gained during their stay in Poland, However, almost all of the research participants claimed that life in Poland enriched them with open-mindedness, the ability to solve problems independently and time management skills Those who worked in the private sector, i.e., in foreign-owned companies, valued these skills as very important and useful in their professional career The case of the 1.5- and second-generation return migrants has implications for future cooperation between Poland and Vietnam During the communist era, the Vietnamese were one of the largest groups of foreign students in Poland; they accounted for almost 30 percent of all foreign students in the 1970s (Chilczuk 2001) Presently, although Vietnamese are eager to study abroad, educational exchange between the two countries is much less significant In 2012/2013, they formed less than percent (0.7 percent) of the overall Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz 17 population of foreign students in Poland For the same period, Vietnamese students were the fourth largest group of students from Asia (after the Chinese, Taiwanese and Indian citizens) (Fundacja Edukacyjna Perspektywy, 2013) Just 10 governmental scholarships, covering free education (i.e., covering tuition fees), are offered to students from Vietnam each year; other students who decide to study in Poland have to pay for their education During my research, I examined the reasons why few Vietnamese choose to study in Poland The family of Mr Danh provides some insights Mr Danh, now in his sixties, studied in Poland in the early 1970s Currently, one of his nieces also studies at the same university that he attended Mr Danh strongly encourages another member of his family to study in Poland, invoking his own positive experiences However, he also acknowledged that this option is not very attractive to young people, who prefer to study in countries such as the USA or Australia My fieldwork confirmed that, indeed, more affluent Vietnamese families prefer to send their children to the more developed Western countries If students choose Poland, they prefer to study in the English language, which requires tuition fees Recipients of government scholarships not pay tuition fees, but they have to enroll in classes conducted in Polish Conclusions The geopolitical changes and the reconfiguration of the world order is a crucial macro-level factor that had an impact on educational cooperation between Vietnam and Poland In the communist era, the Vietnamese arriving in Poland were educated to become part of the socialist ‘‘intelligentsia,’’ which equipped them with the abilities to become agents of cultural exchange When the two countries ceased to be part of the ‘‘global socialist ecumene,’’ they turned toward the new center, the West, exemplified by the USA in the case of Vietnam, and the countries of the European Union in the case of Poland Currently, both countries could be described as semi-peripheries in terms of Wallerstein’s world-systems theory (1974); they also occupy the same status in international education While more and more students leave Vietnam to study abroad in ‘‘Western’’ countries, the universities in Poland are introducing teaching in English, and Polish students participate in student exchange programs that allow them to gain educational experiences in various countries of the European Union On the other hand, both countries experience an influx of students from the neighboring countries that can be described as ‘‘more peripheral’’ in terms of Wallerstein’s theory: Ukraine, in the case of Poland (Fundacja Edukacyjna Perspektywy, 2013), and the Lao People’s Democratic Republic and Cambodia, in the case of Vietnam (Doan, 2012) The 1.5- and second-generation migrants who stay in Poland and those who came back to Vietnam can play an important role in strengthening the Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) 18 links between Poland and Vietnam With their bi-cultural competence, they can be cultural mediators between the two countries Concerning the return migrants belonging to this group, it is particularly interesting whether they will be interested in maintaining the Polish part of their identity While returnees of the first-wave migration have established formal organizations, such as the Vietnam–Poland Friendship Association (H y i h* u nghi Vi g t Nam-Ba _ Lan), there seems to be no such initiatives among the 1.5- and second-generation migrants However, the Internet and social networks may create opportunities for maintaining contacts with each other and with the Vietnamese in Poland Further research can provide answers to questions on whether the bi-cultural experience of the 1.5- and second-generation Vietnamese will lead to transnational social spaces and whether the young returning migrants will play the role of cultural mediators between the two countries Overall, they will provide some indications on the future of the cultural flows between two semi-periphery countries that were once joined by a common history of belonging to the socialist world-empire Declaration of conflicting interests The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this paper Funding This work was supported by grant no 2013/09/D/HS6/02675, SONATA programme, National Centre for Science (Poland) References Alamgir A (2014) Recalcitrant women: Internationalism and the redefinition of welfare limits in the Czechoslovak–Vietnamese Labor Exchange Program Slavic Review 73(1): 133–155 Appadurai A (1990) Disjuncture and difference the global cultural economy Theory, Culture & Society 7(June): 295–310 Babones SJ (2013) A structuralist approach to the economic trajectories of Russia and the countries of East-Central Europe since 1900 Geopolitics 18(3): 514–535 Basch L, Glick Schiller N and Szanton Blanc C (1994) Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments, and Deterritorialized Nation-States London and New York: Routledge/Taylor and Francis Bayly S (2007) Asian Voices in the Post-colonial Era: Vietnam, India and Beyond Cambridge: Cambridge University Press  [Characteristics of the  Blafkova M (2009) Specifika zivota vietnamske komunity v CR Vietnamese Community in the Czech Republic] E-polis, 22 January Available at: http://www.e-polis.cz/nezarazene-clanky/343-specifika-zivota-vietnamskekomunity-v-cr.html Border Guard, Poland (2015) Statistical data Unpublished data preserved in the archives of the Border Guard Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz 19 Boym S (2001) The Future of Nostalgia New York: Basic Books Chilczuk M (2001) 50 lat ksztaicenia studento´w zagranicznych w Polsce [50 Years of Educating the Foreign Students in Poland] Kontakt (1–2): 5–18 Doan MN (2012) Cambodian and Laotian students’ experiences of language barriers, cultural differences, and teacher–student rapport in a university in Vietnam: A grounded theory approach Unpublished masteral thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand Falzon MA (2009) Introduction In: Falzon MA (ed.) Multi-sited Ethnography: Theory, Praxis and Locality in Contemporary Research Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Limited, pp.1–23 Fitzgerald D (2006) Towards a theoretical ethnography of migration Qualitative Sociology 29(1): 1–24   e (Migracnı  ´ a adaptacnı  ´ tendence) Freidingerova T (2014) Vietnamci v Cesku a ve svet [Vietnamese in the Czech Republic and in the World – Migration and Adaptation] Praha: SLON Fundacja Edukacyjna Perspektywy (2013) Studenci zagraniczni w Polsce 2013 [Foreign students in Poland in the year 2013] Report Available at: http://www.studyinpo land.pl/konsorcjum/index.php?option¼com_content&view¼article&id¼3187%3 Araport-2013-wicej-studentow-zagranicznych-na-polskich-uczelniach&catid¼181% 3A90-newsletter-2013&Itemid¼20 Glick Schiller N (1999) Transmigrants and nation-states: Something old and something new in US immigrant experience In: Hirschman C, DeWind J and Kasinitz P (eds) Handbook of International Migration: The American Experience New York: Russell Sage, pp.94–119 Go´rny A, Grzymala-Kazlowska A, K˛epin´ska E, et al (2007) Od zbiorowos´ci spoiecznos´ci: rola migranto´w osiedlen´czych w tworzeniu si˛e spoiecznos´ci imigranckich w Polsce [From the gathering to the social group: the role of permanent migrants in the emergence of migrant communities in Poland] CMR Working Papers, Nr 27/(85) Centre for Migration Research, Warsaw, Poland Halik T (2006) Migrancka spoiecznos´c´ Wietnamczyko´w w Polsce w s´wietle polityki pan´stwa i ocen spoiecznych [Migrant community of the Vietnamese in Poland in the light of state policy and social opinion] Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im A Mickiewicza Poznan´, Poland Halik T and Nowicka E (2002) Wietnamczycy w Polsce Integracja czy izolacja? [Vietnamese in Poland: Integration or isolation?] Warsaw: Instytut Orientalistyczny Hannerz U (1987) The world in creolization Africa 57(4): 546–559 Hannerz U (1997) Flows, boundaries and hybrids: Keywords in transnational anthropology [published in Portuguese as: Fluxos, fronteiras, hı´bridos: Palavras-chave da antropologi transnacional] Mana (Rio de Janeiro) 3(1): 7–39 Available at: http:// www.transcomm.ox.ac.uk/working%20papers/hannerz.pdf Huewelmeier G (2011) Socialist cosmopolitanism meets global Pentecostalism Charismatic Christianity among Vietnamese migrants in Germany In: Darieva T, Glick Schiller N and Gruner Domic S (eds) Cosmopolitan Sociability Locating Transnational Religious and Diasporic Networks Ethnic and Racial Studies, Special Issue, 34(3): 436–453 Huewelmeier G (2013a) Bazaar pagodas – Transnational religion, postsocialist marketplaces and Vietnamese migrant women in Berlin Religion and Gender 3(1): 75–88 Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 20 Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 0(0) Huewelmeier G (2013b) Post-socialist bazaars Diversity, solidarity and conflict in the marketplace Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research 5(1): 42–66 Huewelmeier G (2015) From ‘Jarmark Europa’ to ‘commodity city.’ New marketplaces, post-socialist migrations, and cultural diversity in Central and Eastern Europe Central and Eastern European Migration Journal 4(1): 27–40 Kicinger A (2005) Between Polish interests and the EU influence – Polish migration policy development 1989–2004 CEEMR Working Paper 9/2005.Warsaw: CEEMR Klorek N and Szulecka M (2013) Migrant economic institutions and their environmental influence: A case study of trade centers located in Wolka Kosowska Research Report 3/2013 Warsaw: Stowarzyszenie Interwencji Prawnej Lash S and Urry J (1994) Economies of Signs and Space London: Sage Publications Le SL (2011) Vietnamese American: History, people, and culture In: Nadeau K and Lee JHX (eds) Encyclopedia of Asian American Folklore and Folklife Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, pp.1159–1164 Le SL (2014) Introduction: The formation of the global Vietnamese diaspora In: Chan YW, Haines D and Lee JHX (eds) The Age of Asian Migration: Continuity, Diversity, and Susceptibility, Volume 1, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp 170–179 Li M (2008) The Rise of China and the Demise of the Capitalist World Economy New York: Monthly Review Press Malarney SK (2002) Culture, Ritual and Revolution in Vietnam Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press Marcus G (1995) Ethnography in/of the world system: The emergence of multi-sited ethnography Annual Review of Anthropology 24(1995): 95–117 Massey D (1990) Social structure, household strategies, and the cumulative causation of migration Population Index 56(1): 3–26 Mazyrin V (2004) Vietnamese migrants in Russia: Ways of living, problems, and perspectives In: Bectimirova N and Dolnikova V (eds) Indochina: Trends in Development Moscow: Moscow State University, Institute of Asian and African Studies, pp.159–179 Nguyen PA (2005) Youth and the state in contemporary socialist Vietnam Working Paper no 16/2005, Lund: Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University Available at: http://lup.lub.lu.se/luur/download?func¼downloadFile &recordOId¼605743&fileOId¼3127788 Office for Foreigners, Poland (2015) Statistical data – Yearly reports Available at: http:// udsc.gov.pl/statystyki/raporty-okresowe/zestawienia-roczne/ Pickering M and Keightley E (2006) The modalities of nostalgia Current Sociology 54(6): 919–941 Pirvelli M and Rykiel Z (2007) Getto a nowoczesnos´c´ [Ghetto and modernity] In: Jalowiecki B and Lukowski W Gettoizacja polskiej przestrzeni miejskiej Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe SCHOLAR Portes A (1987) The social origins of the Cuban enclave economy of Miami Sociological Perspectives 30(4): 340–372 Portes A and Jensen L (1987) What’s an ethnic enclave? The case for conceptual clarity American Sociological Review 52: 786–770 Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016 Szymanska-Matusiewicz 21 Ritivoi AD (2002) Yesterday’s Self Nostalgia and the Immigrant Identity Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc Schwenkel C (2014) Rethinking Asian mobilities: Socialist migration and postsocialist repatriation of Vietnamese contract workers in East Germany Critical Asian Studies 46(2): 235–258 Rumbaut RG (2012) Generation 1.5, educational experiences of In: Banks JA (ed.) Encyclopedia of Diversity in Education Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Available at: http://www.academia.edu/13718092/_Generation_1.5_Educational_Experiences_of_ Schwenkel C (2015) Socialist mobilities: Crossing new terrain in Vietnamese migration histories Central and Eastern European Migration Journal 4(1): 13–26 Sheffer G (2003) Diaspora Politics: At Home Abroad Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Szulecka M (2007) Obecnos´c´ cudzoziemco´w na targowisku zlokalizowanym na Stadionie Dziesi˛eciolecia z perspektywy kryminologicznej [Foreigners in the open-air market at Stadion Dziesi˛eciolecia from the criminological angle] Warsaw: Os´rodek Badan´ nad Migracjami Szyman´ska-Matusiewicz G (2015a) The two Tet festivals: Transnational connections and internal diversity of the Vietnamese community in Poland Central and Eastern European Migration Review 4(1): 53–65 Szyman´ska-Matusiewicz G (2015b) Intergenerational conflicts in Vietnamese families in Poland In: Gaspar S and Um K Southeast Asian Migration: People on the Move in Search of Work, Refuge and Belonging Eastbourne: Sussex Academic Press, pp 67–91 Tzanelli R (2011) Cultural flows (definition) In: Southerton D (ed.) Encyclopedia of Consumer Culture Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, pp.384–386 Wallerstein I (1974) The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the 16th Century New York: Academic Press Wallerstein I (1979) The Capitalist World-Economy Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Waldinger R (1993) The Ethnic Enclave Debate Revisited Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers Williams AM and Balaz V (2005) Vietnamese community in Slovakia Sociologia – Slovak Sociological Review 37(3): 249–274 Wysien´ska K (ed) (2012) Sprzedawac´, gotowac´, budowac´? Plany i strategie Chin´czyko´w i Wietnamczyko´w w Polsce [Sell, cook, buy? Plans and strategies of Chinese and Vietnamese in Poland] Warsaw: Instytut Spraw Publicznych Downloaded from amj.sagepub.com by guest on June 27, 2016