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CHAPTER 11. COPING THROUGH EMOTIONAL APPROACH 153 treatment for breast cancer. In a 3-month lon- gitudinal study, they found that women who coped through expressing emotions surround- ing cancer at study entry had fewer medical ap- pointments for cancer-related morbidities (e.g., pain, lymphedema) during the subsequent 3 months, enhanced self-perceived physical health and vigor, and decreased distress relative to women low in coping through emotional ex- pression. These relations held when participant age, other coping strategy scores (including seeking social support), and initial values on de- pendent variables were controlled statistically. Expressive coping also was related to improved quality of life for women who viewed their social contexts as highly receptive. Coping through emotional processing was associated only with one index reflecting greater distress over time. The strong and consistent findings for emotional expression relative to emotional processing in this study may reflect the lesser utility of emotional processing as a stressor per- sists. Because women on average had been di- agnosed with cancer approximately 6 months prior to study entry, high scores on coping through emotional processing in part may have reflected rumination or an inability to come to a satisfactory understanding of their feelings surrounding cancer. Additional analyses suggested that coping through emotional approach may serve as a suc- cessful vehicle for goal clarification and pursuit, as revealed by significant mediated and moder- ated relations of emotionally expressive coping with dispositional hope (Snyder et al., 1991). For example, through expressing her sense of loss of control engendered by a cancer diagnosis, a woman may begin to distinguish what she can and cannot control in her experience of cancer and her life more generally, to channel energy into attainable goals, and to work toward active acceptance of more uncontrollable aspects of her experience. Experimental work also supports the validity of the emotional approach coping scales (Stan- ton et al., 2000b, Study 4). Undergraduates cop- ing with a parent’s psychological or physical disorder (e.g., cancer, alcoholism) were assigned randomly to talk about either their emotions re- garding the parent’s disorder or the facts rele- vant to the disorder across two sessions. Par- ticipants with high scores on emotionally ex- pressive coping assessed in a prior screening session who then were induced to talk about their emotions evidenced reduced physiological arousal and negative affect compared with par- ticipants for whom preferred and induced cop- ing were mismatched (e.g., highly expressive participants in the facts condition). Thus, one’s preference for emotional approach coping may interact with environmental contingencies to determine the coping mechanisms’ conse- quences. Taken together, findings from research using the emotional approach coping scales suggest that coping through actively processing and ex- pressing emotion can confer psychological and physical health advantages. But such coping is not uniformly beneficial. Under what conditions is emotional approach coping most likely to yield positive outcomes? The extant research provides several clues. As Lazarus and Folkman (1984) asserted, the utility of any coping strat- egy depends on situational contingencies. Thus, individuals who cope through processing and expressing emotions are likely to benefit to the extent that their interpersonal milieu welcomes emotional approach (Lepore, Silver, Wortman, & Wayment, 1996; Stanton et al., 2000a). Those who are isolated or who are punished for ex- pressing emotions are less likely to benefit, un- less they have satisfactory solitary outlets for emotional approach, such as journal writing (re- call that emotional approach is associated with adjustment even when social support is con- trolled statistically; Stanton et al., 1994, 2000a, 2000b). The utility of emotional approach cop- ing also might vary as a function of the nature of the stressful encounter. For example, emo- tional approach coping might be more useful for interpersonal than for achievement-related stressors (Stanton et al., 1994) and for situations perceived as relatively uncontrollable (Berghuis & Stanton, 1994; Terry & Hynes, 1998). Other potential moderators of the effective- ness of emotional approach coping also require empirical attention. The utility of emotional ap- proach may vary as a function of the specific emotion processed or expressed and the individ- ual’s comfort and skill in approaching such emotion. For example, some individuals may be able to use anger to motivate constructive ac- tion, whereas others who experience anger may lash out destructively or transform anger into persistent resentment. Individual difference characteristics such as gender, hope, and opti- mism may influence the utility of emotional ap- proach coping. The timing of emotional ap- proach coping efforts also may be important, with emotional processing most useful at the 154 PART III. EMOTION-FOCUSED APPROACHES onset of the stressful encounter and emotional expression gaining maximal utility once one has come to understand one’s feelings. Given that emotional approach coping is ben- eficial under particular conditions, what are the mechanisms for its salutary effects? Coping through processing and expressing emotions may direct one’s attention toward central con- cerns (Frijda, 1994) and result in identification of discrepancies between one’s progress toward a goal and the expected rate of progress (Carver & Scheier, 1998). For example, acknowledging and attempting to understand one’s anger may lead one to conclude that a central goal cur- rently is blocked (e.g., maintaining a close re- lationship with one’s partner), to identify contributors to the blockage (e.g., partners’ dif- fering styles of approaching conflict), and to generate ways of restoring progress toward the goal (e.g., accepting and reinterpreting the dif- ference, expressing the anger constructively, seeking therapy). Thus, emotional approach coping may constitute a useful vehicle for de- fining goals and motivating action. Mediated re- lations of expressive coping with hope (Stanton et al., 2000a) and associations with problem- focused coping (Stanton et al., 2000b) support this interpretation. Emotional approach coping also may aid in habituation to a stressor and its associated emo- tions (e.g., Foa & Kozak, 1986; Hunt, 1998), either simply through repeated exposure or through concomitant altered cognitive reap- praisal of the stressor. For example, through processing and expressing emotions, one may conclude that the situation is not as dire as orig- inally conceived, that painful emotions do in- deed subside, and that some benefit can be gleaned from adversity (e.g., Davis, Nolen- Hoeksema, & Larson, 1998; Foa, Steketee, & Rothbaum, 1989). Analyzing six experiments on written emotional disclosure, Pennebaker, Mayne, and Francis (1997) found that use of words reflecting insightful and causal thinking was associated with improved health outcomes. Finally, coping through expressing emotions may facilitate regulation of the social environ- ment (e.g., Thompson, 1994). Letting a partner know of one’s sadness can prompt comfort, for example. An understanding of one’s inner emo- tional world also can allow individuals to select maximally satisfying emotional environments (Carstensen, 1998). We would suggest that the most interesting questions regarding emotional approach coping involve specifying for whom, under what conditions, and how coping through emotional processing and expression yields ben- efits, as well as how the resultant understanding can be translated into effective interventions for people confronting stressful experiences. Clinical Interventions It is clear from the foregoing that the experience and expression of emotion may be adaptive or maladaptive. In fact, most clients presenting for psychotherapy share the characteristic of some dysfunctional emotional patterns (Mahoney, 1991). Although some clinical approaches his- torically have touted pure expression as thera- peutic, theorists now suggest that a central goal of psychotherapy and of successful human de- velopment is balanced emotional expression in which emotions are recognized, understood, and communicated appropriately in a way that eventually prompts a reduction in distress (Kennedy-Moore & Watson, 1999). Such ther- apies focus not just on unbridled expression of emotion but rather on emotional processing and expression that serve functions such as regulat- ing arousal, fostering self-understanding, en- hancing problem-solving, and improving inter- personal relationships. One example of a therapy with such a goal is emotionally focused therapy (EFT; e.g., Green- berg & Paivio, 1997; Safran & Greenberg, 1991), which seeks to help clients achieve more adaptive functioning through evoking and ex- ploring emotions and restructuring maladaptive emotional schemes. A recent meta-analysis of four randomized controlled trials of EFT for couples revealed that this approach clearly is ef- fective in reducing marital distress (Johnson, Hunsley, Greenberg, & Schindler, 1999). Based on four studies of the mechanisms for change in EFT, Johnson et al. theorized that improve- ment is associated with expression of feelings and needs, and that this expression leads to pos- itive shifts in relationship patterns. Our review of the recent literature revealed other experimental studies designed to enhance emotional processing and/or expression that in- cluded a no-treatment control group. For ex- ample, Schut, Stroebe, van den Bout, and de Keijser (1997) offered seven sessions of problem- or emotion-focused counseling to men and women experiencing mildly complicated be- reavement. Emotion-focused therapy was aimed at acceptance, exploration, and discharge of CHAPTER 11. COPING THROUGH EMOTIONAL APPROACH 155 emotions related to the loss. Both interventions produced greater reduction in distress than a no-treatment control group, with the problem- focused intervention producing slightly better results than the emotion-focused intervention. Interestingly, problem-focused counseling was more effective in women, and emotion-focused counseling yielded better results for men. The effects of emotion-focused coping were observed only at follow-up, 7 months after the comple- tion of treatment. In a study of women expe- riencing infertility, McQueeney, Stanton, and Sigmon (1997) assessed the efficacy of six ses- sions of problem- or emotion-focused counsel- ing compared with a no-treatment control group. Both problem-focused and emotion- focused participants evidenced significantly re- duced distress at treatment termination relative to controls. At a 1-month follow-up, only the emotion-focused group evidenced significantly better psychological adjustment than controls (i.e., lower depressive symptoms and greater infertility-specific well-being) and in fact showed continued gains from treatment termi- nation through 1 month. At 18 months after treatment, a significant between-groups differ- ence emerged on parental status. Eight of 10 problem-focused group members had become mothers (4 biological, 4 adoptive) versus 2 of 8 emotion-focused members and three of eight controls. These studies provide support for the poten- tial of interventions promoting emotional pro- cessing and expression, but they also suggest four important qualifiers. First, Schut et al. (1997) emphasized the importance of studying effects of coping skills interventions as a func- tion of participant gender (also see Stanton et al., 1994). Interventions aimed at enhancing emotional approach coping may be more useful for some participants than others, and potential moderators require study. Second, the finding in both studies that emotional approach coping emerged as more beneficial at follow-up sug- gests that working with and expressing emo- tions may have a delayed impact as compared with problem-focused coping. It also high- lights the need for longitudinal studies of the effects of emotional approach coping skills in- terventions. Third, although the mechanisms for change in these therapies presumably center on the facilitation of emotional processing and expression, specific mechanisms for change require identification. Finally, this research underlines Lazarus’s (1999) cautions against di- chotomizing emotion- and problem-focused coping. Both approaches may confer benefit, perhaps in different realms or at different points in the trajectory of the stressor, and integrated interventions may yield the most positive out- comes. Folkman and colleagues’ (1991) Coping Effectiveness Training represents an interven- tion that combines training in emotion- and problem-focused skills. Effective in bolstering quality of life in HIVϩ men, this approach in- cludes (a) appraisal training to disaggregate global stressors into specific coping tasks and to differentiate between modifiable and immutable aspects of specific stressors; (b) coping training to tailor application of problem-focused and emotion-focused coping efforts to relevant stressors; and (c) social support training to in- crease effectiveness in selecting and maintaining supportive resources. Continued empirical ex- ploration of emotionally evocative therapeutic frameworks is essential. Directions for Research Our investigation of coping through emotional approach has begun with self-report items that are brief and general in nature. Findings of in- itial studies have generated numerous, specific questions for research. Further specification of the functional and dysfunctional aspects of cop- ing through emotional approach is of central importance. One important element of the emo- tional approach coping construct requiring closer scrutiny is the role of intentionality (Compas, Connor, Osowiecki, & Welch, 1997), that is, the conscious and purposive use of emo- tional processing and expression. This inten- tionality is embedded in the emotional approach items we have evaluated (e.g., “I take time to express my emotions”) and may be intrinsic to the adaptiveness of emotional approach. When nonvolitional, emotional processing may be- come maladaptive rumination, and emotional expression may produce destructive outbursts. Continued examination of: (a) individual differ- ence characteristics of the coper, such as hope, developmental attributes, and gender; (b) the nature of the stressor, such as its controllability, severity, and timing of emotional approach cop- ing relative to stressor onset; (c) the specific emotions processed and expressed; and (d) as- pects of the environmental context, including proximal social support and more distal cultural receptivity to emotional approach, also will fa- 156 PART III. EMOTION-FOCUSED APPROACHES cilitate the identification of for whom and under what conditions coping through emo- tional approach is effective. Further, develop- mental antecedents of emotional approach cop- ing and mechanisms through which it produces effects warrant exploration. In addressing these research questions, the broader literatures on emotion regulation, developmental psychology, biological psychology, evolutionary psychology, and others will be useful in generating hypoth- eses and constructing methodologies. Although the self-report measures of emo- tional approach coping we have described here have demonstrated evidence of interjudge reli- ability and correspondence with behavioral in- dicators of emotional expression, as well as pre- dictive validity, our understanding of coping through emotional approach will be enhanced by the use of methods in addition to self-report questionnaires, including direct observation and thought sampling, experimental induction of emotional approach, and qualitative studies of coping processes. Longitudinal research designs that control for initial levels on dependent var- iables (e.g., psychological adjustment) also are essential to evaluate coping through emotional approach because benefits of these coping proc- esses may emerge weeks or months after their initiation (Schut et al., 1997; McQueeny et al., 1997). Findings to date demonstrate that, although correlated, emotional processing and expression can have differential relations with adaptive outcomes, suggesting that further investigation of their distinct qualities and consequences re- quire study with these various methods. Clearly, the emotional approach coping con- structs also should be distinguished from other presumably emotion-focused coping strategies, both conceptually and empirically. We suggest that researchers select coping assessments that are uncontaminated by psychological distress and clearly specify the coping processes assessed in their published reports (and abstracts) rather than use the “emotion-focused coping” um- brella term. Intriguing research questions pertinent to clinical applications also are evident. For ex- ample, what are the implications for therapy process and outcome of discrepancies in emo- tional approach coping between partners in cou- ples therapy? Does the extent of client-therapist congruence in emotional approach coping increase over the course of therapy and influ- ence outcomes? How can we best design inter- ventions to facilitate adaptive coping through emotional approach for clients with diverse at- tributes? Translation of coping theory and em- pirical findings into effective clinical interven- tions is under way in several domains (e.g., Folkman et al., 1991); integration of findings from research on coping through emotional ap- proach may bolster the utility of such interven- tions for individuals confronting life’s adversi- ties. Chapters in this volume illustrate the family of constructs and theories undergirding positive psychology. Functionalist theories of emotion and the empirical evidence presented here sug- gest that coping through emotional approach deserves inclusion in this diverse array of adap- tive processes. To once again capture the poten- tial of emotional approach, we close with elo- quent words of a research participant, “My emotional life is rich now. Through facing my deepest fears, I realize my strength. Through expressing my sadness, I come to know my true companions. Once thought my enemy, my emotions are now my friends.” Notes 1. The relevant WOC items contain interper- sonal content (e.g., “I talked to someone about how I was feeling”) and thus often are included on a subscale reflecting seeking social support. 2. Space limitations prevent providing the cita- tions for these studies. Please contact the first au- thor for a complete list. References Averill, J. R. (1990). Inner feelings, works of the flesh, the beast within, diseases of the mind, driving force, and putting on a show: Six meta- phors of emotion and their theoretical exten- sions. In D. E. Leary (Ed.), Metaphors in the his- tory of psychology (pp. 104–132). New York: Cambridge University Press. Berghuis, J. P., & Stanton, A. L. (August, 1994). Infertile couples’ coping and adjustment across an artificial insemination attempt. In T. A. Re- venson & N. P. Bolger (Chairs), Stress, coping, and support processes in the context of mar- riage. Symposium conducted at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Associ- ation, Los Angeles. 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Social constraints, in- trusive thoughts, and depressive symptoms among bereaved mothers. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70, 271–282. *Levenson, R. W. (1994). Human emotion: A functional view. In P. Ekman & R. J. Davidson 158 PART III. EMOTION-FOCUSED APPROACHES (Eds.), The nature of emotion: Fundamental questions (pp. 123–126). New York: Oxford University Press. *Mahoney, M. J. (1991). Human change processes: The scientific foundations of psychotherapy. New York: Basic Books. McQueeney, D. A., Stanton, A. L., & Sigmon, S. (1997). Efficacy of emotion-focused and problem-focused group therapies for women with fertility problems. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 20, 313–331. Pennebaker, J. W., Mayne, T. J., & Francis, M. E. (1997). Linguistic predictors of adaptive be- reavement. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 863–871. Richards, J. M., & Gross, J. J. (1999). Composure at any cost? The cognitive consequences of emo- tion suppression. Personality and Social Psy- chology Bulletin, 25, 1033–1044. *Saarni, C. (1990). Emotional competence: How emotions and relationships become integrated. In R. Thompson (Ed.), Nebraska symposium on motivation: Vol. 36. Socioemotional develop- ment (pp. 115–182). Lincoln: University of Ne- braska Press. Safran, J. D., & Greenberg, L. S. (1991). Emotion, psychotherapy, and change. New York: Guil- ford. *Salovey, P., Bedell, B. T., Detweiler, J. B., & Mayer, J. D. (1999). Coping intelligently: Emo- tional intelligence and the coping process. In C. R. Snyder (Ed.), Coping: The psychology of what works (pp. 141–164). New York: Oxford University Press. Scheier, M. F., Weintraub, J. K., & Carver, C. S. (1986). Coping with stress: Divergent strategies of optimists and pessimists. Journal of Person- ality and Social Psychology, 51, 1257–1264. Schut, H. A. W., Stroebe, M. S., van den Bout, J., & de Keijser, J. (1997). Intervention for the be- reaved: Gender differences in the efficacy of two counselling programmes. British Journal of Clinical Psychology, 36, 63–72. *Smyth, J. M. (1998). Written emotional expres- sion: Effect sizes, outcome types, and moderat- ing variables. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 66, 174–184. *Smyth, J. M., & Pennebaker, J. W. (1999). Shar- ing one’s story: Translating emotional experi- ences into words as a coping tool. In C. R. Sny- der (Ed.), Coping: The psychology of what works (pp. 70–89). New York: Oxford Univer- sity Press. Snyder, C. R., Harris, C., Anderson, J. R., Hol- leran, S. A., Irving, L. M., Sigmon, S. T., Yosh- inobu, L., Gibb, J., Langelle, C., & Harney, P. (1991). The will and the ways: Development and validation of an individual-differences measure of hope. Journal of Personality and Social Psy- chology, 60, 570–585. *Stanton, A. L., Danoff-Burg, S., Cameron, C. L., Bishop, M. M., Collins, C. A., Kirk, S. B., Swo- rowski, L. A., & Twillman, R. (2000a). Emotion- ally expressive coping predicts psychological and physical adjustment to breast cancer. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 68, 875– 882. *Stanton, A. L., Danoff-Burg, S., Cameron, C. L., & Ellis, A. P. (1994). Coping through emotional approach: Problems of conceptualization and confounding. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66, 350–362. *Stanton, A. L., Kirk, S. B., Cameron, C. L., & Danoff-Burg, S. (2000b). Coping through emo- tional approach: Scale construction and valida- tion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78, 1150–1169. Terry, D. J., & Hynes, G. J. (1998). Adjustment to a low-control situation: Reexamining the role of coping responses. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 1078–1092. Thompson, R. A. (1994). Emotion regulation: A theme in search of definition. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 59, 25–52. Tobin, D. L., Holroyd, K. A., Reynolds, R. V., & Wigal, J. K. (1989). The hierarchical factor struc- ture of the Coping Strategies Inventory. Cog- nitive Therapy and Research, 13, 343–361. Wegner, D. M., Schneider, D. J., Knutson, B., & McMahon, S. R. (1991). On polluting the stream of consciousness: The effect of thought suppression on the mind’s environment. Cog- nitive Therapy and Research, 15, 141–152. 159 12 The Positive Psychology of Emotional Intelligence Peter Salovey, John D. Mayer, & David Caruso Out of the marriage of reason with affect there issues clarity with passion. Reason with- out affect would be impotent, affect without reason would be blind. S. S. Tomkins, Affect, Imagery, and Consciousness For psychologists, the 1990s were best known as the “Decade of the Brain.” But there were moments during those 10 years when the pop- ular press seemed ready to declare it the “De- cade of the Heart,” not so much for a popular interest in cardiovascular physiology but rather as a reflection on the growing interest in emo- tions and emotional intelligence, in particular. During the second half of the 1990s, emotional intelligence and EQ (we much prefer the former term to the latter) were featured as the cover story in at least two national magazines (Gibbs, 1995; Goleman, 1995b); received extensive cov- erage in the international press (e.g., Alcade, 1996; Miketta, Gottschling, Wagner-Roos, & Gibbs, 1995; Thomas, 1995); were named the most useful new words or phrases for 1995 by the American Dialect Society (1995, 1999; Bro- die, 1996); and made appearances in syndicated comic strips as diverse as Zippy the Pinhead and Dilbert. What is this construct, and why has it been so appealing? Emotional intelligence represents the ability to perceive, appraise, and express emotion accurately and adaptively; the ability to understand emotion and emotional knowledge; the ability to access and/or generate feelings when they facilitate cognitive activities and adaptive action; and the ability to regulate emo- tions in oneself and others (Mayer & Salovey, 1997). In other words, emotional intelligence refers to the ability to process emotion-laden information competently and to use it to guide cognitive activities like problem solving and to focus energy on required behaviors. The term suggested to some that there might be other ways of being intelligent than those emphasized by standard IQ tests, that one might be able to develop these abilities, and that an emotional intelligence could be an important predictor of success in personal relationships, family func- tioning, and the workplace. The term is one that instills hope and suggests promise, at least as compared with traditional notions of crystal- lized intelligence. For these very reasons, emo- tional intelligence belongs in positive psychol- 160 PART III. EMOTION-FOCUSED APPROACHES ogy. The purpose of this chapter is to review the history of and current research on emo- tional intelligence and to determine whether our positive assessments are appropriate or mis- placed. History of the Concept Turning to the field of psychology, there are two references to emotional intelligence prior to our work on this concept. First, Mowrer (1960) famously concluded that “the emotions do not at all deserve being put into opposition with ‘intelligence’ they are, it seems, themselves a high order of intelligence” (pp. 307–308). Sec- ond, Payne (1983/1986) used the term in an un- published dissertation. A framework for an emotional intelligence, a formal definition, and suggestions about its measurement were first described in two articles that we published in 1990 (Mayer, DiPaolo, & Salovey, 1990; Sa- lovey & Mayer, 1990). The tension between exclusively cognitive views of what it means to be intelligent and broader ones that include a positive role for the emotions can be traced back many centuries. For example, the Stoic philosophers of ancient Greece viewed emotion as too individualistic and self-absorbed to be a reliable guide for in- sight and wisdom. Later, the Romantic move- ment in late-18th-century and early-19th- century Europe stressed how emotion-rooted intuition and empathy could provide insights that were unavailable through logic alone. The modern interest in emotional intelligence stems, perhaps, from a similar dialectic in the field of human abilities research. Although nar- row, analytically focused definitions of intelli- gence predominated for much of this century, following Cronbach’s (1960) often cited conclu- sion that a social intelligence was unlikely to be defined and had not been measured, cracks in the analytic intelligence edifice began to appear in the 1980s. For example, Sternberg (1985) challenged mental abilities researchers to pay more attention to creative and practical aspects of intelligence, and Gardner (1983/1993) even defined an intrapersonal intelligence that con- cerns access to one’s feeling life, the capacity to represent feelings, and the ability to draw upon them as a means of understanding and a guide for behavior. Shortly thereafter, in their con- troversial book, The Bell Curve, Herrnstein and Murray (1994) revived debate about the genetic basis for traditionally defined intelligence and the degree to which intelligence is affected by environmental circumstances. Paradoxically, in- stead of crystallizing support for the genetic in- telligence position, the effect of The Bell Curve was to energize many educators, investigators, and journalists to question whether the tradi- tional view of intelligence was conceptualized too narrowly and to embrace the notion that there might be other ways to be smart and suc- ceed in the world. It was in this context that we wrote our 1990 articles, introducing emotional intelligence as the ability to understand feelings in the self and others, and to use these feelings as informa- tional guides for thinking and action (Salovey & Mayer, 1990). At that time, we described three core components of emotional intelli- gence—appraisal and expression, regulation, and utilization—based on our reading and or- ganizing of the relevant literature rather than on empirical research. Since this original article, we have refined our conceptualization of emo- tional intelligence so that it now includes four dimensions (Mayer & Salovey, 1997), which we will discuss later in this chapter. Our work was reinforced by neuroscientists’ interest in showing that emotional responses were integral to “rational” decision making (e.g., Damasio, 1995). Through our theorizing, we also helped to stimulate the writing of the best-selling book Emotional Intelligence,in which Goleman (1995a) promised that emo- tional intelligence rather than analytical intel- ligence predicts success in school, work, and home. Despite the lack of data to support some of Goleman’s claims, interest in emotional intelligence soared, with books appearing monthly in which the authors touted the value of emotional intelligence in education (Schil- ling, 1996), child rearing (Gottman & DeClaire, 1997; Shapiro, 1997), the workplace (Cooper & Sawaf, 1997; Goleman, 1998; Ryback, 1998; Simmons & Simmons, 1997; Weisinger, 1998), and personal growth (Epstein, 1998; Salerno, 1996; Segal, 1997; Steiner & Perry, 1997). Very little of this explosion of available resources on emotional intelligence represented empirically oriented scholarship. In the past 5 years, there also has been great interest in the development of measures to as- sess the competencies involved in emotional in- telligence. Not surprisingly, a plethora of sup- posed emotional intelligence scales and batteries of varying psychometric properties appeared CHAPTER 12. THE POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY OF EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE 161 (e.g., Bar-On, 1997; Cooper & Sawaf, 1996; Schutte et al., 1998). In reality, these instru- ments tapped self-reported personality con- structs, and they were disappointing in terms of their discriminant and construct validities (Da- vies, Stankov, & Roberts, 1998). As an alter- native, we have been arguing for the value of conceptualizing emotional intelligence as a set of abilities that should be measured as such (Mayer, Salovey & Caruso, 2000a, 2000b). We will describe this approach to measurement later in the chapter. Current Model of Emotional Intelligence What follows is a brief summary of our ability theory of emotional intelligence, displayed in Table 12.1; more detailed presentations can be found elsewhere (e.g., Mayer, Caruso, & Sa- lovey, 1999; Mayer & Salovey, 1997; Salovey, Bedell, Detweiler, & Mayer, 2000; Salovey & Mayer, 1990). Although there is sometimes em- pirical utility in considering emotional intelli- gence as a unitary construct, most of our work suggests that it can be divided into four branches. The first of these branches, emotional perception and expression, involves recognizing and inputting verbal and nonverbal information from the emotion system. The second branch, emotional facilitation of thought (sometimes referred to as using emotional intelligence), re- fers to using emotions as part of cognitive pro- cesses such as creativity and problem solving. The third branch, emotional understanding, in- volves cognitive processing of emotion, that is, insight and knowledge brought to bear upon one’s feelings or the feelings of others. Our fourth branch, emotional management, con- cerns the regulation of emotions in oneself and in other people. The first branch of emotional intelligence be- gins with the capacity to perceive and to ex- press feelings. Emotional intelligence is impos- sible without the competencies involved in this branch (see also Saarni, 1990, 1999). If each time unpleasant feelings emerged, people turned their attentions away, they would learn very little about feelings. Emotional perception involves registering, attending to, and decipher- ing emotional messages as they are expressed in facial expressions, voice tone, or cultural arti- facts. A person who sees the fleeting expression of fear in the face of another understands much more about that person’s emotions and thoughts than someone who misses such a signal. The second branch of emotional intelligence concerns emotional facilitation of cognitive ac- tivities. Emotions are complex organizations of the various psychological subsystems—physio- logical, experiential, cognitive, and motiva- tional. Emotions enter the cognitive system both as cognized feelings, as is the case when someone thinks, “I am a little sad now,” and as altered cognitions, as when a sad person thinks, “I am no good.” The emotional facilitation of thought focuses on how emotion affects the cognitive system and, as such, can be harnessed for more effective problem solving, reasoning, decision making, and creative endeavors. Of course, cognition can be disrupted by emotions, such as anxiety and fear, but emotions also can prioritize the cognitive system to attend to what is important (Easterbrook, 1959; Mandler, 1975; Simon, 1982), and even to focus on what it does best in a given mood (e.g., Palfai & Salovey, 1993; Schwarz, 1990). Emotions also change cognitions, making them positive when a person is happy and neg- ative when a person is sad (e.g., Forgas, 1995; Mayer, Gaschke, Braverman, & Evans, 1992; Salovey & Birnbaum, 1989; Singer & Salovey, 1988). These changes force the cognitive system to view things from different perspectives, for example, alternating between skeptical and ac- cepting. The advantage of such alterations to thought is fairly apparent. When one’s point of view shifts between skeptical and accepting, the individual can appreciate multiple vantage points and, as a consequence, think about a problem more deeply and creatively (e.g., Mayer, 1986; Mayer & Hanson, 1995). It is just such an effect that may lead people with mood swings toward greater creativity (Goodwin & Jamison, 1990; see Simonton, this volume). The third branch involves understanding emotion. Emotions form a rich and complexly interrelated symbol set. The most fundamental competency at this level concerns the ability to label emotions with words and to recognize the relationships among exemplars of the affective lexicon. The emotionally intelligent individual is able to recognize that the terms used to de- scribe emotions are arranged into families and that groups of emotion terms form fuzzy sets (Ortony, Clore, & Collins, 1988). Perhaps more important, the relations among these terms are deduced—that annoyance and irritation can lead to rage if the provocative stimulus is not elim- [...]... (AIM) Psychological Bulletin, 117, 39 –66 CHAPTER 12 THE POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY OF EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE Freedman, H S., Prince, L M., Riggio, R E., & DiMatteo, M R (1980) Understanding and assessing nonverbal expressiveness: The Affective Communication Test Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 39 , 33 3 35 1 Gardner, H (19 83/ 19 93) Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences (10th anniversary... I Item selection and cross-validation of the factor structure Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 38 , 23 32 Bagby, R M., Parker, J D A., & Taylor, G J (1993b) The twenty-item Toronto Alexithymia Scale: II Convergent, discriminant, and concurrent validity Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 38 , 33 –40 Bar-On, R (1997) Bar-On Emotional Quotient Inventory: A measure of emotional intelligence Toronto, Ontario:... discouragement Positive psychology promises challenge more than comfort; emotional creativity is part of that challenge 184 PART III EMOTION-FOCUSED APPROACHES Averill, J R (1980a) A constructivist view of emotion In R Plutchik and H Kellerman (Eds.), Emotion: Theory, research and experience: Vol 1 Theories of emotion (pp 30 5 33 9) New York: Academic Press Averill, J R (1980b) On the paucity of positive. .. history of psychology (pp 104– 132 ) New York: Cambridge University Press Averill, J R (19 93) Illusions of anger In R B Felson & J T Tedeschi (Eds.), Aggression and violence: Social interactionist perspectives (pp 171–192) Washington, DC: American Psychological Association Averill, J R (1997) The emotions: An integrative approach In R Hogan & J A Johnson (Eds.), Handbook of personality psychology (pp 5 13 ... 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Psychological Science, 8, 133 – 137 Carstensen, L L., Isaacowitz, D M., & Charles, S T (1999) Taking time seriously: A theory of socioemotional selectivity American Psychologist, 54, 165–181 Collingwood, R G (1 938 /1967) The principles of art Oxford: Clarendon Deikman, A J (1969) Deautomatization and the mystic experience In C T Tart (Ed.), Altered states of consciousness (pp 23 43) New York: Wiley Ekman,... cross-cultural psychiatry of affect and disorder (pp 182–215) Berkeley: University of California Press Smith, G J W., & van der Meer, G (1997) Creativity in old age In M A Runco & R Richards (Eds.), Eminent creativity, everyday creativity, and health (pp 33 3 35 3) Greenwich, CT: Ablex *Solomon, R C (19 93) The passions Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Steegmuller, F., & Bray, B (Trans.) (19 93) Flaubert–Sand: The... (letter of 23 July 1871, in Steegmuller & Bray, 19 93, p 234 ) A few years later, Sand advised Flaubert (who was 17 years her junior): “Before long, you will gradually be entering upon the happiest and most propitious part of life: old age It’s then that art reveals itself in all its sweetness, in our youth it manifests itself in anguish” (letter of 12 January 1876, in Steegmuller & Bray, 19 93, p 38 4) Sand... well as benefits “Every act of creation,” Picasso observed, “is first of all an act of destruction” (quoted in May, 1975, p 63) In the case of emotional creativity, familiar ways of responding may be disrupted, established personal relationships dissolved, and customary values discarded This last is perhaps the most porten- tous act of destruction, for it threatens the fabric of society as well as the... Financial Advisors The goal of the program is to assist managers in becoming “emotional coaches” for their employ- CHAPTER 12 THE POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY OF EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE ees The training focuses on the role of emotion in the workplace and gaining an awareness of how one’s own emotional reactions and the emotions of others affect management practices Although systematic evaluation of this program has . expressiveness: The Affective Communication Test. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 39 , 33 3 35 1. Gardner, H. (19 83/ 19 93) . Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences (10th anniver- sary. Clark, K. C. (19 93) . How coping mediates the effect of optimism on distress: A study of women with early stage breast cancer. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, 37 5 39 0. Carver, C struc- ture of the Coping Strategies Inventory. Cog- nitive Therapy and Research, 13, 34 3 36 1. Wegner, D. M., Schneider, D. J., Knutson, B., & McMahon, S. R. (1991). On polluting the stream of consciousness: