Predicative Possession - Oxford Studien Intypology And Linguistictheory Phần 3 potx

(38)Awtuw (Papuan, Sepik) Nom tapwo-neney, mowke nom tapwo awtuw 1pl Wre-aff before 1pl Wre none ‘We have Wre, but once we did not have Wre’ (Feldman 1986: 202) (39)Awtuw (Papuan, Sepik) a. Ven waruke 2sg big ‘You are big’ (Feldman 1986: 117) b. Rey wokek rame he tall man ‘He is a tall man’ (Feldman 1986: 109) c. Wankow æwre-ke d-awkey turtle house-loc fact-be.there ‘The turtle is in the house’ (Feldman 1986: 104) (40)Koiari (Papuan, South-East) Eburi-re vuma-vore-go E spec axe-with-spec ‘Eburi has an axe’ (Dutton 1996: 16) (41)Koiari (Papuan, South-East) a. Da gorogavanu I sick ‘I am sick’ (Dutton 1996: 25) b. Ahuke tisa atavaro 2sg.emp teacher person ‘You are a teacher’ (Dutton 1996: 66) c. Malaha ke-u oe vava-e u-ma man that-subj house beside-at be-prog ‘That man is (stopping) beside the house’ (Garland and Garland 1975: 441) (42)Nasioi (Papuan, East) Teni en toideq-poq-nani 3sg.f q children-aff-sg.f ‘Does she have any children?’ (Hurd and Hurd 1966: 43) (43)Nasioi (Papuan, East) a. Aun motiq pankain this dog big ‘This dog is big’ (Hurd and Hurd 1966: 200) 150 The typology of predicative possession b. Aun paba this house ‘This is a house’ (Hurd and Hurd 1966: 4) c. Donkaani aaq oton man here be.3sg.m.pres ‘There is a man here’ (Hurd and Hurd 1966: 5) For the remaining Papuan languages in my sample the split–share parameter fails to be decisive, as these languages are ‘sharers’: they have zero encoding for both copular and locative/existential sentences, or – less frequently – they use the same verbal item for these sentence types. In some cases, we can derive some evidence for copular status of the With-Possessive from the fact that the marker on the possessee seems to have a general adjectivalizing function. Thus, this marker can sometimes be used to derive adjectives from nouns, witness the below examples from Waskia, Amele, and Nabak. Furthermore, the suY x-ago/-jago in Kapauku-Ekagi also functions as the morpheme that derives ordinal numerals from cardinals (Drabbe 1952: 33). The suYx-tsaka in Monumbo is not a comitative element: it may have a complex origin, as a concatenation of the locational verb -tsa ‘be’ and the conjunctional suYx-ka ‘and’. Since all of the above-mentioned items can either be positively iden- tiWed as adjectivalizers or negatively identiWed as non-adverbial markers, I have rated the With-Possessives which they mark as members of the copular variant. (44)Waskia (Papuan, Adelbert Range) a. Ane naur karo 1sg coconut with ‘I have a coconut’ (Ross and Natu Paol 1978: 11) b. Yu karo wetness with ‘wet’ (Ross and Natu Paol 1978: 12) (45)Amele (Papuan, Madang) a. Ija sigin ca 1sg knife with ‘I have a knife’ (Roberts 1987: 81) b. Tin ca sweetness with ‘sweet’ (Roberts 1987: 66) Predicativization 151 (46)Nabak (Papuan, Huon-Finisterre) a. An notna ˛ bo-i˛-mak man some pig-their-with ‘Some men have pigs’ (Fabian et al. 1998: 443) b. Ŋama ˛-mak red(ness)-with ‘red’ (Fabian et al. 1998: 97) (47)Kapauku-Ekagi (Papuan, Wissel Lakes) a. Naitai ekina umina-jago my-father pig much-aff ‘My father has many pigs’ (Steltenpool and Van Der Stap 1950: 22) b. Tika-ago one-aff ‘Wrst’ (Drabbe 1952: 33) c. Wia-ago two-aff ‘second’ (Drabbe 1952: 33) (48)Monumbo (Papuan, Bogia) a. Ek am  e-tsaka tse 1sg dog-having be.1sg ‘I have a dog’ (Vormann and Scharfenberger 1914: 11) b. Ni ˛ aur  e-tsaka 3sg.m dog.pl-aff ‘He has dogs’ (Vormann & Scharfenberger 1914: 13) Then, lastly, there are ‘sharers’ among the Papuan languages inwhich the marker of the possessee can be identiWed unambiguously as the comitative aYx/adposi- tion ‘with’ or the privative aYx/adposition ‘without’. Examples of this encoding can be found especially in linguistic groupings from the eastern parts of New Guinea; I have rated these cases as instances of the adverbial variant. I am quite ready to admit, however, that there is a certain amount of arbitrariness involved in these decisions. Perhaps the safest statement on the situation in the Papuan languages is that their With-Possessives show a tendency to undergo predicati- vization, but that this process has advanced to diVerent degrees in the various languages, and that in some languages it has not applied at all. (49)Korowai (Papuan, Central and South) Yuf-e ` mban-mengga abu ¨ l he-conn child-with man ‘He has children’ (Van Enk and De Vries 1997: 80) 152 The typology of predicative possession (50)Korowai (Papuan, Central and South) Lebakhop Yalul-mengga-lo kho lakhi-ne ` alu ¨ old.woman Y with-foc sago wrap-ss cook.ss bante-t  e distribute-3pl.real ‘And together with the old woman Yalul they prepared sago in the Wre and distributed it’ (Van Enk and De Vries 1997: 80) (51)Daga (Papuan, South-East) Nu uruga oaenen den, nu uruga otun den 1pl all wife with 1pl all child with ‘We all have wives, we all have children’ (Murane 1974: 334) (52)Daga (Papuan, South-East) Karopae i den buna-en mango roots with pull-3sg.past ‘He pulled out the mango with its roots’ (Murane 1974: 103) (53)Omie (Papuan, Central and South-East) Sa?aho ijo-?e j-i-e land tree-with be-3sg-pres ‘The land has trees’ (Austing and Upia 1975: 578) (54)Omie (Papuan, Central and South-East) Apo-ro mamo ˆ -?o ˆ va?adeje father-erg mother-with go.3pl.past ‘Father went with Mother’ (Austing and Upia 1975: 577) (55)Koiari (Papuan, South-East) Eburi-re vuma-vore-go E. -spec axe-with-spec ‘Eburi has an axe’ (Dutton 1996: 16) (56)Koiari (Papuan, South-East) Ahu-vore-ge da behuva-nu he-with-spec 1sg send-1sg.past ‘I sent it with him’ (Dutton 1996: 52) Among the languages of Australia, the With-Possessive is deWnitely a major option. This is not to say that this encoding type is without competition; especially in the north-west, among the so-called ‘non-Pama-Nyungan’ languages, we Wnd several instances of the Topic Possessive and quite a few cases of the Have-Possessive. Notwithstanding this, it is clear that the Predicativization 153 With-Possessive is widespread on the continent. In my sample, thirteen of the twenty-two Australian languages select this type, and I am convinced that the percentage of With-Possessives would have been considerably higher if more Australian languages had been included. The Australian With-Possessive is exclusively suYxal. The general function of the suYx employed is ‘to derive adjectival stems from any sort of nominal root’ (Dixon 1980: 324). Given this, it is not surprising that the possessee, together with its suYx, typically takes on the syntactic function of a predicate adjective; in most languages it is – on a par with underived predicate adjectives – constructed with a zero-copula. In short, we can conclude that the Australian With-Possessive is typically of the copular subtype, although the process of predicativ ization which leads to the copular variant may have proceeded further in some languages than in others. Examples of the con- struction in the languages at issue will be given in Chapter 10; for now, I will restrict myself to a few remarks on the form and function of the element that marks the possessee. The suYx that is involved in the Australian With-Possessive manifests itself in diVerent forms. Frequently occurring suYxes are -dhirri/-dhirr/-dhi/-yi, -dharri/-djarra, and -garray/-garra/-garri/-ga (Dixon 2002: 170). It is possible that several of these forms are related, and the possibility that there is a relation to the suYx that marks reXexivity/reciprocity on verbs cannot be excluded (see Dixon 1976: 306–10, Dixon 2002: 170). Regardless of its particu- lar form in a given language, the suYx has been recognized as a unit with a speciWc function, and has been labelled in the literature as the ‘having- suYx’ (Dixon 1976), the ‘pr oprietive suYx’ (Blake 1987), or the ‘ comitativ e suYx’ (Dixon 1980, 2002). This divergence in terminology reXects the fact that the semantic range of the suYx is somewhat diVuse and varies quite extensively from language to language. Dixon (2002: 140) presents a survey of the semantic notions that the having-suYx may potentially cover; detailed de- scriptions of the semantic function of the suYx in a large number of Austra- lian languages can be found in Dixon (1976: 203–312). As a general – and quite simpliWed – representation of the facts, one may state that the ‘core business’ of the having-suYx seems to be the expression of physical characteristics of a person (as in Gumbainggir Œu:bi-gari ‘moustache-having’; Eades 1979: 239) and – in the majority of languages – also of alienable possession. Further extensions of the meaning of the suYx may involve the expressions of characteristics of a place (e.g. ‘water-having’) and the mental or corporeal state of a person (‘jealousy-having’, ‘sickness-having’). Furthermore, in some languages the suYx may cover the whole or parts of the semantic domain of accompaniment, and function as a marker of comitative – and in some 154 The typology of predicative possession languages also instrumental – case. In other languages, however, the semantic range of the ‘having-suYx’ is curtailed by the presence of other suYxes; quite a few languages have special comitative or associative markers, and locative and dative markers can also sometimes be found to make their inroads on the domain. A few examples may illustrate the variation in the semantic function of the having-suYx. A language in which the range of the suYx is exceptionally wide is Yidinj. As the examples given below indicate, the suYx-yi/-y in this language covers not only possession, but also comitative notions, and – quite untypically; see Dixon 2002: 141 – even temporal notions. (57)Yidinj (Australian, Pama-Nyungan) a. Ŋayu gala:-y 1sg.subj spear-com ‘I have a spear’ (Dixon 1977: 149) b. Wagudja bunja-y gali- ˛ man.abs woman-com come-nonpast ‘The man is coming with a woman’ (Dixon 1977: 293) c. Ŋanjdji gindanu-yi burgi- ˛ 1.nonsg.subj moon-com go.walkabout-nonpast ‘We (could) go walkabout by moonlight’ (Dixon 2002: 141) In contrast, the semantic range of the ‘having-suYx’ in languages like Arrernte or Bagandji is more restricted. Thus, we Wnd that the Arrernte suYx-gata/-kerte can be used for physical characteristics and alienable possession, but not for accompaniment; in the latter case, the comitative suYx-lela has to be used. Similarly, Hercus (1976: 229) observes that the suYx-dja in Bagandji ‘denotes ‘‘having a certain characteristic, possession, condition or relationship’’’. The author speciWes explicitly that ‘the aYx -dja . . . does not have any of the other semantic functions (‘‘accompanied by’’ etc.) which are characteristic of the aYx ‘‘having’’ in other languages’ (Hercus 1976: 230). (58)Arrernte (Australian, Pama-Nyungan) a. Kwementyaye newe-kerte K. spouse-prop ‘Kwementyaye has a wife’ (Wilkins 1989: 161) b. Aherre ne-me apethe-kerte kangaroo be-nonpast.prog pouch-prop ‘Kangaroos have a pouch’ (Wilkins 1989: 193) Predicativization 155 c. Arugutja era katjia-gata na-ma woman the child-prop sit-pres ‘The woman is pregnant’ (Strehlow 1944: 200) (59)Arrernte (Australian, Pama-Nyungan) a. Jinga tjinna nuka-lela pallana-ma 1sg friend my-com walk.about-pres ‘I am walking about with my friend’ (Strehlow 1944: 200) b. Arugutja era katjia-lela na-ma woman the child-com sit-pres ‘The woman is (sitting) with her child’ (Strehlow 1944: 200) (60)Bagandji (Australian, Pama-Nyungan) a. Ŋadd a balda-dja not shame-having ‘He is completely shameless’ (Hercus 1976: 229) b. Ŋidja murba-dja-aba one child-having-1sg.intr ‘I’ve got one child’ (Hercus 1976: 229) c. D ad  u-mı gi-dja-aba head-pain-having-1sg.intr ‘I’ve got a headache’ (Hercus 1976: 229) d. Ŋulardi  dad  u-bulgi-dja much head-hair-having ‘He’s got a lot of hair’ (Hercus 1976: 230) e. Janda-dja-ada ‘stone’-having-1sg.intr ‘I’ve got money’ (Hercus 1976: 230) (61)Bagandji (Australian, Pama-Nyungan) a. Wagaga-ambala ˛ınga-yiga manda-la tomahawk-com sit-3pl wait-purp ‘They sit waiting with tomahawks’ (Hercus 1982: 79) b. Nu ˛gu ˛ada wanga-ambala diga-la-dji woman not meat-com return-top-past ‘The woman returned without bringing the meat with her’ (Hercus 1982: 79) Finally, as a minimal case, we Wnd languages in which the ‘having-suYx’ is of very limited use, and basically encodes only ph ysical and/or mental 156 The typology of predicative possession characteristics. An example is Wardaman, in which the suYx-garang/-warang ‘tends to be used to express more permanent, inherent, aVecting, or internalized possession or association’ (Merlan 1994: 83). For other domains within the cognitive space of possession a Have-Possessive is employed (see sentences 63a–b). (62)Wardaman (Australian, Gunwinyguan) a. Mangali yi-wad-garang girl.abs class-pubic.hair-prop.abs ‘The girl has pubic hair’ (i.e. is old enough to be given in marriage) (Merlan 1994: 84) b. Mayin mawuya-warang food.abs poison-prop.abs ‘The food is poisoned/has poison in it’ (Merlan 1994: 84) (63)Wardaman (Australian, Gunwinyguan) a. Lege-biji mulurru -dagbarla-rri one-only old.woman 3sg-have-past ‘He only had one wife’ (Merlan 1994: 228) b. Yilgbawi yi-dagbarla-n enough 2sg-have-pres ‘You have enough’ (Merlan 1994: 94) Apart from the large, contiguous areas of north-east Asia and New Guinea/ Australia, other instances of the copular With-Possessive are found mainly in scattered, areally unrelated languages and language families. In North Amer- ica, and especially in the western part of that continent, the With-Possessive is a major option, but these With-Possessives are preferably Xexional. One of the very rare cases of the copular variant in North America is the extinct isolate Takelma, which was spoken in Oregon. This language had a With-Possessive in which the possessee was marked by the suYx-gwat’. There is hardly any doubt that this suYx had its origin in a combination of the comitative suYx -gwa ‘with’ and the participial or nominalizing suYx-t’. Since the complex which contains the possessee is therefore at least historically a nominal(ized) form, it w ill come as no surprise that the With-Possessive in Takelma is copular: the construction features either the full copula eı ˜ - or – with third- person subjects – a zero-copula. (64)Takelma (Takelma) a. TsÁ!u’lx-gwat’ eı ˜ -t’e? money-suff be-1sg ‘I have money’ (Sapir 1912: 277) Predicativization 157 b. T’gwana’t’-gwat’ slave-suff ‘He has a slave’ (Sapir 1912: 277) (65)Takelma (Takelma) a. I’lts!ak’ w eı ˜ -t’e? ugly be-1sg ‘I am ugly’ (Sapir 1912: 247) b. Waiwi eı ´ -tee-ta? girl be-1sg-when ‘When I was a girl’ (Kendall 1977: 23) In the With-Possessive of the Californian language Maidu, the possessee is marked by a suYx that is given in the sources as -ko ¨ /-ku (Dixon 1911)or-ky (Shipley 1963). The status of this suYx is uncertain, but it is possible that it is related in form to nominal case suYxes like genitive -ki ‘of’ and comitative -kan ‘with’, or to the verbal motion suYx-koi, which signals ‘movement away from’. In its morphosyntax the With-Possessive in Maidu resembles the construction in Takelma. Again, we see that the marked possessee is adjecti- valized or nominalized by a speciWcsuYx, and that the resulting complex is constructed as the predicate adjective or predicate nominal in a copular sentence, of which the possessor is the subject. As is usual with predicate adjectives and predicate nominals in Maidu, the adjectivalized or nominalized possessee receives marking for subjective case. Adjectival and nominal predi- cation in Maidu can feature either a full copula verb or a zero-copula (see sentences 67a–b), and these options are available for the With-Possessive as well. (66)Maidu (Maiduan) a. Hobo’-ko ¨ -do-m mai’se-m bu ¨ ss-tsoia bark.hut-suff-nmnl-subj 3pl-subj be-hsy ‘They had a bark hut’ (Dixon 1911: 726) b. Pa ˆ -ku-pe-m neno’mmaidu-m daughter-suff-nmnl-subj old.people-subj ‘The old couple had a daughter’ (Dixon 1911: 726) (67)Maidu (Maiduan) a. Tet  et myje-m jah  a-m very that.thing-subj good-subj ‘That thing is very good’ (Shipley 1963 : 32) 158 The typology of predicative possession b. Tet  et kylo ´ kbepe-m ka-?as very old.woman-subj be-1sg ‘I am a ver y old woman’ (Shipley 1963: 62) The only Central American language in my sample for which a copular With- Possessive can be attested is the Uto-Aztecan language Western Tarahumara. As will be seen in the next section, With-Possessives are a major encoding option in Uto-Aztecan, but, with the exception of Western Tarahumara, they are all Xexional. The possessee in the Western Tarahumara construction is marked by the adjectivalizing suY x-e ´ , the origin of which is uncertain. The construction may have a zero copula, but a full copula is also a possibility. Predicative adjectives in Western Tarahumara are nonverbal (see sentence (69)), which, again, is highly untypical for Uto-Aztecan. (68)Western Tarahumara (Uto-Aztecan, Tarahumaran) a. M  e ran-  e alu  e muk  e one child-aff that woman ‘That woman had a child’ (Burgess 1984: 28) b. Ok  a math-  e-ga-me h  un  e two corn.grinder-aff-stat-prt cop I ‘I have two corn grinders’ (Burgess 1984: 28) (69)Western Tarahumara (Uto-Aztecan, Tarahumaran) Y  e bil  el  apisi h  u we’lı ´ this one pencil be long ‘This pencil is long’ (Burgess 1984: 92) In South America, a possible instance of the copular With-Possessive is represented by the Carib family of the Guyanas and Northern Brazil. All four sampled languages of this family have a possessive construction in which the possessor is the subject. A further common feature is that the possessee is marked by the suYx-ke and by a preWx that has the form ti-/tu-/t In Wai Wai the construction has zero-encoding, and the possessee is marked further by a nominalization marker -m. The other three languages do not – or do not need to – have this nominalization marking, and they employ an overt be-verb in the construction. (70)Wai Wai (Carib) Tu-wuhre-ke-m komo kı ˆ wyam adv-weapon-adv-nmnl coll 1pl.incl ‘We all have weapons’ (Hawkins 1998: 33) Predicativization 159 [...]... (Hardman 2000: 65) c Waka-nh-shqa-wa-t’’ -wa cow-my-with-verb-1sg-val ‘I am with my cow’ (Hardman 2000: 48) (168) Aymara (Andean, Jaqi) Naya-xa uta-ni-i-tha 1sg-top house-aff-verb-1sg ‘I have a house’ (Huayhua Pari 2001: 240) (169) Aymara (Andean, Jaqi) a Jaqi-kanka-tha man-verb-1SG ‘I am a man/human’ (Huayhua Pari 2001: 169) b Uka jaqi-xa uyu-n-k-i-wa this man-top corral-in-verb-3sg-val ‘This man is in... (167a–c) and (169a–b)) (166) Jaqaru (Andean, Jaqi) a Antz acx wak-ni-wa- much much cow-aff-verb-3sg ‘(She) has a lot of cows’ (Hardman 2000: 109) b Ut-ni-wa-nh -wa house-aff-verb-1sg.fut-val ‘I will have a house’ (Hardman 2000: 49) (167) Jaqaru (Andean, Jaqi) a Juma-q antz shumya-wa-ta-wa you-top very beautiful-verb-2pres-val ‘You are very beautiful’ (Hardman 2000: 48) b Qaylla-wa-ta-wa child-verb-2pres-val... (Wakashan) ˇ Hi:tkin-?iÁs Àini:l-?iÁ strange-indic .3 dog-def ‘The dog is strange’ (Nakayama 2001: 30 ) (106) Quileute (Chimakuan) a Kde’do-lo-s a dog-aff-3sg ‘He has a dog’ (Andrade 1 933 38 : 217) b Taxe’lit-ha’a-li guardian.spirit-aff-1sg ‘I have a guardian spirit’ (Andrade 1 933 –8: 217) Predicativization 171 (107) Quileute (Chimakuan) Tsi’da-a- handsome-dur-3abs ‘He is handsome’ (Andrade 1 933 –8: 257) The... lame-n’-hi one-attr dog-com-3pl.intr ‘They had one dog’ (Maslova 2003b: 70) b Titte-jlede mer-ari-n’e-˛i they-intens aff-weapon-com-3pl.intr ‘They had a gun’ (Maslova 2003b: 81) (84) Tundra Yukaghir (Yukaghir) el’-amo-o T’awul-hane lawje-˛ sea-loc water-foc neg-be.good-3sg.stat ‘The sea water is not good’ (Maslova 2003b: 59) (85) Tundra Yukaghir (Yukaghir) me-segu-j Qad’ir tide marqil-n’e-˛ u-relek... (Eskimo-Aleut, Eskimoan) Mangteghagh-ghllag-lgu-uq house-big-aff-3sg.indic ‘He has a big house’ (De Reuse 1994: 55) ( 93) Siberian Yupik (Eskimo-Aleut, Eskimoan) Ulluviigh- umu-uq board-abs be.thick-3sg.indic ‘The board is thick’ (De Reuse 1994: 251) (94) Aleut (Eskimo-Aleut, Aleut) a Ayaga-gi-ku-qing ‘ wife-aff-pres-1sg ‘I have a wife’ (Geoghegan 1944: 28) ‘i-ku-qing b Qicx3a-g weapon-aff-pres-1sg ‘I... prt that girl-com-foc go-ss.perf aff-enter-3sg.intr 166 The typology of predicative possession nime-da-ha dwelling-her-loc ‘He went with that girl and entered her dwelling’ (Maslova 2003b: 61) (86) Kolyma Yukaghir (Yukaghir) ataqu-n uø-n’e-l’el a Ta˛ pajpe that woman two-attr child-prop-3sg.infer ‘That woman had two children’ (Maslova 2003a: 75) b Pulun-die jowje-n’-i old.man-dim net-prop-3sg.intr ‘The... Nii-k waha-ku-mi wa?aro-vi-mi pungku-vi-ga-nt 1sg-top two-obl-an.obl horse-pl-obl pet-pl-aff-hab ‘I have two horses’ (Press 1974: 114) (145) Chemehuevi (Uto-Aztecan, Southern Numic) Johni-k jum?iga-j J.-foc be.weak-pres.dur ‘John is weak’ (Press 1974: 131 ) (146) Kawaiisu (Uto-Aztecan, Southern Numic) N’?’ kahni-ga-d’ I house-aff-nmnl ‘I have a house’ (Zigmond et al 1991: 114) (147) Kawaiisu (Uto-Aztecan,... Predicativization ( 133 ) 177 Siuslaw (Yakonan) a Kotan-a’-t- horse-at-dur -3 ‘They had horses’ (Frachtenberg 1922b: 533 ) ˆ b Hıtsı-yus-t- house-at-dur -3 ‘He has a house’ (Frachtenberg 1922b: 533 ) ( 134 ) Siuslaw (Yakonan) ˆ Tsınq!t-anx poor-2sg ‘You are poor’ (Frachtenberg 1922b: 446) The With-Possessive in Sierra Miwok, a language of California, features either the suYx -yak or the suYx -? ni/-uni on the possessee... a Puke-ko a b-aya canoe-suff foc-3sg.m ‘He has a canoe’ (Landaburu 1979: 78) b Pahase-ko bo-ha’e a bow-aff foc-2sg ‘You have a bow’ (Landaburu 1979: 160) (75) Andoke (Witotoan) a Feneo b-aya beautiful foc-3sg.m ‘That is beautiful’ (Landaburu 1979: 80) b Yo’ho b-aya man foc-3sg.m ‘That is a man’ (Landaburu 1979: 235 ) c Ipeko-e b-aya house-in foc-3sg.m ‘He is in the house’ (Landaburu 1979: 78) Finally,... typology of predicative possession (155) Classical Nahuatl (Uto-Aztecan, Aztecan) Ti-cualli- in tehhuatl 2-be.good-sg ART 2.that.one.sg ‘You are good’ (Andrews 1975: 261) (156) Yaqui (Uto-Aztecan, Tarahumaran) ˇ ˇ In abaci cu?u-k my brother dog-real/perf ‘My brother has a dog’ (Lindenfeld 19 73: 23) (157) Yaqui (Uto-Aztecan, Tarahumaran) a Ooro-po-te koakte-k te Potam-po yaha-k O.-in-we turn-perf we P.-in . (88) and (91)). ( 83) Tundra Yukaghir (Yukaghir) a. Marqa-n lame-n’-hi one-attr dog-com-3pl.intr ‘They had one dog’ (Maslova 2003b: 70) b. Titte-jlede mer-ari-n’e- ˛i they-intens aff-weapon-com-3pl.intr ‘They. marqil-n’e- ˛ u-relek me-segu-j prt that girl-com-foc go-ss.perf aff-enter-3sg.intr Predicativization 165 nime-da-ha dwelling-her-loc ‘He went with that girl and entered her dwelling’ (Maslova 2003b:. (Yukaghir) a. Ta ˛ pajpe ataqu-n uø-n’e-l’el that woman two-attr child-prop-3sg.infer ‘That woman had two children’ (Maslova 2003a: 75) b. Pulun-die jowje-n’-i old.man-dim net-prop-3sg.intr ‘The old man