Predicative Possession - Oxford Studien Intypology And Linguistictheory Phần 5 pps

(147)Lushai (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Naga-Kuki-Chin) Ka hne ˆ na a om 1sg to it be ‘I have it’ (Lorraine and Savidge 1898: 21) (148)Burmese (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Burmese-Lolo) Cunto-hma pai-hsan hyı ´ 1sg-at money exist ‘I have some money’ (Okell 1969: 130) (149)Qiang (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Qiangic) ?u ˜ -dóoKu-le: qa-tA §@ 2sg-key-def.class 1sg-loc exist ‘Your key is at my place/ I have your key’ (LaPolla and Huang 2003: 99) In the Tibeto-Burman languages under discussion here, deranking of tem- poral and other adverbial clauses is a very prominent strategy in clause chaining. In Classical Tibetan, for example, hardly any balanced temporal sequencing can be found. As for the morphological make-up of deranked predicate forms, we Wnd the by now familiar mix of converbs (characterized by suYxes on the bare verb stem) and oblique verbal nouns (characterized by case suYxes on an overtly marked nominalized form). The distinction be- tween the two types of deranked forms is, however, not very strict, as many converbal suYxes have their origin in locational or instrumental case markers. A synchronic case which illustrates this point is the converbal marker -ill« in Limbu, which is also in use as the instrumental case marker on nouns. Similarly, the converbal markers -on in Garo, -in in Lushai, -la in DaXa, and -hma in Burmese all double as locative case markers in their respective languages. Although some of the languages have deranked forms that are special- ized into same-subject conditions only, most converbs and oblique verbal nouns allow absolute use as well. Nominative (or ergative) case for the subjects of deranked predicates seems to be the norm, but, as the below examples from Newari and Garo illustrate, genitive marking is not totally excluded. (150)Classical Newari (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Himalayan) a. Thva kanya vam-na-va rajaputra-n mitra-yake pha-lam dem girl.nom go-vn-soc prince-ag friend-dir say-indic ‘When the girl had gone, the prince said to his friend’ (Jo ¨ rgensen 1941: 69) 318 Determinant factors b. Simha-ya pyatya-na-va lion-gen become.hungry-soc ‘When the lion had become hungry’ (Jo ¨ rgensen 1941: 23) (151)Thakali (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Himalayan) a. Ra ki kja ´ -si soto ra ki ra-pa mu-ci goat one cry- conv other goat one know-pcp be ‘One goat cried, the other goat was smart/ While one goat was crying, . . .’ (Georg 1996: 127) b. Sarma k’a-jan ˙ se c ´ antrama njan ˙ ca ´ mran ˙ -la a clouds come-conv.cond moon 1pl see-inf neg k’am can ‘If there are clouds, we can’t see the moon’ (Georg 1996: 129) c. Ki k’a-pa-e ontro t’e jul pi-si je-ci 2sg come-vn-gen before 3sg village leave-conv go-past ‘He left the village before you came’ (Georg 1996: 133) d. Apa ´ curi k’a-pa-e cipa ´ ri n ˙ a Comsom je-ci father here come-vn-gen after 1sg C. go-past ‘After father had come here, I went to Jomsom’ (Georg 1996: 219) (152)Lepcha (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Himalayan) a. Hu-nun tya ´ ng shang-lel-lung-sa a-lun he-erg all waste-Wnish-vn-gen after o-tha ` lyang ore-ka ` kritnam ngun-non-ne then country that-loc famine happen-go-past.indic ‘When he had squandered everything, a famine came to happen in that country’ (Grierson 1909: 244) b. Ado-sa akup lot-thi-wung-sa-do you-gen son back-come-vn-gen-on ho-nun dun klong-ma you-erg feast give-pres.indic ‘Now that your son has returned, you give a feast’ (Grierson 1909: 246) (153)Limbu (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Himalayan) KO ˛ menchuma-‘n la˛ghe’g-?ille ku-la˛buk sa’rik muk this lady-abs walk-ger/instr her-footsteps very beat ‘When this lady walks, her footsteps make a lot of noise’ (Van Driem 1987: 233) Locational Possessives 319 (154)Classical Tibetan (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Himalayan) Na sa tub-tub-la kyod-di sin kyon 1sg.erg meat cut-cut- dat 2sg-erg wood bring ‘While I am cutting the meat into pieces, you must bring some wood’ (Ja ¨ schke 1929: 58) (155)Ladakhi (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Himalayan) Kho azhang-ngi khangpa-la sleb-za-na he.abs uncle-gen house-to arrive-vn-loc azhang-ngis nangla khrid-de khyer-s uncle-erg inside lead-pcp take-past.indic ‘When he arrived at his uncle’s house, the uncle took him inside’ (Grierson 1909: 69) (156)Garo (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Bodic) a. U-a sokba-on a ˛-a ca’-gen 3sg-nom arrive-loc/conv 1sg-nom eat-fut ‘When he arrives, I will eat’ (Burling 1961: 30) b. U-ni okam-on a ˛-a re’a˛-aha 3sg-gen call-loc/conv 1sg-nom go-perf ‘When he called/ At his call, I went’ (Burling 1961: 31) c. Tusi-miti ˛-o juma˛ nik-aha sleep-with-loc dream see-perf ‘While (I) was sleeping, I had a dream’ (Burling 1961: 31) (157)Kham (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Bodic) a. O-ma-hu-d@ z@ ˛a-zyu-ke 3sg-neg-come-conv emp 1sg-eat-perf ‘He having not come, I ate’: ‘I ate before he came’ (Watters 2002: 212) b. H@i o-ra-do-k@ te la:-ke-r@ thus 3sg-3pl-say-conv foc take-perf-3pl ‘When he told them, they took it’ (Watters 2002: 331) c. H@i ya-li-zya-o-t@ z@ nuhl ta-ke thus 3pl-say-cont-nmnl-on emp destruction be-perf ‘While they were speaking, destruction happened’ (Watters 2002: 321) (158)Dafla (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, North Assam) Ha guda ha ˆ dema durre u-t-la that country in great famine become-past-loc 320 Determinant factors mu ¨ g ai da-pa-ma-tla his belly eat-get-neg-past ‘When a great famine came to pass in that country, he could not get food’ (Grierson 1909: 603) (159)Meithei (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Meithei) N@ ˛-n@ lingwistiks t@ m-pi-p@-t@ you-contrast linguistics teach-recip-nmnl-loc @ynu ´ ˛ay-ı ´ 1sg be.happy-nonhyp ‘When you teach (me) linguistics, I am happy’ (Chelliah 1997: 95) (160)Lushai (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Naga-Kuki-Chin) Ka lo-thlen’-in a-in a lo-ka ˆ ng 1sg towards-arrive-loc his-house 3sg towards-burn ‘When I arrived, his house was burning’ (Lorrain and Savidge 1898: 28) (161)Burmese (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Burmese-Lolo) Qalou’ pi:-hma cano htamin sa-ya-me work Wnish-at I food eat-can-fut ‘Only when/if the work is Wnished, I will get a chance to eat’ (Cornyn and Roop 1968: 262 ) (162)Qiang (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Qiangic) a. QA stuAhA tch@-lai the: jan t §he 1sg rice eat-conv.sim 3sg cigarette smoke ‘When/while I am eating, s/he is smoking’ (LaPolla and Huang 2003: 164) b. QA tc=@u-lA k@-s-tA the: l@gz su-ji 1sg home-loc go-vn-loc 3sg book study-asp ‘When I came home, s/he was already studying’ (LaPolla & Huang 2003: 165) 9.9 Middle East and North Africa Apart from the Eurasian landmass, the Middle East and North Africa is the second area in which the Locational Possessive is an important option of possession encoding. The area is occupied largely by the various branches of the Afro-Asiatic family, and for some subfamilies we can trace a Locational Possessive back to ancient times. Thus, it has been established that Old Egyptian had a Locational Possessive, which was characterized by the dative Locational Possessives 321 preWx or preposition n ‘to’ on the possessor. The option is retained in Coptic, the descendant of Old Egy ptian. (163)Old Egyptian (Afro-Asiatic, Egyptian) Nb n-j gold to-1sg ‘I have gold’ (Benveniste 1966: 202) (164)Coptic (Afro-Asiatic, Egyptian) Oyon nt-ak noyhvos mmay exist to-2sg gown there ‘You have a gown’ (Mallon 1956: 155) Whether Old Egyptian had anything that could be analysed as some form of deranking is unclear. In any case, Coptic turns out to have a nominalized verb form called the inWnitive, which can be used as subject, object, and as complement of prepositions.16 As predicate in temporal clauses the inWnitive occurs with the prepositions n ‘at, in’ (for simultaneity) or menensa ‘after’ (for anterior action). Fur thermore, Coptic has a verbal noun, which is derived from the verb stem by the preWx djin-ordjin-thre-; it is a masculine noun, which takes the article p-/pi In construction with the preposition khen ‘in, among, w ith’, this formation encodes simultaneous clauses. (165)Coptic (Afro-Asiatic, Egyptian) a. Na-f-neou n-aschai pe imperf-3sg.m-walk at-grow.inf imperf ‘It [i.e. the word of God] went and multiplied’ (Acts, 12:24) (Mallon 1956: 129) b. Menensa thre p-Sois schari e after prt art.Lord hit.inf to phiaro n-Che ` mi art.river gen-Egypt ‘After the Lord had struck the river of Egypt’ (Mallon 1956: 131 ) c. Khen p-djinthre-f-so ˆ tem ndje palou n-Abraham in/with art.m-vn-his-hear subj art.m.servant gen-A. e paisadji to art.pl.word ‘When Abraham’s servant heard these words’ (Mallon 1956: 136) 16 For the rather complex formation of this inWnitive see Mallon 1956: 86 8. 322 Determinant factors Older forms of the Semitic languages demonstrate the choice of a Locational Possessive as well. Both Biblical Hebrew and Classical Arabic marked the possessor by a dative preposition/preWx, with the form le- (Hebrew) or li (Arabic). This option has been retained in Modern Hebrew. In the two sampled modern Arabic variants, the dative marking on the possessor has been replaced by a preposition with the basic meaning ‘at’.17 (166)Biblical Hebrew (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) Hayah’ so’n le-’Abraham existed cattle to-A. ‘Abraham had cattle’ (Lambdin 1971: 56) (167)Classical Arabic (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) Kaana-t li Zayd-in xubzatu-n was-f to Z gen loaf-indef ‘Zayd had a loaf’ (Comrie 1989: 216) (168)Modern Hebrew (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) Le-Yarden yesh meleh to-Jordan exist king ‘Jordan has a king’ (Glinert 1989: 168) (169)Cairene Arabic (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) Àand-i Àarabijja at/with-1sg car ‘I have a car’ (Gary and Gamal-Eldin 1982: 49) (170)Maltese (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) Pawlu gand-u ktieb P. at-him book ‘Pawlu has a book’ (Comrie 1989: 213) Like Coptic, both Biblical Hebr ew and Classical Arabic possessed a verbal noun or inWnitive, which, in these two languages, was formed by way of a speciWc vocalization pattern. In construction with a preposition, such as the locative marker be-/bi- (Hebrew) or ba- (Arabic) for simultaneous action, the inWnitive could encode a deranked temporal clause. Such forms could have their own subjects, which were constructed either as a possessive suYx or as a nominative. In Modern Hebrew this form of deranking still survives, albeit that its use is deemed ‘particularly formal’ (Glinert 1989: 315) nowadays. In Cairene Arabic 17 As we have seen in Section 6.4, the possessive construction in Maltese is in a process of transitivization. Locational Possessives 323 and Maltese the form appears to have been abandoned altogether. As a result, these two variants of modern Arabic must be rated as counter-examples to the central claim of this chapter, at least from a synchronic point of view. (171)Biblical Hebrew (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) a. Be-‘amd-i lepanay-o ˆ in-stand.inf-my before-him ‘When/while I stood before him’ (Lambdin 1971: 129) b. Min mosa’ dabar from go.out.inf.constr word ‘After the word went out’ (Wim Delsman p.c) (172)Modern Hebrew (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) Bi-shmo’a Mirjam et hajedi’a in-hearing.conv Mirjam acc the.news ‘On Mirjam hearing the news’ (Glinert 1989: 315) (173)Classical Arabic (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) Ba-duhuli-ni al-bayta kataba in-enter.vn-my the-house.acc write.3sg.m.past ‘As I entered the house, he was writing’ (Cees Versteegh p.c.) As we have noted in Section 3.6, the two sampled languages from the southern branch of Semitic (Amharic and Tigre), as well as the Berber languages, have a Topic-Locational hybrid construction; they will be discussed in Chapter 11. Among the four sampled languages of the Cushitic branch of Afro-Asiatic, only Bedawi and Bilin have the option of a Locational Possessive. The other two Cushitic languages in the sample, Oromo and Somali, have a Have-Posses- sive, an option which is available for Bedawi and Bilin as well (see Section 12.10). (174)Bedawi (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) Ha ´ mmed-i geb reu ˆ e-W H gen at/side money 3sg.m-be.pres ‘Hammed has money’ (Reinisch 1893 II: 96) (175)Bilin (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) G@d@ ˛ @rg-@x w all-u dog.nom be -3sg.m.pres to-him ‘He has a dog’ (Tucker and Bryan 1966 : 544) Absolute deranking of temporal clauses in Bedawi and Bilin can take the form of oblique verbal nouns. The formation is based on a nominalization which consists of the verb stem plus a suYx(-e in Bedawi, -na in Bilin), and which 324 Determinant factors can be provided with various locative case suYxes or postpositions to encode a range of adverbial meanings. Such forms allow diVerent-subject conditions, in which case their subjects are encoded in the nominative case. Quite unty pically, indexing of the subject on the deranked predicate is required, by means of pronominal subject aYxes. In addition, Bilin has a subordinate verb form which is called the ‘syn- chronous’ or ‘simultaneous mood’. The formation is marked by the suYx-u; according to Reinisch (1882: 81), the form is probably an old action nominal. As its label indicates, the form expresses simultaneity, and can be used under same-subject as well as diVerent-subject conditions. A subject is in the nominative case, and is represented in the predicate by means of the set of personal inWxes that are also used for main predicates. Unlike main predi- cates, however, the simultaneous mood does not have tense marking. (176)Bedawi (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Anı ´ o-gau ˆ s ˇ um-an-e-hob Bilald , a ´ bya 1sg.nom art-house enter-1sg.perf-vn-at B. already ı ´ -he 3sg.perf-go ‘When I entered the house, Bilal was already gone’ (Reinisch 1893: III.190) b. Sak-nan-e-k e-ya leave-1pl.perf-vn-from 3sg.perf -come ‘When we had left, he came’ (Reinisch 1893: III.190) (177)Bilin (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Kua ´ ra lab--na-dı ´ nı kau ˆ -l g  eru ~ x sun go.down-3sg-vn-com 3sg.nom house-dat go.3sg.perf ‘When the sun had set, he went home’ (Reinisch 1882: 60) b. Q  u-n-u tu ˆ -na ı ´ lla eat-1pl-conv.sim enter-vn not.be.3sg.pres ‘While we eat, nobody is allowed to enter’ (Reinisch 1882: 54) To conclude our investigationof Afro-Asiatic, we must consider thefoursampled members of the Chadic branch. For all these languages a Locational Possessive can be documented, although at least for Hausa and Margi a With-Possessive seemstobe themoreusual option.In anycase,theLocationalPossessiveinChadic is matched by deranked temporal clauses, which are built around verbal nouns. In Hausa, this verbal noun is used in construction with prepositions, such as the item da ` ‘with’; use of this item indicates simultaneity. In the other three Chadic Locational Possessives 325 languages in the sample, verbal nouns in temporal clauses do not occur with prepositions. Instead, the deranked clause, with its nominalized predicate, is placed in the position of a sentential topic. In all four languages, subjects of deranked temporal clauses take genitival marking. (178)Hausa (Afro-Asiatic, Chadic) a. Akwai mota gare shi exist car with/at him ‘He has a car’ (Cowan and Schuh 1976: 69) b. Sabuwar ˇ munduwa ce da ` ita new bracelet be.sg.f with her ‘She has a new bracelet’ (Newman 2000: 161) (179)Hausa (Afro-Asiatic, Chadic) a. Da ` zuwa ` -nsa ` sai aikı with come.vn-his then work ‘When he comes, then (there is a lot of) work’ (Kraft and Kirk-Greene 1973: 189) b. Da ` iso ˆ war ˇ -sa ` sai sarkı ya yi tsalle with arrive.vn-his then chief 3sg.m do jump.vn ‘On his arrival, the chief jumped up’ (Newman 2000: 560) (180)Tera (Afro-Asiatic, Chadic) a. Ali koro xa-nda A. donkey with-him ‘Ali has a donkey’ (Newman 1970: 136) b. Mejin xa rem money with us ‘We have money’ (Newman 1970: 25) (181)Tera (Afro-Asiatic, Chadic) Gab-te be Shoka ne gar, Mapulu te nji return-vn of Squirrel to bush Hyena seq eat zu-a bara meat-the away ‘As soon as Squirrel returned to the bush, Hyena ate up the meat’ (Newman 1970: 96) (182)Margi (Afro-Asiatic, Chadic) Ce ´ de ` a ´ ’ı ` a ` ra ´ -y  u  money exist with-me ‘I have money’ (HoVmann 1963: 241) 326 Determinant factors (183)Margi (Afro-Asiatic, Chadic) Fa ` rpa ´ d@ ´ ku ` ˙ nı ` ga ` shı ` lı ´ cease.vn rain.gen this 1sg narr come ‘As soon as this rain ceased, I came’ (HoVmann 1963: 182) (184)Hdi (Afro-Asiatic, Chadic) a. Ma ` a ´ hla ` da ` ı ˆ ı ´ exist cow at 1sg ‘There is a cow at my place’; ‘I have a cow’ (it may or may not be mine) (Frajzyngier 2001: 351) b. Ma ` mu ´ ko ´ 'u ` da ` tsı ´ exist money at 3sg ‘She has money’ (Frajzyngier 2001: 351) (185)Hdi (Afro-Asiatic, Chadic) a. La ´ ma ` krı ` da ´ xa ` da ` ka ` hla ` na ´ gha ´ -ta ´ -tsı ´ t-u ´ va ´ enter.vn dog.gen to here then Wnd-he-him obj-cat ‘When Dog entered there, he found Cat’ (Frajzyngier 2001: 484) b. Ta ` wa ´ wa ` ku ´ -a ´ nı ´ krı ` impf walk.around.vn-his dog.gen ‘While Dog was taking a walk’ (Frajzyngier 2001: 485) 9.10 Other African languages In contrast to Afro-Asiatic, where the Locational Possessive is a major option, the other three language phyla in Africa show only occasional use of this type. In Khoisan, the type is not attested at all. In Nilo-Saharan, Locational Possessives are clearly a minor option when compared to the other three possession types, and they seldom are the only option in a language. Thus, the Locational Possessive of Kanuri, one of the two sampled languages of the Saharan branch of Nilo-Saharan, is in competi- tion with a With-Possessive and a Topic Possessive. In this Locational Possessive, the possessor is encoded by a pronominal possessive suYx (na ˆ ‘place’) on the noun, which in its turn is followed by the locative suYx-n ‘at’. The construction is matched by deranked predicate forma- tions that can be viewed as oblique verbal nouns. These formations allow their own subject, which is in the nominative case and can be indexed on the deranked predicate by a pronominal possessive aYx. Locational Possessives 327 [...]... tc !a yut a Du-q!e’-n^x his-mouth-from blood that out.of.it ˆ du-ı’yeq q !a-n^c-xen-tc mouth-prog-Xow-always his-spirit ı ga-ga-^’t- ˆ-n towards-prog-come-pcp-with ‘Blood would Xow out of his mouth, when his spirits came to him’ (Swanton 1911a: 1 85) 342 Determinant factors ˆ ˆ ˆ b I-tu-wu q!w^n c^t!ı’q Nıxa’ neł your-mind-poss hort be.strong N house.into ˆ gu’t-n-ı go-with-pcp ‘Be courageous when Nixa... Kusko-man tsaya-pti-y-ka mama-y Cuzco-to come-ds-1sg.poss-prt mother-1sg.poss wanurkan die.perf.3sg ‘As I came to Cuzco, my mother died’ (Von Tschudi 1884: 433) ( 251 ) Spoken Bolivian Quechua (Andean, Quechuan) a Puri-spa samari-sa-q walk-ss rest-fut-1sg ‘Having walked, I shall rest’ (Bills et al 1969: 198) Locational Possessives 347 ˇ ˜ b laqwa-ta lami-qti-ncis p’’inaku-rqa-nku hot.sauce-acc taste-ds-1pl.incl.poss... (Waltz 1976: 28) 350 Determinant factors (262) Retuar~ (Western Tucanoan) a ˜˜ ˜ ˜ a dıyeru yi-re iba-hı-i-ka reka motoro money 1sg-for be-pot-stat-neut if motor ˜ ˜ yi-wapahı-hi-yu 1sg-buy-pot-fut ‘If I had money, I could buy a motor’ (Strom 1992: 82) ˜ba-be-yu-ra ˜ ˜ b ˜bırıha baka-ra ı ˜˜ ˜ ˜ ı ˜ yi-re male oVspring-pl be-neg-pres-pl 1sg-for ‘I don’t have sons’ (Strom 1992: 1 25) (263) Retuar~ (Western... 1 955 : 355 ) ˘ ´ ´ ˇ b Azle ra@-nia¨ sense there 1sg-gen yuca ‘I have yuca’ (Espinosa Perez 1 955 : 359 ) ( 255 ) Yameo (Peba-Yaguan) ´ ´ ´ ´ˇ a rNe mil-awes ri ya my eat.vn-abl I go ‘After I have eaten, I’ll go’ (Espinosa Perez 1 955 : 389) ´ ´ ´ ı wN@se-le-ma kulıki trawaa b  your want-vn-loc money work.imp ‘If you want money, you’ll have to work’ (Espinosa Perez 1 955 : 402) ´ ´ c rN@ trawaa i min-sara-u... under diVerent-subject conditions ( 258 ) Barasano (Eastern Tucanoan) ˜ a Gıbo sudi ba-a-ha yı-re foot clothing not.be-pres-3 1sg-for ‘I have no shoes’ (Jones and Jones 1991: 9) ˜ b Hairo ya-a-ha ti yı-re many.nmnl be-pres-3 3inan 1SG-for ‘I have many possessions’ (Jones and Jones 1991: 110) ( 259 ) Barasano (Eastern Tucanoan) ˜da roha-a-to-re ˜ ˜ ı ˜ ı kede ba ahe ˜da raka ı ˜ ˜ 3pl descend-mot-vn-for 3sg.m... 1sg -gen garden-my be-3sg-val ‘I have a garden’ (Von Tschudi 1884: 418) 346 Determinant factors ˇ ˜ b noka-p hutsuyla wasi-y ka-pu-wa-n-mi 1sg-gen small house-my be-dat-1sg-3sg.pres-val ‘I have a small house’ (Von Tschudi 1884: 419) (249) Spoken Bolivian Quechua (Andean, Quechuan) a Hwanito-qpata ermana-n tiya-n H.-gen sister-his be-3sg.pres ‘Juanito has a sister’ (Bills et al 1969: 89) b Runa-q alqu... Sintsi ka-yni-nki-rayku mantsasunki strong be-inf.pres-2sg.poss-because fear.3sg/2sg.pres ‘Because you are strong, he fears you’ (Von Tschudi 1884: 490) ( 253 ) Spoken Bolivian Quechua (Andean, Quechuan) a lakiku-rqa ma ruwa-sqa-yku-rayku be.sad-past.3sg neg dance-inf-1pl.excl.poss-because ‘He was sad because we did not dance’ (Bills et al 1969: 264) ˇ b Koral-pi lank’a-yta-wan sayk’uku-rqa-nki corral-loc... eat-vn-dat ‘I work, so that you (can) eat’ (Espinosa Perez 1 955 : 402) ( 256 ) Yagua (Peba-Yaguan) ´ ´ ´ Taara sa-ıva ˛˛ jasiy what 3sg-dat there ‘What does he have there?’ (Payne 1993: 26) ( 257 ) Yagua (Peba-Yaguan) ´ ´ ´˛ ´ ´´ a Suvoo ˛ naada-juvaay jıy-vanu dapuuy-janu-mu string.bag 3du-make her-husband hunt-inf-loc ‘She makes string bags while her husband hunts’ (Payne and Payne 1990: 339) b Vurya-juvay-jada-iva... Maipuran) a Nha na-wapa-ri ketemi-sina-daka they 3pl-wait-conv remain-rem.past-yet ‘While they were waiting, there was still some (Wsh) left’ (Aikhenvald 2003: 490) b Nu-inu-kayami-nuku nu-na matSa-mhade 1sg-kill-conv.ant.ds-top 1sg-obj good-fut ‘After I kill (my enemy), it will be good for me’ (Aikhenvald 2003: 51 8) (276) Warekena (Arawakan, Northern Maipuran) ˜ ˜ a Nu¨uami wanuta-¨i nu-nupa wani-hı my.father... genitive/locative and a destinative suYx, respectively For Awtuw, we can speak of a locative absolute construction, as the subject of the oblique verbal noun is in the genitive/locative case as well Parallel to this, we Wnd an ablative absolute construction in Omie.22 (2 25) Awtuw (Papuan, Sepik) yen-ke ma-wey-e-wa-re-k 2sg-gen/loc go-arrive-past-just-obj-loc nom kil de-alow d-æ-ka-m 1pl speech fact-talk fact-go-perf-pl . wood’ (Ja ¨ schke 1929: 58 ) ( 155 )Ladakhi (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Himalayan) Kho azhang-ngi khangpa-la sleb-za-na he.abs uncle-gen house-to arrive-vn-loc azhang-ngis nangla khrid-de khyer-s uncle-erg inside. Ado-sa akup lot-thi-wung-sa-do you-gen son back-come-vn-gen-on ho-nun dun klong-ma you-erg feast give-pres.indic ‘Now that your son has returned, you give a feast’ (Grierson 1909: 246) ( 153 )Limbu. Tusi-miti ˛-o juma˛ nik-aha sleep-with-loc dream see-perf ‘While (I) was sleeping, I had a dream’ (Burling 1961: 31) ( 157 )Kham (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Bodic) a. O-ma-hu-d@ z@ ˛a-zyu-ke 3sg-neg-come-conv