Predicative Possession - Oxford Studien Intypology And Linguistictheory Phần 7 pptx

b. uginy ngiliyi d-ajan woman dog ii-not ‘The woman has no dogs’ (Harvey 2001: 78) Although at least Kayardild appears to have s ome ability to form de rank ed predicates,20 the overriding strategy in temporal sequence formation is the use of balanced clauses, by means of (often asyndetic) coordinations, or Wnite subor- dinateclausesthat aremarkedby subordinateconjunctions.Asnotedabove,zero- share is the mo st popular opti on fo r nonverbal pr edication here. Go oniyandi has an additional zero-split pattern, which matches its standard Topic Possessive. (176)Tiwi (Australian, Tiwi) a. Mwarekati juunau (apa), karampi jipauligi M. 3sg.past. throw (prt), far.oV 3sg.past.fall ‘Mwarekati threw (it), (and) it fell far away’ (Osborne 1974: 70) b. Kari ngenaki nginta merani ngia merani ngara when this your son my son he patungwani, api mua parewani dead well we hungry ‘When our son dies, we will be hungry’ (Osborne 1974: 81) (177)Tiwi (Australian, Tiwi) a. Purukupar¨i marntina P. boss ‘Purukuparli is boss’ (Osborne 1974: 60) b. karekamini jila’ru nothing inside ‘There is nothing inside’ (Osborne 1974: 69) (178)Kayardild (Australian, Tangkic) a. Ngijinda thabuju biya-nangku (bana) ngijinda my.nom elder.brother.nom swim-neg.pot (and) my.nom kunawuna biya-nangku child.nom swim-neg.pot ‘My older brother can’t swim and my son can’t swim’ (Evans 1995: 395) b. Wuu-ja yurda-ya muyinkalan-li, yiiwi-ja dii-j put-actual inside-loc dinghy-loc lie-actual sit-actual ‘(I) put (the turtles) inside the dinghy, (and they) just stayed lying there’ (Evans 1995: 312) 20 See Evans 1995: 470 86 and 520 1. 486 Determinant factors (179)Kayardild (Australian, Tangkic) a. Dathin-a kunawun wungunduwungundu that-nom child.nom thief.nom ‘That child is a thief’ (Evans 1995: 314) b. Dathin-a yarbud-a nal-iya kamarr-i that-nom snake-nom head-loc stone-loc ‘That snake is on top of the stone’ (Evans 1995: 315) (180)Gooniyandi (Australian, Bunaban) a. Nginyji lililoowa wardbiri nganyi ngirndangaddi you west you.will.go I this.way wardjawingi I.will.go ‘You go the west way, and I’ll go this way’ (McGregor 1990: 424) b. Boolga-ngga wardjiwiddangi bidiyooddoo mooyoo old.man-erg he.went.to.them they.two sleep bagiwiddi they.lay ‘The old man went up to them as they slept’ (McGregor 1990: 429) (181)Gooniyandi (Australian, Bunaban) a. Goornboo woobgali woman cook ‘The woman is a cook’ (McGregor 1990: 395) b. Biliga gamba-ya yoonggoo nyamani giddaabingaddi middle water-loc scrub big long ‘In the middle of the water there is some big scrub’ (McGregor 1990: 304) c. Babligaj-ja warangji pub-loc she.sat ‘She was at the pub’ (McGregor 1990: 313) (182)Limilngan (Australian, Limilngan) a. Manaburr i-lakbu-ng, diya-lakgarni w-a-yung M. 3pl-stop-past.perf that-loc 3.i-go-past.perf ‘They stopped at Manaburr, and then she went’ (Harvey 2001: 131) b. Irr-a-yung-iji Lalakgili, 3pl-go-past.perf-here L. Topic Possessives 487 marakbitj b-i-rlarla-ng ceremonial.ground iii.obj-3pl.subj-make-past.perf ‘When they came to Lalakgili, they made a ceremonial ground’ (Harvey 2001: 119) (183)Limilngan (Australian, Limilngan) a. Ja-n-iga d-irrinyngangan that-ii-pl ii-tall.pl ‘Those (dogs) are tall’ (Harvey 2001: 51) b. Lulayi darlirli lakgarni snake stone loc ‘The snake is under the stone’ (Harvey 2001: 73) 11.5 North America Although all four major possession types can be found in at least some instances in North America, it is clear that the With-Possessive and the Topic Possessive are the two dominant options on the continent. As we have seen in Section 10.3, the With-Possessive is particularly well represented in the language families of the PaciWc seaboard. Nevertheless, we can Wnd some occurrences of the Topic Possessive in this area as well. Thus, the – admittedly, rather poor – data on Coast Tshimshian, a language from British Columbia that is enclosed by languages with a Xexional With-Possessive, seem to suggest that we have a case of the possessor-indexed Topic Possessive here. Coast Tshimshian is probably balancing, and has a zero-split conWguration in nonverbal predicate encoding. (184)Coast Tshimshian (Tshimshian) T’aa-ył nagwaad-i exist.sg-mood father-my ‘I have a father’ (Mulder 1994: 221) (185)Coast Tshimshian (Tshimshian) Baa ’yluta ada goosa ganaw run boy and jump frog ‘The boy runs and the frog jumps’ (Mulder 1994: 130) (186)Coast Tshimshian (Tshimshian) a. Łgu ts’uusk-m wu ¨ tsiin ’nu ¨ u ¨ yu little little-adj mouse 1sg ‘I am a very little mouse’ (Mulder 1994: 46) 488 Determinant factors b. T’aa-ga sm’ooygit-ga exist.sg-indic chief-dem ‘There was a chief’ (Mulder 1994: 34) As we have seen in Section 10.3, the Salish languages take a With-Possessive as their overwhelming ly dominant option. However, a single, hig hly untypical, occurrence of a Topic Possessive can be attested in the Central Salish language Lushootsheed. The construction in question is a full-encoded Topic Posses- sive, with possessor indexing on the possessee. The construction is matched (but only marginally so) by the ability to have at least some types of balanced temporal sequences. Like all Salish languages, Lushootseed has split encoding, of the zero-split variety. (187)Lushootseed (Salish, Central) a. ?a ti d-biac be.there art my-meat ‘I have (some) meat’ (Hess and Hilbert 1980:I.64) b. X w i? k w i d-biac not.be art my-meat ‘I don’t have any meat’ (Hess and Hilbert 1980: 64) (188)Lushootsheed (Salish, Central/Coast) Tu-tag w -alik w c ˇ @d ?@ ti q w @łi?  s@dg w @l hiqab perf-buy-make 1sg obl art shoe and.but too mima?ad small ‘I bought a (pair of) shoes, and/but they are too small’ (Hess and Hilbert 1980: II.3) (189)Lushootseed (Salish, Central) a. Spa?cti?ił bear that.one ‘That is a bear’ (Hess and Hilbert 1980:I.57) b. ?atis?uladx w exist art salmon ‘There is salmon’ (Hess and Hilbert 1980:I.57) The major representative of the Topic Possessive in the north-west of North America is formed by the Athapaskan languages. A rather unique case is presented by Deg Xinag, a language of Alaska. In this language, the possession construction is based on the existential construction that the language has. Topic Possessives 489 This construction features (or can feature) the be-verb -lanh, an item which is also in use as the copula in predicate nominal sentences. This, then, makes Deg Xinag an instance of full-share encoding in nonverbal predication. However, the construction is not potentially ambiguous, due to the fact that, in its existential/possessive use, the verb -lanh always appears with the pronominal pre W x xe-, a preWx that is never allowed in copular use. This preWx xe- is a mysterious item, the meaning and function of which is still not completely understood. Comparable items in other Athapaskan languages are described as ‘the impersonal preWx’ (Cook 1984: 98, on the Sarcee preWx gu-) or ‘the areal preWx’ (Rice 1989: 1029, on the Slave preWx go-). In Sarcee, the ‘impersonal’ preWx gu- is said to refer to ‘a point in time or place’ (Cook 1984: 98). Rice (1989: 1029) characterizes the pre Wx go- in Slave as a classifying preWx or a gender preWx, which is used to refer to ‘nouns that mark location in either time or space’. Thus, it is the pre Wx for nouns such as ‘house’, ‘tent’, ‘church’, ‘land’, ‘ice’, ‘lake’, and place names. ‘When the gender pronoun occurs, the noun must be interpreted as areal, as a Wxed location in time or space. The noun must be interpreted as nonareal if the pronoun is not present’ (Rice 1989: 1025–6). A cautious conclusion may be that the use of the ‘areal’ preWxin Athapaskan triggers an interpretation in which the subject is referred to in terms of its spatial or temporal dimensions, rather than in terms of its ‘essential’ characteristics. In this way, the preWx indicates a locational or existential reading for the sentence. Despite the fact that in copular and locational/existential sentences the same verbal item can be used, the two sentence types can never be confused, since the pronominal marking on the verb always indicates whether an ‘essential’ (copular) or an ‘areal’ (locational/ existential) reading of the sentence is intended.21 21 It should be noted that, apparently, the language ‘does not feel completely comfortable’ with this Topic Possessive, seeing that it has a Have Possessive as well (see Section 12.6). This latter option is, of course, more in line with the sharing character of the language. Furthermore, Deg Xinag has a number of ‘posture’ verbs, which are classiWcatory as to various classes of referents, and are used exclusively in locational/existential sentences. (i) Deg Xinag (Na Dene, Athapaskan) a. Qay xuchux xu dhi’onh village big there be.located(class) ‘There was a big village’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 1) b. Eyyigginh dina yi notthi dit ’anh that man him ahead refl? be.located(class) ‘That man was ahead of him’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 19) c. Didrogg dhidloy him.in.front be.located.pl(class) ‘They were in front of him’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 11) 490 Determinant factors (190)Deg Xinag (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) a. Ałixi qay yit xut’an xivi-’otqay xe-lanh entire village there people their-wives it(areal)-be ‘All people in the village have wives’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 35) b. Eyiggin niq’ołdałin xivi-yix xuxhux xe-lanh those women their-house big it(areal)-be ‘Those women had a big house’ (Chapman & Kari 1981: 116) (191)Deg Xinag (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) a. Ggux ngi-lanh rabbit perf.3-be ‘She was a rabbit’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 112) b. Yit xu’osin yix xuchux xe-lanh there it.beside house big it-be ‘There beside it was a big house’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 3) c. Gidith long xe-lanh skins many it(areal)-be ‘There were many skins there’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 18) Other Athapaskan languages with a Topic Possessive do not seem to employ their classiWcatory system to mark possessive sentences. Instead, Sarcee and Navajo have a full-encoded Topic Possessive, which, in the case of Navajo, also features indexing of the possessor on the possessee. In keeping with this possession option, Sarcee and Navajo are splitters: there is a systematic contrast between the full copula and the locational/existential be-verb.22 (192)Sarcee (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) A ´ tc’  agu ` sto ´ n  amı ` sg  aa ` k  a-la,dı ` nı ´ ts’o ` o ` tsa ` -?ı be.there six boys this old.lady-top ‘The old lady had six boys’ (Cook 1984: 81) (193)Sarcee (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) a. Xa ` kı ´ djı ´ ı ` st-łıh chief 1sg-be ‘I am chief ’ (Cook 1984: 32) d. Tetth’ok ye gag dhidlo basket in berries be.located.pl(class) ‘The berries were in a basket’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 12) It is possible that these locational verbs can be used in the Topic Possessive construction as an alternative to the verb lanh, but I have not been able to document this. 22 As was noted in Section 9.12, Sarcee and Navajo have Locational Possessives as an alternative option. This option is matched by various deranked predicate formations in these languages. Topic Possessives 491 b. ıst’  anı ´ -?ı dj  uısdudı ´ sı-lo ´ -la ` bow.arrow-top too elsewhere 3pl-be.there-decl ‘There were bows and arrows in another place’ (Cook 1984: 39) (194)Navajo (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) Baa’ bi-dibe ´ da-ho ´ lo ˙ B. his-sheep 3pl-exist ‘Baa’ has sheep’ (Goossen 1967: 15) (195)Navajo (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) a. B  a’o ´ lta’ı ´ ni-sh-łi teacher imperf-1sg-be ‘I am a teacher’ (Young and Morgan 1980: 427) b. Sh-aghan-di dibe ´ da-ho ´ lo ˙ my-house-at sheep 3pl-exist ‘There are some sheep at my home’ (Goossen 1967: 26) The Topic Possessive in these Athapaskan languages is matched further by the ability to encode their temporal sequences by means of balancing strategies. Such sequences take the form of sentential coordinations, or of subordinate clauses with clause-Wnal conjunctions, which may or may not be cliticized to the Wnite verb in the clause. (196)Deg Xinag (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) a. Yiggi xiditl’itth’e ts’in’ gixidalyayh down they.were.sitting and they.sang ‘As they were sitting down, they sang’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 26) b. Eyyigginh dina yi-notthi dit’anh hingo that man him-ahead he.was while Yixgitsiy diggadhi’oy oqo tathtrit Raven his.knife for he.reached ‘While that man was ahead of him, Raven reached for his knife’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 19) (197)Sarcee (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) a. Dı ` n  a-?ı ´ x  ana ` a ` y  a-la-a ` t’ı ` gı ´ kugı ´ y  al-la ` man-the he.walk.down-narr-then he.enter-narr ‘Having walked down (the hill), the man entered (the house)’ (Cook 1984: 84) 492 Determinant factors b. Yıy  ał-la-a ` xa ` nı ´ zı ` syı ´ -la ` he.walks-narr-while buValo he.kills-narr ‘While he was walking, he killed a buValo’ (Cook 1984: 90) (198)Navajo (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) a. Biih se ´ lhi ’aadoo hooghan-goo nanilti deer 1sg.kill and house-toward 1sg.carry ‘I killed a deer and then I carried it home’ (Young and Morgan 1980: 65) b. Cin  aÁke ´ dı ´ dı ´ Án bi-niÁnaÁ doÁ yic’Ð 8 1Ádah my.eyes it.shines its-reason not I.see ‘I cannot see because it (i.e. the sun) is shining in my eyes’ (Reichard 1974: 330) Apart from Athapaskan, other occurrences of a Topic Possessive in the American West are incidental. In Yurok, a Western Algonquian language from California, a clear instance of a (possessor-indexed) Topic Possessive can be established. The language is dominantly, if not exclusively, balancing, featuring sentential coordinations as well as subordinate Wnite clauses with clause-initial subordinating conjunctions. Yurok is a splitter, of the zero-split variant. (199)Yurok (Algonquian) Ke?l ?okw skuyeni ke?-yoc you exist.3sg good your-boat ‘You have a good boat’ (Robins 1958: 17) (200)Yurok (Algonquian) a. Yo cwegin, nek ?o hrgikwsrwrh she talk I then smile ‘(While) she talked, I smiled’ (Robins 1958: 103) b. Yo? ho nrgrykr-pa? moco hohkum-ek 3sg past help-3sg.subj/1sg.obj when repair-1sg.subj ne-lew my-net ‘He used to help me when I repaired my nets’ (Robins 1958: 147) (201)Yurok (Algonquian) a. Kic mewimor ne-cis now old.man my-dog ‘My dog is an old man now’ (Robins 1958: 16) Topic Possessives 493 b. Mec-ik ?okw ha?ag Wre-in be.3sg stone ‘There is a stone in the Wre’ (Robins 1958: 18) Karok, another language from California, has a Topic Possessive in addition to its more prominent Have-Possessive (see Section 12.6). All the examples I have been able to identify concern kinship relations. The construction features zero-encoding and indexing of the possessor on the possessee. (202)Karok (Karok-Shasta) a. Kac ˇ ak ^ a’c ˇ ?Ippat yı ´ c ˇ a’c ˇ mukun-?  avan-hanik Blue.Jay Doe together their-husband-long.ago ‘Blue Jay and Doe had a single husband’ (Bright 1957: 230) b. Pa-?ippat yı ´ uuam  u-?aramah art-Doe one her-child ‘Doe had one child’ (Bright 1957: 230) Like its Have-Possessive, Karok matches this Topic Possessive by the fact that its temporal sequences are basically balanced. The language favours strings of short main clauses, which can, but do not have to, be connected by sentential adverbs or coordinating conjunctions. Karok has a zero-copula. A zero- option is available for locational/existential clauses as well. In addition, the language has an array of ‘posture’ verbs, none of which have been attested in copular function. (203)Karok (Karok-Shasta) K  ari x  as kun-u  arih, k  ari x  as ?apman ?  u-yu’nvar, x  as and then 3pl-pass and then mouth 3sg-put then ?u-p  amc ˇ ak 3sg-close.mouth ‘And then they passed (her over to him), and he put (her in his) mouth, and he closed his mouth’ (Bright 1957: 123) (204)Karok (Karok-Shasta) a. Pa-t  u’y  sip ?ikxare ´ ’yav art-mountain god ‘The mountain is a god’ (Bright 1957: 119) b. Yı ´ c ˇ e’c ˇ vura kı ´ c ˇ k  ari mu-rho ˆ ’ha x  akka’n only emp man and his-wife together ‘Only one man and his wife were still there’ (Bright 1957: 274) 494 Determinant factors c. Ho ˆ ’y va’ where that ‘Where is he?’ (Bright 1957: 274) As a Wnal instance of Topic Possessive encoding in the west of North America, I must comment on the situation in Mojave, a language from south Califor- nia. Like its family member Yavapai, this Yuman language has a Have- Possessive as its major option. However, Munro (1976) also mentions a possessive construction which we can classify as a zero-Topic Possessive with possessor indexing (see Section 3.3). Examples of the construction include: (205)Mojave (Yuman) a. ?in y ep ?-n y -ahat -c ˘ 1sg 1sg-poss-horse-subj ‘I have a horse’ (Munro 1976: 286) b. ?in y ep ?-n y -avah-c ˘ 1sg 1sg-poss-house-subj ‘I have a house’ (Munro 1976: 283) Munro (1976: 272 V.) explicitly points out that sentences like these could also – at least theoretically – be interpreted as ‘I am my horse’ or ‘I am my house’, due to the fact that in copula constructions in Mojave the predicate nominal gets the subject-marker -c ˇ . To add to the confusion, the pronominal index on the possessee can sometimes be omitted, so that simple juxtapos- ition of possessor and possessee results. Consequently, a sentence like (206) may theoretically be assigned the meaning ‘The dog has a tail’, as well as ‘The dog is a tail’ or ‘That is a dog’s tail’ (Munro 1976: 272). (206)Mojave (Yuman) hatc ˇ oq-n y i?ar-c ˇ dog-dem tail-subj ‘The dog has/is(!) a tail’ (Munro 1976: 272) This rather tenuous Topic Possessive is matched at least marginally by the fact that Mojave allows sentential coordination, which is usually asyndetic. (207)Mojave (Yuman) Jim-c ˇ ?ahat wan y imiya:-k Bill-c ˇ hatc ˇ oq wan y imiya:-k J subj horse like-tns B subj dog like-tns ‘Jim likes horses and Bill likes dogs’ (Munro 1976: 161) Topic Possessives 495 [...]... ( 272 ) Cora (Uto-Aztecan, Corachol) u m-aht a a Aht hi’i-ty-h-ka-tye a and narr-distr-refl-sit-make 3pl -and ´ hı-ya’-u-k’h narr-away-complet-leave And then he got himself ready, and then they went oV ’ (Casad 1984: 383) mw-aa-ta-vhra a b T’’’h r-a-mwa’a-ree a when he-complet-think-make you.acc-complet-perf-follow ‘When he learns about it, he will follow you’ (Casad 1984: 428) ( 273 ) Cora (Uto-Aztecan,... eat-1sg.act-evid-ss sit-act-1sg-perf ‘I am sitting here eating an apple’ (Lupardus 1983: 244) b Isna-o-k takkolcoba-n is-ipa-mo-n 2sg.act-emp-nom apple-obl 2sg.ag-eat-emp-ds takkola-n ipa-aa-lo peach-obl eat-1sg.ag-fut ‘You eat apples and I (will) eat peaches’ (Lupardus 1983: 2 47) (231) Koasati (Muskogean) ´ ´ a Mobı:la-k pa-konotli-t ´:bi-t łibosli-:s ı car-subj over-roll-ss kill-ss squash-fin ‘A car rolled... Determinant factors b O-?nahkw-akwt o-yatvhst-eh ka-yv? neut.obj-box-near neut.obj-book-suff nonhum.subj-lay.perf ‘The book is near the box’ (Mithun Williams 1 976 : 238) (2 37) Wichita (Caddoan) a Kahik?a kiya-has?-a?-aki-?i woman hum.subj-narr-quot-aor.3subj-be.sg ‘She/it was a woman’ (Rood 1 976 : 1 17) b To:rikic kiya?-ha:s?aki-?i young.man indef.subj-narr.aor-be.sg ‘There was a young man’ (Rood 1 976 : 200) (238)... Possessives 501 ne-ky Ðu hetk Ðeh- k Ðe’ Ðu ha-t tyuniskeun then-hsy up-hsy 3sg-stand squirrel ‘Then she looked, and up there (on a tree) a squirrel was sitting’ (Holmer 1954: 59) (223) Tuscarora (Iroquoian) Th-a-hr-ahrko-? o’nv th-a-ko-? iter-aor-m-go-punct at.this.time it-aor-1.come-punct ‘He left, and/ when I came back’ (Mithun Williams 1 976 : 250) (224) Wichita (Caddoan) To:rikic kiya?-ha:s?aki-?i, hinni?... indef.subj-narr.aor-be and old.woman hawa? ha:s?aki-?i also narr.aor-be ‘There was a young man, and there also was an old woman’ (Rood 1 976 : 200) (225) Alabama (Muskogean) Takkolcoba-n ipa-li-ci isna-o-k takkola-n apple-obl eat-1sg.act-cont 2sg-emp-nom peach-obl is-ipa-ci 2sg.act-eat-cont ‘I eat apples, and you eat peaches’ (Lupardus 1983: 239) (226) Choctaw (Muskogean) ´ Bill at ala chink ma-n, ımoyyomak... Bil-ka-ya naani B.-deriv-top man ‘Bill is a man’ (Lupardus 1983: 2 07) b Takkolcoba-k ayolimpa-fa-n paa-naaho-bi apple-nom table-on-obl on-be-perf ‘Several apples are on the table’ (Lupardus 1983: 2 27) (240) Koasati (Muskogean) ´ ´ ´ a Saykı-k fo:s-on o-nk vulture-subj bird-obj.foc be-intr ‘The vulture is a bird’ (Kimball 1985: 2 87) Topic Possessives 5 07 ´ b ı:sa-k n:ho-’ a house-subj exist-fin ‘There is a... Blackfoot, Menomini, and Ojibwa For ease of reference I will repeat a few examples of this construction here (244) Blackfoot (Algonquian) a Nit-o-mitaa-m-i 1sg.an.intr-3sg.poss-dog-al-deriv ‘I have a dog’ (Frantz 1 971 : 24) Determinant factors 508 b Nit-o-xko-yi 1sg.an.intr-3poss-son-deriv ‘I have a son’ (Uhlenbeck 1938: 1 47) (245) Ojibwa (Algonquian) O-bizhiiki-im-i- his-cow-al-deriv-3sg.an.intr ‘He has... which non-Wnal predicates are marked with the suYx -m (DS), although the subject remains the same throughout the chain (210) mojave (Yuman) ˇ Hatcoq vida-m ?-eta:v-k ?-a?wi:-m po hova-m s dog this-with 1-hit-ss 1-do-ds(!) cat that-with ?-eta:v-k ?-a?wi:-m 1-hit-ss 1-do-prt ‘I hit the dog with this and I hit the cat with that’ (Munro 1 976 : 161) As a second point, we can see from sentences (2 07) –(210)... o g n-kii there imperf.3 art my-house ‘There is my house’ (Saxton 1982: 138) ( 278 ) Pima Bajo (Uto-Aztecan, Tepiman) a Aan in vakin-im k’ti n’’i-im 1sg.emp 1sg bath-cont and sing-cont ‘I am taking a bath and singing’ (Estrada Fernandez 1996: 34) b Kova in-oama kuanda in-ko’i-m-d-an neg.emp me-bother.imp while 1sg-eat-cont-pot-irr ‘Don’t bother me while I’m eating!’ (Estrada Fernandez 1996: 40) ( 279 )... (Muskogean) a Ano at-o nakni si-a-h 1sg subj-foc man 1sg.obj-cop-imperf ‘I am a man’ (Nicklas 1 974 : 35) b OW toklo-t kocha anshwa-h dog two-subj outside 3du.be-imperf ‘There are two dogs outside’ (Nicklas 1 974 : 162) (242) Lakota (Siouan) a Pteyuha he-ma’-c’a’ cattle.rancher be-1sg.inact-be ‘I am a cattle rancher’ (Ingham 2003: 16) b Canu˛pa wa˛ -yuk’a˛ -keya-pi pipe one 3-exist 3-say-pl ‘They say that . cokoo-li-li-o apple-obl eat-1sg.act-evid-ss sit-act-1sg-perf ‘I am sitting here eating an apple’ (Lupardus 1983: 244) b. Isna-o-k takkolcoba-n is-ipa-mo-n 2sg.act-emp-nom apple-obl 2sg.ag-eat-emp-ds takkola-n. (Iroquoian) Th-a-hr-ahrko-? o’nv th-a-ko-? iter-aor-m-go-punct at.this.time it-aor-1.come-punct ‘He left, and/ when I came back’ (Mithun Williams 1 976 : 250) (224)Wichita (Caddoan) To:rikic kiya?-ha:s?aki-?i,. ?in y ep ?-n y -ahat -c ˘ 1sg 1sg-poss-horse-subj ‘I have a horse’ (Munro 1 976 : 286) b. ?in y ep ?-n y -avah-c ˘ 1sg 1sg-poss-house-subj ‘I have a house’ (Munro 1 976 : 283) Munro (1 976 : 272 V.) explicitly