Predicative Possession - Oxford Studien Intypology And Linguistictheory Phần 2 pdf

(95)Xanty (Uralic, Ugric) Min taj-lamen choram mis 1du have-1du.pres Wne cow ‘We two have a Wne cow’ (Re ´ dei 1965: 37) (96)Malagasy (Austronesian, West Indonesian) Manana trano vaovao Rakoto have house new R. ‘Rakoto has a new house’ (Edward Keenan p.c.) (97)Rottinese (Austronesian, East Indonesian) Na-nu baW esa 3sg-have pig one ‘He has a pig’ (Jonker 1915: 149) (98)Tigak (Austronesian, Melanesian) Ga togon sakai piu 3sg.pres have one dog ‘He has a dog’ (Beaumont 1980: 75) (99)Abun (Papuan, West Papuan) An rem kwokwe bo yo 3sg had egg.plant class det ‘She had some egg plants’ (Berry and Berry 1999: 71) (100)Maung (Australian, Yiwadjan) GOdbi dja gundarug 2sg.subj/3.obj.nonfut.have art opossum ‘You have an opossum’ (Capell and Hinch 1970: 96) (101)Jingulu (Australian, West Barkly) Ngaba-nga-ju karnarinymi have-1sg-pres spear ‘I have a spear’ (PensalWni 2003: 60) (102)Gooniyandi (Australian, Bunaban) Nganyi marlami goorijgila yawarda I not I.hold.it horse ‘I don’t have a horse’ (McGregor 1990: 492) (103)Yingkarta (Australian, Pama-Nyungan) Thuthu-rna ngatha marti kanyji-lanyi dog-1sg.subj 1sg.nom big keep-pres ‘I’ve got a big dog’ (Dench 1998: 53) 66 The typology of predicative possession (104)Deg Xinag (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) Łek is-t’anh dog 1sg-have ‘I have a dog’ (internet data) (105)Lakota (Siouan) Itazipa wa ˛ lila ha˛ska c’a -yuha bow one very be.long as 3-have ‘He had a very long bow’ (Ingham 2003: 84) (106)Yavapai (Yuman) Viya vqi-??wa: ?han wi: this woman-subj house good have ‘This woman has a good house’ (Kendall 1976: 46) (107)Tetelcingo Nahuatl (Uto-Aztecan, Aztecan) Sente tlOka-tl -kı-pıya-ya sente puro one man-abs he-it-have-imperf one donkey ‘A man had a donkey’ (Tuggy 1979: 10) (108)Miskito (Chibchan) Yan lala bri -sna 1sg money have-1sg.pres ‘I have money’ (Conzemius 1929: 108) (109)Guambiano (Barbacoan) Un@ p@n kuarı ´ teka-ik k@-n boy three hat have-pcp be-2/3 ‘The boy has three hats’ (Va ´ squez De Ruiz 1988: 83) (110)Retuar ~ a (Central Tucanoan) Mauricio-re rı ˜ kib ~ aka iyaka ki-rika-yu M subj much grape 3sg.m-have-pres ‘Mauricio has a lot of grapes’ (Strom 1992: 132) (111)Trumai (Trumai) Tahu ka-in ha k’ad knife foc/tns 1sg have ‘I have a knife’ (Guirardello 1999: 217) (112)Tariana (Arawakan, Northern Maipuran) Nha hinipuke-pe na-de na-y ~ a-nhi they garden-pl 3pl-have 3pl-stay-ant ‘They used to have gardens’ (Aikhenvald 2003: 531) Four basic types of predicative possession 67 (113)Epena Pedee (Choco ´ ) Juancito-pa u ´ sa ı ´ ru b J erg dog have aux ‘Juancito has a dog’ (Harms 1994: 43) (114)Jarawara (Arauan) Jara kanawaa kiha-ka white.man canoe have-decl.m ‘The white man has a canoe’ (Dixon 2004: 295) (115)Bilin (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) Ni g@d@ ˛-sı ´ Sa ¨ k-@x w 3sg.m dog-acc have-3sg.m.pres ‘He has a dog’ (Tucker and Br yan 1966: 544) (116)Kabyle (Afro-Asiatic, Berber) Ye-sea idrimen 3sg.m.pres-have money ‘He has money’ (Naı ¨ t-Zerrad 2001: 70) (117)Kunama (Nilo-Saharan, Kunama) Aba aila fauda na-ina -ke 1sg cow many 1sg-have-aor ‘I have many cows’ (Reinisch 1881: 17) (118)Kenuz Nubian (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, East) Ai nog weka kunn-ir 1sg house one.acc have-pres.1sg ‘I have a house’ (Reinisch 1879: 119) (119)Maasai (Nilo-Saharan, East Nilotic) A-ata ntare kumok 1sg-have many sheep ‘I have a lot of sheep’ (Tucker and Mpaayei 1955: 94) (120)Nandi (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, South Nilotic) Tiny-ey Kı ´ pe:t k ^ a:t have-Imperf K. horse ‘Kibet has a horse’ (Creider and Creider 1989: 124) (121)Wolof (Niger-Kordofanian, West Atlantic) Am naa ke ¨ r have 1sg house ‘I have a house’ (Diouf and Yaguello 1991: 46) 68 The typology of predicative possession (122)Moore (Niger-Kordofanian, Gur) Dawa da tara pugo man past have Weld ‘The man had a Weld’ (Froger 1923: 90) (123)Babungo (Niger-Kordofanian, Bantoid) Lambı ´ kı ` ibı ´ se L. have.perf goats ‘Lambi has goats’ (Schaub 1985: 117) (124)!X ~ u (Khoisan) Da’a//om-kx’ao kx’ae peri wood-cutter have goat ‘The wood-cutter has goats’ (Snyman 1970: 114) (125)Haitian Creole (French-based Creole) M-ge ˆ de ´ ti-kabrit 1sg-have two little-goat ‘I have two little goats’ (Hall 1953: 92) (126)Sranan (English-based Creole) A abi furu fooru he have much chicken ‘He has many chickens’ (Donicie 1954: 46) 2.7 Conclusion In this chapter, I have taken the Wrst step in the construction of a typology of predicative possession, by identifying four basic types of possessive encoding. These four types can be identiWed without serious controversy, they constitute large classes, and taken together they cover more than ninety per cent of the possessive constructions in the data base. All the same, however, we also encounter quite a few instances of possession encoding that cannot be classiWed as members of one of the four t ypes in a straightforward way. First, each of the four types allows for some deviation from its standard encoding, in the form of non-standard variants: these cases will be discussed in Chapter 3. And secondly, we have noted in Section 2.1.3 that possessive encodings can be subject to various processes of diachronic reanalysis, which result in possession constructions that are in some way deviant from the four basic encoding types. The diachronic processes at issue, and the outcome of these processes, will be expounded in Chapters 4, 5, and 6. Four basic types of predicative possession 69 3 Non-standard variants 3.1 Introduction In the previous chapter I have introduced the four major types which will form the basis of my typology of predicative possession. As I remarked there, for each of these four types a standard encoding can be identiWed, which can be seen as the default manifestation of the type. For the sake of clarity I have thus far restricted myself to these standard encodings, but I have made it clear that not all languages necessarily exhibit all the criterial characteristics of the standard encoding. For one thing, deviation from the standard encoding may occur due to processes of grammaticalization. That is, in some languages the standard encoding may have been subject to diachronic reanalysis, with the result that the relation of the possessive construction to the standard encoding has become ‘opaque’ to some greater or lesser degree. Various forms of this kind of reanalysis will be dealt with in the next three chapters. In the current chapter I will concentrate on other forms of deviation from the standard encodings of predicative possession. In my view, most of these non-standard variants have to do with the presence of a concomitant factor, and I will argue that the phenomena in question do not force us to add new types to the basic four-way t ypology that was established in Chapter 2. Furthermore, as I have noted in Section 2.1.3, a special case of non-standard possessive encoding is formed by constructions that combine deWning fea- tures of two basic strategies. These hybrid formations will be dealt with in Section 3.6, the closing section of this chapter. 3.2 Possessor indexing on the possessee A phenomenon that can be documented for all four major types – albeit not with the same frequency – consists in an additional encoding of the possessor by means of pronominal items. In other words, while in the standard versions of the major types the possessor is encoded only once, by means of a full noun phrase, in this non-standard variant we have pronominal indexing of the possessor. Such a pronominal index takes the form of a possessive pronoun or a possessive affix on the possessee NP. Below, I will illustrate this pronominal marking of the possessor for each of the four major types in turn. Pronominal indexing of the possessor on the possessee NP is especially popular among languages with a Topic Possessive. For example, many Austro- nesian languages, from all sorts of subfamilies, exhibit this type of possessor marking, either by possessive pronouns or aYxes. In my sample, this option can be documented for Toba Batak, Toradja, Buli, Banggai, Mangap-Mbula, Kilivila, Tawala, Saliba, Palauan, Mokilese, Kwaio, and Tinrin. Furthermore, the option occurs in Tidore and Meyah, two western Papuan languages that are in close contact with Austronesian languages. A selection of examples from these languages is presented below.1 (1)Toba Batak (Austronesian, West Indonesian) Ia begu O ´ nto ` lu boru ´ -na top spirit exist three daughter-his ‘The spirit had three daughters’ (Percival 1981: 101) (2)Toradja (Austronesian, East Indonesian) Tau se’e re’e baula-nja people these be buValo-their ‘These people have buValoes’ (Adriani 1931: 344) (3)Banggai (Austronesian, East Indonesian). Malane doo daano kona malapating lua man this exist his doves two ‘This man had two doves’ (Van Den Bergh 1953: 101) (4)Buli (Austronesian, East Indonesian) Kore ni ebai K. his house ‘Kore has a house’ (Maan 1951: 38) (5)Palauan (Austronesian, Palauan) A udude-l a Toki a mla er ngii art money-his art T. pred be.past in it ‘Toki had money’ (Josephs 1975: 367) 1 In English and other European languages, modiWcation of a noun by a possessive pronoun creates a‘deWniteness eVect’, in that the resulting noun phrase has to have a deWnite reading. This deWniteness eVect is not present in the languages at issue here. Thus, for example, a Buli noun phrase like ni ebai (lit. ‘his house’; see sentence (4)) is neutral between a deWnite and an indeWnite reading (‘his house’ vs. ‘a house of his’). Non-standard variants 71 (6)Mangap-Mbula (Austronesian, West Oceanic) Nu kom kini i-mbot 2sg.nom your food 3sg-stay ‘Do you have any food?’ (Bugenhagen 1995: 381 ) (7)Kilivila (Austronesian, Melanesian) a. Motaesa ala bulumakau M. his cow ‘Motaesa has a cow’ (Gunter Senft p.c.) b. E-sisu Motaesa ala bulumakau 3sg-be M. his cow ‘Motaesa has a cow’ (Gunter Senft p.c.) (8)Tawala (Austronesian, West Oceanic) Polo hai yam e-ma-mae pig their food 3sg.pres-dur-stay ‘The pigs have food’ (Ezard 1997: 188) (9)Saliba (Austronesian, West Oceanic) Yau nige yogu kedewa 1sg neg my dog ‘I don’t have a dog’ (Mosel 1994: 23) (10)Mokilese (Austronesian, Central-East Oceanic) Woallo mine woaroa-h war man.that exist vehicle-his canoe ‘That man has a canoe’ (Harrison 1976: 212) (11)Kwaio (Austronesian, Central-East Oceanic) Basiana te ´ e fai fe’e seleni ngai ana B. only four class shilling it his ‘Basiana had only four shillings’ (Keesing 1985: 257) (12)Tinrin (Austronesian, Central-East Oceanic) Sonya nra fwi nra rroto nra-nri S. it exist subj car her ‘Sonya has a car’ (Osumi 1995: 243 ) (13)Tidore (Papuan, Halmaheira) Ngori ri-fayaa 1sg my-woman ‘I have a wife’ (Van Staden 2000: 91) 72 The typology of predicative possession (14)Meyah (Papuan, West Papuan) ofa efen mod 3sg his/her house ‘S/he has a house’ (Gravelle 2004: 116) Besides the area that is covered by the Austronesian languages, a second area in which possessor marking on the possessee NP is rampant in Topic Posses- sives is Central America. As the examples below demonstrate, we Wnd this encoding option in quite a few diVerent families, including Uto-Aztecan, Mayan, Oto-Manguean, Mixe-Zoque, and Totonac-Tehepuan. (15)Cupe  no (Uto-Aztecan, Takic) Ne? ne-mixen ?iket (miyexwe) I my-class net (is) ‘I have a net’ (Hill 1966: 40) (16)Luise  no (Uto-Aztecan, Numic) Noo-p no-toonav qala 1sg-top my-basket be.inan.pres ‘I have a basket’ (Steele 1977: 114) (17)Jacaltec (Mayan, Kanjobalan) Ay no’ hin txitam exist class my pig ‘I have a pig’ (Craig 1977: 21) (18)Tzutujil (Mayan, Quichean) K’o jun ruu-keej n-ata? exist a his-horse my-father ‘My father has a horse’ (Dayley 1981: 200) (19)Itzaj Maya (Mayan, Yucatecan) Ten-ej yan in-wakax 1sg-top exist my-cattle ‘I have cattle’ (HoX ing 2000: 286) (20)Mezquital Otom  i (Oto-Manguean, Otomian) ?na ra dame mi-xa ya hwami one art man past-exist his.pl cornWeld ‘A man had cornWelds’ (Hess 1968: 111) (21)San Miguel Chimalapa Zoque (Mixe-Zoque) D@s ˇ tehi ?@n-tuhkuy? 1sg exist my-gun ‘I have a gun’ (Johnson 2000: 93) Non-standard variants 73 (22)Upper Necaxa Totonac (Totonac-Tehepuan) Wi:ł kin-kawa:yu ´ x sit my-horse ‘I have a horse’ (Beck 2004: 44) In North and South America, too, it is not unusual to Wnd cases of possessor indexing in Topic Possessives, but the phenomenon seems to be more incidental than it is in Central America. The examples given below stem from language groupings which, in most cases, do not form contiguous linguistic areas. (23)Deg Xinag (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) Eyiggin niq’ołdałin xivi-yix xuxhux xe-lanh those women their-house big there-be ‘Those women had a big house’ (Chapman and Kari 1981: 116) (24)Navajo (Na-Dene, Athapaskan) Baa’ bi-dibe ´ da-ho ´ lo ˙ B. his-sheep 3pl-exist ‘Baa’ has sheep’ (Goossen 1967: 15) (25)Lushootseed (Salish, Central) ?a ti d-biac be.there art my-meat ‘I have (some) meat’ (Hess and Hilbert 1980:I.64) (26)Yurok (Algonquian) Ke?l ?okw skuyeni ke?-yoc you exist-3sg good your-boat ‘You have a good boat’ (Robins 1958: 17) (27)Karok (Hokan) Pa-?ippat yı ´ uuamu ´ -?aramah art-Doe one her-child ‘Doe had one child’ (Bright 1957: 230) (28)Mojave (Yuman) ?in y ep ?n y -ahat -c ˇ 1sg my-horse-subj ‘I have a horse’ (Munro 1976: 286) (29)Baure (Arawakan, Southern Maipuran) Nakirok-ye tic ˇ sopir kwe’ tec ˇ ri-wer monik long.ago-loc dem.f tortoise exist dem.m her-house pretty ‘Once upon a time, the tortoise had a beautiful house’ (Swintha Danielsen p.c.) 74 The typology of predicative possession (30)Yurakar  e (Yurakare ´ ) Shunn ˇ e a-sı ` be ¨ man his-house ‘The man has a house’ (Rik Van Gijn p.c.) Outside the Austronesian and the American languages, Topic Possessives exhibit this type of possessor indexing only in a few isolated cases. My data base contains an instance from the Tibeto-Burman language Kham, and examples from two African languages, namely the Saharan language Kanuri and the Nilotic language Acholi. In these latter two languages, the Topic Possessive appears to be a minor option, when compared to their With- Possessives. (31)Kham (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Bodic) Ŋa: ˛a-isa li-zya 1sg my-money be-cont ‘I have money’ (Watters 2002: 202) (32)Kanuri (Nilo-Saharan, Saharan) Kaz@m µ u-nyi sha ´ uwa ` mbe ´ ji clothes-my beautiful exist ‘I have beautiful clothes’ (Lukas 1937: 29) (33)Acholi (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, West Nilotic) a. O  Otbv µ € o µ € o ˛ wiı ` -e tye ` e ´ ,te  er-  e pee shelter roof-its exist wall-its not ‘A shelter has a roof, but no wall’ (Crazzolara 1955: 105) b. o ` kuma ` yee ` r-e pee tortoise hair-its not.be ‘A tortoise has no hair’ (Crazzolara 1955: 105) Compared to the Topic Possessive, pronominal indexing in the Locational Possessive is relatively infrequent, and is, in all probability, a characteristic of certain linguistic areas. Thus, for example, we Wnd a concentration of the phenomenon in the languages of Central and North Asia. The phenomenon can be documented for languages from several branches of Uralic, and also for the western Turkic languages and the Tungusic language Even. In all cases, the pronominal indexing of the possessor consists of a possessive suYx on the possessee NP, which, in this possession type, is the subject of the construction. Examples include: Non-standard variants 75 [...]... (44) Kham (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Bodic) ˜ Biza-e o-rme:h li-zya rat-gen his-tail be-cont ‘The rat has a tail’ (Watters 20 02: 20 2) (45) Cuzco Quechua (Andean, Quechuan) ˇ Pay-pa sumax patsa-n ka-n-mi 3sg-gen pretty dress-her be-3sg-val ‘She has a pretty dress’ (Von Tschudi 1884: 418) (46) Spoken Bolivian Quechua (Andean, Quechuan) Hwanito-qpata ermana-n tiya-n H.-gen sister-his be-3sg.pres ‘Juanito... (Iroquoian) Tekni te-wak-awistha-y ^-? two du-3subj/1sg.pat-dog-lie-stat ‘I have two dogs’ (Lounsbury 1953: 48) (133) Seneca (Iroquoian) Uhusa’ ak-yk’ egg 1sg.obl-exist ‘I have an egg’ (Holmer 1954: 53) (134) Tuscarora (Iroquoian) Ro-hwist-a -yv? 3sg.m.obj-money-lk-exist ‘He has money’ (Mithun Williams 1976: 22 0) (135) Wichita (Caddoan) K?i:s ti-a-rikic-?akhann-i little 3sg-dat/poss-little-house -be ‘He has... Lambrecht 1994, 20 01) with a ‘resumptive’ oblique pronominal phrase in the sentence nucleus Non-standard variants (119) 97 Classical Arabic (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) Zayd-un kaana-t la-hu xubzatu-n Z.-nom was-f to-him loaf-nom.indef ‘Zayd had a loaf ’ (Comrie 1989: 22 4) ( 120 ) Maltese (Afro-Asiatic, Semitic) Pawlu g and- u ktieb P at-3sg.m.obj book ‘Pawlu has a book’ (Comrie 1989: 22 1) ( 121 ) Tigre (Afro-Asiatic,... Tibeto-Burman, and in the two sampled variants of the Andean language Quechua Non-standard variants 77 ( 42) Limbu (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Himalayan) Locha manai-le ku-sa nechi wa-yechi certain man-gen his-son two be-3du.past ‘A man had two sons’ (Grierson 1909: 29 7) (43) Meithei (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Meithei) Mi ama-gi ma-cha nipa ani lai-rammi man one-gen his-child male two be-3pl.past... hallet ’el-ye 1sg.nom good camera be-3sg.f.pres to-me ‘I have a good camera’ (Raz 1983: 50) ( 122 ) Amharic (Afro-Asiatic, South Semitic) ˇ ¨ ¨ ¨ ’Anta and t@nn@s tofa ‘alla-h 2sg.m.nom one small pot.nom be.3sg.m . -2 sg.m.obj ‘You have a small pot’ (Hartmann 1980: 29 2) ( 123 ) Kabyle (Afro-Asiatic, Berber) Argaz-agi, gur-s adrim man-this at-him money ¨ ‘This man has money’ (Naıt-Zerrad 20 01: 165) ( 124 ) Tamazight... 88 The typology of predicative possession (98) Mojave (Yuman) ˇ a ?inyep ?ny-ahat-c 1sg my-horse-subj ‘I have a horse’ (Munro 1976: 28 6) ˇ b ?inep kwathe?ide:-c 1sg doctor-subj ‘I am a doctor’ (Munro 1976: 26 9) ˆ (99) Bororo (Macro-Ge-Bororo, Bororo) I-ke-re 1sg.poss-food-neutr ‘My food (is): I have food’ (Crowell 1979: 38 )2 ´ ´ (100) Tupinamb (Tupı-Guaranı) a ˆ a Xe-pinda 1sg/my-harpoon ‘I have a... the following sentences from Choctaw and Koasati: (130) Choctaw (Muskogean) Hattak ma-t oW-t im-ansha-h man that-subj dog-subj 3dat-be.pl-imperf ‘That man has dogs’ (Nicklas 1974: 166) (131) Koasati (Muskogean) ´ An-ap am-ıkso-hoo:li-k palo-k 1sg-top 1sg.dat-not.be-custom-past Xying.squirrel-subj ‘As for me, I never used to have a Xying squirrel’ (Kimball 1985: 21 0) For other languages, examples with... Sandi f@rwa-nza-a 3pl horse.pl-their-assoc ‘They have horses’ (Hutchison 1976: 15) (50) Tumleo (Austronesian, West Oceanic) Lama bati ka’ap malun-rej palou man one 3sg.pres.have sister-his two ‘A man has two sisters’ (Schultze 1911: 43) (51) Luise o (Uto-Aztecan, Numic) n ˇ ˇ ˇ caam-ca-po cam-tukmay-i ay-ma-an we-we-fut our-basket-acc have-dur-fut ‘We will have a basket’ (Langacker 1977a: 44) ( 52) Pipil... (Tanoan) ´ O  ne-d: Pol-th q: yi bug-club two 1sg.pat/du.obj-exist ‘I had two Xy-swatters’ (Watkins 1980: 25 8) (137) Alabama (Muskogean) Ifa pom-naaho-bi dog.nom 1pl.dat-exist-perf ‘We have a dog’ (Lupardus 1983: 23 0) (138) Koasati (Muskogean) ´ ´ ı:sa-k am-na:h house-subj 1sg.dat-be ‘I have a house’ (Kimball 1985: 21 4) (139) Lakota (Siouan) a Titakuye ma-yuk’e’ relatives 1sg.pat-exist-decl ‘I have... typology of predicative possession (34) Nenets (Uralic, Samoyedic) Nalgu-n porgo-da tana woman-gen dress-her exist.3sg.pres ` ‘The woman has a dress’ (Hajdu 1963: 1 12) (35) Kamass (Uralic, Samoyedic) ¨´ Buz@-n nagur ko?boo-t ı-bi old.man-gen three daughter-his be-past.3sg ¨ ‘An old man had three daughters’ (Kunnap 1999: 39) (36) Hungarian (Uralic, Ugric) ´ ´ A ferW-ak-nak van haz-uk art man-pl-dat be.3sg.pres . li-zya rat-gen his-tail be-cont ‘The rat has a tail’ (Watters 20 02: 20 2) (45)Cuzco Quechua (Andean, Quechuan) Pay-pa sumax pats ˇ a-n ka-n-mi 3sg-gen pretty dress-her be-3sg-val ‘She has a pretty. their With- Possessives. (31)Kham (Sino-Tibetan, Tibeto-Burman, Bodic) Ŋa: ˛a-isa li-zya 1sg my-money be-cont ‘I have money’ (Watters 20 02: 20 2) ( 32) Kanuri (Nilo-Saharan, Saharan) Kaz@m µ u-nyi sha ´ uwa ` mbe ´ ji clothes-my. malun-rej palou man one 3sg.pres.have sister-his two ‘A man has two sisters’ (Schultze 1911: 43) (51)Luise  no (Uto-Aztecan, Numic) c ˇ aam-c ˇ a-po c ˇ am-tukmay-i ay-ma-an we-we-fut our-basket-acc