Predicative Possession - Oxford Studien Intypology And Linguistictheory Phần 8 pot

b. Va breur a zo en ti my brother prt is in.the house ‘My brother is in the house’ (Press 1986: 153) (30)Old Cornish (Indo-European, Celtic) An tekter asbetheugh why art beauty have.2sg.dep 2sg.nom ‘The beauty which you will have’ (Lewis and Pedersen 1961: 211) (31)Late Cornish (Indo-European, Celtic) a. An dzhy ¨ i a kymerz an vo ` r noueth, ha Dzhu ˆ an they prt took the road new and D. a guithaz an vo ` rgo ˆ th prt kept the road old ‘They took the new road, and John kept to the old road’ (WmVre 1998: 69) b. Pe teVa have when comes summer ‘When summer comes’ (WmVre 1998: 54) (32)Late Cornish (Indo-European, Celtic) a. Dust o:z dust be.pres.2sg ‘You are dust’ (WmVre 1998: 45) b. u enz en k@nev@r tol prt be.pres.3pl in every hole ‘They are in every hole’ (WmVre 1998: 45) In the Germanic and Romance languages in our sample, the situation is essentially the same as in Breton and Cornish. The Have-Possessives in these languages are matched by the fact that they favour non-deranked encoding of temporal sequences, and by the presence of a (multi-rooted) be-verb that encodes both copular and locative/existential sentences.6 The inWnitives of these be-verbs are wisan (Gothic), vara (Norwegian), be 6 Spanish (and Portuguese) are deviant, in that in these languages a split occurs between the copula (represented in Spanish by a verb with the inWnitive ser) and the locational auxiliary (estar). (i) Spanish (Indo European, Romance) a. Julia es enfermera J. cop.pres.3sg nurse ‘Julia is a nurse’ (Bouzet 1945: 246) b. Julia est  a en Madrid J. be.pres.3sg in M. ‘Julia is in Madrid’ (Max Kerkhof p.c.) 570 Determinant factors (English), zijn (Dutch), e ˆ tre (French) and W (Rumanian).7 Zero-encoding is impossible in either copular or locational function.8 While this split is undoubtedly real, it can be observed that it is not totally stringent. Thus, the copula ser in Spanish can be used in locational sentences when this locational sentence expresses a ‘scene’, i.e. ‘where something takes place’ (Ashcom and Goodell 1955: 96). (ii) Spanish (Indo European, Romance) La reunio ´ n es en la sala catorce the meeting cop.pres.3sg in the room fourteen ‘The meeting is in Room 14’ (Hengeveld 1986: 397) Furthermore, the copula ser can be used in locational function ‘when the locative concept involves place of origin, which is totally unchangeable’ (Givo ´ n 1979: 323 ). Thus we have: (iii) Spanish (Indo European, Romance) Mi amigo es de Espan ˜ a my friend cop.pres.3sg from Spain ‘My friend is from Spain’ (Givo ´ n 1979: 93) Conversely, the locational verb estar can be used in what looks like basically a copular function with at least some adjectives. In (iv), we see a contrast between the use of the copula ser and the locational verb estar in construction with the predicate adjective enfermo ‘ill’. In this minimal pair, the copula version indicates that the property of being ill is a permanent characteristic of the subject, whereas the version with estar implies that the subject has the property of being ill only temporarily, and that this property assignment may be subject to change over time. (iv) Spanish (Indo European, Romance) a. Juan es enfermo J. cop.pres.3sg ill ‘Juan is ill’ (i.e. he is an invalid) (Comrie 1976: 105) b. Juan est  a enfermo J. be.pres.3sg ill ‘Juan is ill’ (i.e. ‘he is now ill, but can be expected to recover, or was until recently in good health’) (Comrie 1976: 105). Thus, it seems that the split between the two be verbs in Spanish is not so much (or at least not completely) a matter of syntax, but rather a matter of semantics, based on a distinction on the parameter of time stability (Givo ´ n 1979; see also Stassen 1997: 179 81). 7 In the Romance languages French and Spanish, but not in Rumanian, existential sentences are encoded by means of an impersonal form of the have verb. In Spanish, one employs the impersonal form of the erstwhile have form haber, which was replaced for possessive function by the verb tener ‘to hold, grasp > have’ around the twelfth century ad (see Pountain 1985). (i) French (Indo European, Romance) a ` l’universite ´ il y avait un chancelier at the university it there had a chancellor ‘At the university, there was a chancellor’ (own data) (ii) Spanish (Indo European, Romance) a. Tenemos muchos libros have.1pl.pres much.m.pl book.pl ‘We have a lot of books’ (Van Dam 1953: 37) b. ¿ Hay un me ´ dico en este pueblo? exist.3sg a doctor in that town ‘Is there a doctor in that town?’ (Heine 1997: 95) 8 That is to say, in the standard variety of these languages. Several varieties of spoken American English, for example, allow a zero copula. The following sentence is a line from the song ‘Bad, Have-Possessives 571 (33)Gothic (Indo-European, East Germanic) Fauhons grobos aigun fox.nom.pl hole.acc.pl have.3pl.pres ‘Foxes have holes’ (Hempel 1962: 100) (34)Gothic (Indo-European, East Germanic) a. Jah was miÞ diuzam, and be.past.3sg with wild.beast.dat.pl jah aggileis andbahtit dun imma and angels.nom serve.past.3pl 3sg.m.dat ‘And he stayed among wild animals, and the angels served him’ (Wright 1954: 212) b. Þan ustauh Iesus Þo waurda when Wnish.3sg.past J nom those.acc.pl word.acc.pl ‘When Jesus had Wnished speaking those words’ (Mosse ´ 1956: 197) (35)Gothic (Indo-European, East Germanic) a. Praufetes ist prophet be.3sg.pres ‘He is a prophet’ (Mosse ´ 1956: 218) b. In gada ist in house.dat be.3sg.pres ‘He is in the house’ (Mosse ´ 1956: 218) (36)Norwegian (Indo-European, North Germanic) Mannen ha-r en hund man.def have-pres a dog ‘The man has a dog’ (Pa ˚ l Kristian Eriksen p.c.) (37)Norwegian (Indo-European, North Germanic) a. Jeg tok tog, A ˚ shild tok Xy I took train, A ˚ . took plane ‘I took the train, (and) A ˚ shild took the airplane’ (Pa ˚ l Kristian Eriksen p.c.) Bad Leroy Brown’ by the American songwriter Jim Croce, released on the album Life And Times (1972). (i) Black American English (Indo European, West Germanic) Now Leroy, he a gambler (own data) 572 Determinant factors b. Na ˚ r jeg tok tog, tok A ˚ shild Xy when I took train took A ˚ . airplane ‘When I took the train, A ˚ shild took the airplane’ (Pa ˚ l Kristian Eriksen p.c.) (38)Norwegian (Indo-European, North Germanic) a. Jeg er lingvist I be.pres linguist ‘I am a linguist’ (Pa ˚ l Kristian Eriksen p.c.) b. Jeg er i Oslo I be.pres in Oslo ‘I am in Oslo’ (Pa ˚ l Kristian Eriksen p.c.) (39)English (Indo-European, West Germanic) John has a motorcycle (own data) (40)English (Indo-European, West Germanic) a. Some folks do, some folks don’t (own data) b. You’re gonna miss me when I’m gone (own data) (41)English (Indo-European, West Germanic) a. Frans is a linguist (own data) b. Masha is in Stockholm (own data) (42)Dutch (Indo-European, West Germanic) Ik heb een huis 1sg have.pres.1sg indef house ‘I have a house’ (own data) (43)Dutch (Indo-European, West Germanic) a. Dit schilderij is van Rembrandt, (en) dat schilderij this painting is by R. (and) that painting is van Van Gogh is by V. G. ‘This painting is by Rembrandt, (and) that painting is by Van Gogh’ (own data) b. Toen de voorzitter binnenkwam stond when the chairman enter.sg.past stand.sg.past iedereen op everybody up ‘When the chairman came in, everybody got up’ (own data) Have-Possessives 573 (44)Dutch (Indo-European, West Germanic) a. Mijn broer is ingenieur my brother is engineer ‘My brother is an engineer’ (own data) b. De vergadering is in kamer 2.12 the meeting is in room 2.12 ‘The meeting is in room 2.12’ (own data) (45)French (Indo-European, Romance) Elle avait un cha ˆ teau en Espagne she have.past.3sg a castle in Spain ‘She had a castle in Spain’ (own data) (46)French (Indo-European, Romance) a. L’un tient le couteau, l’autre la cuiller the.one holds the knife the.other the spoon ‘Some hold the knife, others (hold) the spoon’ (own data) b. Les gens sont heureux quand le printemps the people be.pres.3pl happy when the spring revient return.pres.3sg ‘People are happy when spring returns’ (own data) (47)French (Indo-European, Romance) a. Mon fre ` re est me ´ decin my brother is doctor ‘My brother is a doctor’ (own data) b. La plume de ma tante est sur le bureau de the pen of my aunt is on the desk of mon oncle my uncle ‘My aunt’s pen is on my uncle’s desk’ (own data) (48)Rumanian (Indo-European, Romance) Tu ai un stilou 2sg.nom have.2sg.pres indef pen ‘You have a pen’ (Cazacu et al. 1967:57) (49)Rumanian (Indo-European, Romance) a. Eu am cumpa ˘ rat o casa la Dej, (s¸i) el a I have bought a house in D. (and) he has 574 Determinant factors cumpa ˘ rat o casa la Cluj bought a house in C. ‘I have bought a house in Dej, (and) he has bought a house in Cluj’ (Mallinson 1986: 120) b. Cı ˆ nd eu vin el va pleca when I come.1sg he fut.3sg leave ‘When I come, he will leave’ (Mallinson 1986: 71) (50)Rumanian (Indo-European, Romance) a. E om acum be.3sg.pres man now ‘He is a man now’ (Mallinson 1986: 82) b. Avion-ul e la periferi-a aerodrom-ul-ui plane-the be.3sg.pres at edge-the airport-the-gen ‘The plane is at the edge of the airport’ (Mallinson 1986: 85) (51)Spanish (Indo-European, Romance) Tengo dinero have.1sg.pres money ‘I have money’ (own data) (52)Spanish (Indo-European, Romance) a. El hombre puso el arca en la mesa y the man put the chest on the table and la abrio ´ it.acc open ‘The man put the chest on the table and opened it’ (Ashcom and Goodell 1955: 30) b. Jugaban a los naipes cuando los llame ´ play.3pl.impf at the cards when 3pl.acc call.1sg.past ‘They were playing cards when I called them’ (Ashcom and Goodell 1955: 28) (53)Spanish (Indo-European, Romance) a. Yo no soy marinero I not cop.1sg.pres sailor ‘I am not a sailor’ (own data) b. Donde est  an los campos de tenis? where be.3pl.pres the Welds of tennis ‘Where are the tennis courts?’ (Ashcom and Goodell 1955: 96) Have-Possessives 575 In addition to its (minor) Locational Possessive, the Baltic language Lithu- anian has a Have-Possessive, encoded by the transitive verb turi ‘to have’. This Have-Possessive is matched by the possibility of non-deranked temporal sequences,9 and by the be-verb bu ´ ti, which functions as the shared encoding of copular and locational sentences. Shared zero-encoding is possible in the present tense, but is not obligatory. (54)Lithuanian (Indo-European, Baltic) A  s turiu ` lau ˆ ka 1sg.nom have.1sg.pres Weld.acc ‘I have a Weld’ (Senn 1929: 24) (55)Lithuanian (Indo-European, Baltic) Glostau suni, slausias biaurybe pat.1sg.pres dog.acc resist.3sg.refl.pres monster.nom ‘(When) I pat the dog, the mutt resists’ (Senn 1966: 488) (56)Lithuanian (Indo-European, Baltic) a. Tai buvo po ˜ nas dem be.past.3 gentleman ‘That was a gentleman’ (Senn 1966: 482) b. Liutai, lokiai ir leopardai buvo zoopark-e lions bears and leopards be.past.3 zoo-loc ‘The lions, bears, and leopards were in the zoo’ (Mathiassen 1996: 183) Although Czech, Serbo-Croatian, Modern Greek, and Albanian all have some options involving deranked temporal clauses, by far the most common strategy for the encoding of temporal sequencing is the use of sentence coordinations or Wnite subordinate clauses. The Have-Possessive in these languages is matched by the fact that all of them are full-sharers; the be- verbs, which are all multi-rooted, have the inWnitives by ´ ti (Czech), biti (Serbo- Croatian), jam (Albanian), and einai (Modern Greek). Shared zero-encoding is possible, but optional, in the present tense of Czech and in the third person present of Modern Greek. Serbo-Croatian and Albanian do not seem to allow any form of zero-encoding for copular and locational sentences.10 9 In fact, sentential coordinations are even more popular in Lithuanian than they already are in the rest of European Indo European. Subordinating conjunctions, especially those indicating temporal and conditional relations, are often left out, so that an asyndetic coordination of main clauses results (Senn 1966: 488). 10 As is the case in French and Spanish, Serbo Croatian, Modern Greek, and Albanian employ the impersonal singular form of their have verbs in the encoding of existential sentences. 576 Determinant factors (57)Czech (Indo-European, West Slavonic) J  am  am kolo I have.pres.1sg bicycle ‘I have a bicycle’ (Lee and Lee 1986: 3) (58)Czech (Indo-European, West Slavonic) a. Zden ˇ ka m  a teple ´ mleko, (a) j  am  am studene ´ Z. has hot milk (and) I have cold ‘Zdenka has hot milk, and I have cold (milk)’ (Lee and Lee 1986: 5) b. Kdyz ˇ jsem byl maly ´ , when be.1sg.pres be.pcp.perf small b  aval jsem se psu ˚ be.frightened.pcp.perf be.pres.1sg with dog.gen.pl ‘When I was small, I used to be afraid of dogs’ (Lee and Lee 1986: 118) (59)Czech (Indo-European, West Slavonic) a. Hana je velmi hezk  adı ´ vka H. is very pretty girl ‘Hana is a ver y pretty girl’ (Lee and Lee 1986: 192) b. Kde je mu ˚ jnovy ´ svetr? where is my new pullover ‘Where is my new pullover?’ (Lee and Lee 1986: 192) (60)Serbo-Croatian (Indo-European, South Slavonic) Gospodin Petrovic ima konja Mr P nom have.3sg.pres horse.acc ‘Mr. Petrovic has a horse’ (Javarek and Sudjic 1963: 18) (61)Serbo-C roatian (Indo-European, South Slavonic) a. Posao sam s Ivanom, (a) tı ˆ leave.pcp.past be.1sg.pres with I instr (and) you (i) Serbo Croatian (Indo European, South Slavonic) U Beogradu ima vojnika in B. loc have.3sg.pres soldiers.acc ‘There are soldiers in Belgrade’ (Lord 1958: 22) (ii) Modern Greek (Indo European, Hellenic) Exi exinus s ti thalasa edo have.3sg.pres urchins.acc.pl in the sea.acc here ‘There are sea urchins in the sea here’ (Joseph and Philippaki Warburton 1987: 36) (iii) Albanian (Indo European, Albanian) Ne ¨ dimen ka bore ¨ in winter.acc have.3sg.pres snow.acc ‘In winter there is snow’ (Mann 1932: 51) Have-Possessives 577 podı ´ s Martom go.imp with M instr ‘I have left with Ivan, and you should leave with Martha’ (Hamm 1975: 62) b. Kad sundze sija toplo je when shine.3sg.pres sun.nom warm be.3sg.pres ‘When the sun shines, it is warm’ (Petrovitch 1913: 46) (62)Serbo-Croatian (Indo-European, South Slavonic) a. O ` na je stu ` dentkjina she be.3sg.pres female.student ‘She is a student’ (Babic ´ 1973: 13) b. Pod stolom je knjiga under table.instr be.3sg.pres book.nom ‘The book is under the table’ (Petrovitch 1913: 32) (63)Albanian (Indo-European, Albanian) Une kam nje ¨ laps 1sg.nom have.1sg.pres indef pencil ‘I have a pencil’ (Kacori 1979: 30) (64)Albanian (Indo-European, Albanian) a. Ke ¨ to jane ¨ gjevorek, (dhe) ato ´ jane ¨ petulla these are pretzels (and) those are pasties ‘These are pretzels, and those are pasties’ (Mann 1932: 70) b. Nde ¨ rsa shoke ¨ txe ˆ jshin luejte ¨ ti you.nom sit.2sg.imperf PRT play.pcp while rrijhe tue comrades.def learn.3pl.imperf ‘While the comrades were studying, you sat and played’ (Lambertz 1959: 175) (65)Albanian (Indo-European, Albanian) a. Asht rrobaqepe ¨ s be.3sg.pres tailor ‘He is a tailor’ (Mann 1932: 21) b. Asht ne ¨ shtepi be.3sg.pres in house.acc ‘He is at home’ (Mann 1932: 73) 578 Determinant factors (66)Modern Greek (Indo-European, Hellenic) Hoi Arabes echousin elefantas def.pl Arab.nom.pl have.3pl.pres elephant.acc.pl ‘The Arabs have elephants’ (Petraris 1914: 44) (67)Modern Greek (Indo-European, Hellenic) a. To pot  ami ksexı ´ vise ta xor  afta plimı ´ risan the river.nom overXowed.3sg the Welds.nom Xooded.3pl ‘The river overXowed (and) the Welds Xooded’ (Joseph and Philippaki-Warburton 1987: 59) b. Otan ftasame s to spiti tis vrikame when arrive.1pl.past at art house her Wnd.1pl.past ti Lula art L acc ‘When we arrived at her house, we found Lula’ (Joseph and Philippaki-Warburton 1987: 30) (68)Modern Greek (Indo-European, Hellenic) a. Afto ´ s ine stratio ´ tis he.nom is soldier ‘He is a soldier’ (Joseph and Philippaki-Warburton 1987: 127) b. O vivlio tu Jani ine eki the book.nom art.gen J gen is here ‘Janis’ book is here’ (Joseph and Philippaki-Warburton 1987: 132) Among the Asian members of Indo-European, a rare instance of the Have- Possessive is found in Modern Persian.11 The transitive have-verb dashtan has somewhat irregular Xexion; for details see Mace (1962: 71). Encoding of temporal sequences is predominantly balancing; there is sentence coordin- ation, and there is the option of forming Wnite adverbial clauses with subor- dinating conjunctions. In the present tense, copular and locational sentences can be encoded by a set of aYxes on the predicate, which can be seen as enclitic forms of the be-verb. As an alternative in the present tense, and as an obligatory choice in other tenses, both types of construction use the be-verb 11 A Have Possessive is also encountered in Tajik, a language that is closely related to Modern Persian. (i) Tajik (Indo European, Iranian) Du pisar dosht two sons have.3sg.f.past ‘She had two sons’ (Rastorgueva 1963: 61) Have-Possessives 579 [...]... n-a-iz-en-ean market-all go-hab 1sg.abs-pres-aux-rm-loc.sg arraultza fresco-ak eros-ten d-it-u-t egg.abs fresh-pl.abs buy-hab 3abs-abs.pl-aux-1sg.erg ‘When I go to market, I buy fresh eggs’ (Saltarelli 1 988 : 44) c Zu-k ohe-ak egi-ten dit-u-zu-n 2sg-erg bed-pl.abs make-hab 3pl.abs-aux-2sg.erg-rm bitarth-ean gosari-a prestatu-ko d-u-t length-loc breakfast-abs prepare-fut 3abs-aux-1sg.erg ‘While you make the beds,... s-icaws-n-o, a-semc’a-ga 1pl-two-erg one-side-at 1-sleep-pl-fut the-women-also za-xafa-ga e-caws-n-o one-side-at 3-sleep-pl-fut ‘The two of us will sleep on one side, and the women will sleep on ´ the other side’ (Dumezil 1931: 113) ˆ ¨ b U-k’wob-ot-eda 2sg-wash-fut-if ´ ‘if you will wash yourself ’ (Dumezil 1931: 96) (77) Ubykh (North-West Caucasian) ¨¨ ¨ a Wala go-baxa-l they his-enemy-be.pl ´ ‘They were... yi-guyu duba -jingi-ndi my.abs class-mother.abs sit 3sg-be-past -nyanga-ndi nana 3sg-come-past dem.abs ‘My mother was sitting down, and that one came’ (Merlan 1994: 463) b Nga-njig-be-warra nana ya--nyangi-we yiwarna-gari 1sg-go-fut-when that.abs 3-3 sg-come-fut other-other ‘When I will go the other fellow will come’ (Merlan 1994: 271) (133) Wardaman (Australian, Gunwinyguan) a Yi-gorlorlogban yi-jili... Yingkarta (Australian, Pama-Nyungan) a Ngatha-rna kanga yurlu-yija 1sg.nom-1sg.subj carry.past camp-to mara-ngka-rna kanyji-lanyi hand-in-1sg.subj hold-pres ‘I carried it to the camp, holding it in my hand’ (Dench 19 98: 44) Have-Possessives 605 b Karrpi-ka! Karrpi-nhanyja tie.up-imp tie.up-perf ‘Tie it up! (When) it is tied up ’ (Dench 19 98: 66) (1 48) Yingkarta (Australian, Pama-Nyungan) a Pinya kartu... 3pl-stop-past.perf that-loc 3.i-go-past.perf ‘They stopped at Manaburr, and then she went’ (Harvey 2001: 131) b Irr-a-yung-iji Lalakgili, marakbitj 3pl-go-past.perf-here L ceremonial.ground b-i-rlarla-ng iii.obj-3pl.subj-make-past.perf ‘When they came to Lalakgili, they made a ceremonial ground’ (Harvey 2001: 119) (121) Limilngan (Australian, Limilngan) a Ja-n-iga d-irrinyngangan that-ii-pl ii-tall.pl ‘Those (dogs)... ba-rowe-ng, ngaye nga-djordmi-nj yerre she 3past-die-past.perf 1sg 1-grow.up-past.perf later ‘She died, I grew up later’: ‘She died before I grew up’ (Evans 2003: 631) b Goba-gohbanj barri-borrkge-yi, dja redupl-old.person 3past-dance-past.imperf and yawurrinj bandi-nahna-ni young.man 3/3pl-watch-past.imperf ‘The old men danced, while the young men watched them’ (Evans 2003: 653) (139) Bininj Gun-Wok... Ngaba-nga-ju karnarinymi have-1sg-pres spear ‘I have a spear’ (PensalWni 2003: 60) (126) Jingulu (Australian, West Barkly) a Manki-ya-nu dibij-kaji ya-rruku sit-3sg-past outside-through 3sg-go.past ‘She sat here (and) he went right outside’ (PensalWni 2003: 74) 600 Determinant factors b Ningki-nginyu-ju darrangku karnawunji, kunyurlu cut-1du.excl-pres tree lancewood 2du.f.nom mankiya-nu-ma wandayi-mbili... gilirni-ya babaabiddi my stone grass-loc inside ‘My money is in the grass’ (McGregor 1990: 302) (119) Limilngan (Australian, Limilngan) Dawikgwi darlirli d-amban i-lw-ang-anga-n that.one.emp money class.ii-much 3subj-ii.obj-impf-have-pres ‘That bloke has lots of money’ (Harvey 2001: 114) (120) Limilngan (Australian, Limilngan) a Manaburr i-lakbu-ng, diya-lakgarni w-a-yung M 3pl-stop-past.perf that-loc... aita lo-tara joan da, mother sewing.loc begun is father sleep-all gone is nere anaia kale-ra atera da, eta ni my brother street-all is and gone.out I telebista ikusten gelditu naiz television see.loc remained am ‘Mother has begun sewing, Father has gone to sleep, my brother has gone out, and I remain (here) watching television’ (Saltarelli 1 988 : 86 ) b Azoka-ra joa-ten n-a-iz-en-ean market-all go-hab... yada wapa-yi (ya) yini ningki-da 1sg.subj that.way go-pres (and) 2sg.pres here-loc ngama-yi sit-pres ‘(While) I go that way (and) you sit here’ (Austin 1 981 b: 232) b Ngayani walta-yi nina ya madi mala 1pl.excl.act carry-pres 3sg.nonfem.obj and heavy very ‘We carry him and/ while (he) is very heavy’ (Austin 1 981 b: 233) (145) Diyari (Australian, Pama-Nyungan) a Pula-ya kintala malantji 3du.subj-near dog.abs . television’ (Saltarelli 1 988 : 86 ) b. Azoka-ra joa-ten n-a-iz-en-ean market-all go-hab 1sg.abs-pres-aux-rm-loc.sg arraultza fresco-ak eros-ten d-it-u-t egg.abs fresh-pl.abs buy-hab 3abs-abs.pl-aux-1sg.erg ‘When. (Saltarelli 1 988 : 44) c. Zu-k ohe-ak egi-ten dit-u-zu-n 2sg-erg bed-pl.abs make-hab 3pl.abs-aux-2sg.erg-rm bitarth-ean gosari-a prestatu-ko d-u-t length-loc breakfast-abs prepare-fut 3abs-aux-1sg.erg ‘While. 1-sleep-pl-fut the-women-also za-xafa-ga e-caws-n-o one-side-at 3-sleep-pl-fut ‘The two of us will sleep on one side, and the women will sleep on the other side’ (Dume ´ zil 1931: 113) b. U-k’wob-o ˆ t-eda ¨ 2sg-wash-fut-if ‘if