Predicative Possession - Oxford Studien Intypology And Linguistictheory Phần 9 docx

(312)Baure (Arawakan, Southern Maipuran) a. Nec ˇ o ´ n no-so ´ mpow tec ˇ ka?an, a ˜ co last.night 3pl -hear that animal and  simono-wo-r nerı ´ ki arrive-cop/imperf-3sg now ‘Last night they heard that animal, and he is arriving now’ (Baptista and Wallin 1967: 30) b. Ni-kı ´ ?inow ni-yı ´ no  sen koe ˜ c ˇ to nen hir  a-neb 1sg-want 1sg-teach.them because the these man.pl he ´ noko-neb good-pl ‘I want to teach them, because these men are good’ (Baptista and Wallin 1967: 29) (313)Palikur (Arawakan, Eastern Maipuran) a. Nah ka atak, ig kawnata atak I neg go he neg.also go ‘I don’t go, and he doesn’t go either’ (Launey 2003: 201) b. Ku pis atak Kayanit, isim pohow hadyo if you go K to buy.imp one radio ‘If you go to Cayenne, buy a radio’ (Launey 2003: 214) Palikur is a sharing language, on the basis of zero-encoding for both predicate nominal sentences and locational sentences. In Baure, both sentence types can be marked by the item ow-/-wo, which can be analysed either as a (sometimes enclitic) be-verb or as the marker of imperfect aspect; under either analysis, the sharing status of the language is of course corroborated. In addition, Baure has an item kwe’, which functions as the verbal element in locative/ existential sentences. As noted in Section 11.7, it is this item which forms the basis of the Topic Possessive in Baure. (314)Palikur (Arawakan, Northern Maipuran) a. Ig mekseh he doctor ‘He is a doctor’ (Launey 2003: 58) b. Nigu a-giku payt my.father it-in house ‘My father is at home’ (Launey 2003: 58) (315)Baure (Arawakan, Southern Maipuran) a. Nti’ moestor-ow-o-ni 1sg teacher-cop-epent-1sg ‘I am a teacher’ (Swintha Danielsen p.c.) 654 Determinant factors b. Nka-wo-ri ri-weri-ye neg-cop-3sg.f 3sg.f-house-loc ‘She is not in her house’ (Swintha Danielsen p.c.) c. Kwe’ to hopi mesi-ye exist art jug table-loc ‘The jug is on the table’ (Swintha Danielsen p.c.) 12.9 Khoisan Among the four language phyla that cover Africa, Khoisan is the only one in which Have-Possessives are the major option. My sample contains three members of the family. Sandawe, a language of Tanzania, is geographically cut oV from its relatives, and has a With-Possessive (see Section 10.8). The other two sampled languages are spoken in Namibia, the Khoisan heartland. Both have a ‘hard’ Have-Possessive. (316)Nama (Khoisan) Kxoe-p ke ‘auto-sa ‘uu ha ˆ a ˆ person-m top car-f take/have perf ‘The man has a car’ (Heine 1997: 30) (317)!X ~ u (Khoisan) Da’a//om-kx’ao kx’ae peri wood-cutter have goat ‘The wood-cutter has goats’ (Snyman 1970: 114) Nama and !Xu ˜ unproblematically Wt the proWle of a have-language. Temporal sequences in !Xu ˜ are exclusively balanced. The preferred strategy is sentential coordination, in which all non-Wrst clauses are introduced by the conjunction or sentential adverb te ‘and’. In addition, the language has Wnite subordinate clauses with clause-initial conjunctions. (318)!X ~ u (Khoisan) a. /wara meni n!om te #’aama n’ei ha baboon overturn stone and snake bite him ‘The baboon overturned the stone, and a snake bit him’ (Snyman 1970: 205) b. Sinima mi jjx’wa mi dz’heu ts’a while I work my wife sleep ‘While I work, my wife sleeps’ (Snyman 1970: 188) Have-Possessives 655 Sentential coordination and Wnite subordination are favourite strategies in Nama as well. In contrast to !Xu ˜ , subordinate conjunctions are clause-Wnal in Nama; they sometimes cliticize to the last item in the clause, which normally will be the predicate.45 (319)Nama (Khoisan) a. Ob gye gei !a ˜ -tsu-/khaba //na nub then.3sg.subj prt big famine that country #ama gye ha ˜ , ob gye gye tsu-!kha over prt be then.3sg.subj prt past suVer tsoa-tsoa start ‘Then a great famine came over that country, (and) he started to suVer’ (Planert 1905: 29) b. Tronkxoes !naa-ku ha ˜ a hiı ˜ ’a-p ke ‘iipa !ai prison in-3pl be while-3sg.m decl 3sg.m good /’ape’i ke ` t  ii plan past make ‘While they were in prison, he made a good plan’ (Hagman 1977: 229) Nama and !Xu ˜ can be regarded as full-sharing languages, by virtue of the fact that their locational/existential be-verbs (ha ˜ and o, respectively) can also be employed to form predicate nominal sentences.46 (320)Nama (Khoisan) a. Khoib gye geira ha ˜ man prt old be ‘The man is old’ (Planert 1905: 15) 45 Nama also has a deranked form, the so called ‘participial’, which is marked by the suYxes se, !’aa’or tsı ˜ i on the bare verb stem. Clauses which contain such a predicate indicate that ‘the event denoted by the embedded sentence is ‘‘background’’ to that denoted by the main sentence’ (Hagman 1977: 181). Participial predicates can be used only under same subject conditions. (i) Nama (Khoisan) !aı¯’a#ao ra se p ke ke ` pe ` e ´ rejoice dur pcp 3sg.m decl past leave ‘Rejoicing, he left’ (Hagman 1977: 131) 46 As an alternative, Nama has a copula ‘a, which cannot be used in locational/existential function. (i) Nama (Khoisan) Saats ke ‘a ‘ao 2sg.m decl cop man ‘You are a man’ (Hagman 1977: 85) 656 Determinant factors b. Goab geib gye !hanab ei gye ha ˜ ı ˜ child big top Weld in prt be past ‘The elder son was in the Weld’ (Planert 1905: 30) (321)!X ~ u (Khoisan) a. Mi o z ˇ u/’hwa ˜ I be Bushman ‘I am a Bushman’ (Snyman 1970: 136) b. N!ao o #hae n!eng bow be trunk inside ‘The bow is in the trunk’ (Snyman 1970: 137) 12.10 Afro-Asiatic In Afro-Asiatic, Have-Possessives are deWnitely a minor option. Some of the modern languages of the Semitic branch have a tendency to develop their possessive constructions into transitive structures, but it is safe to say that ‘hard’ Have-Possessives are not indigenous to this sub-family. The same can be said of the Chadic branch. In the Berber branch some languages exhibit a ‘hard’ Have-Possessive as an alternative to their hybrid Topic/Locational Possessives. Examples are: (322)Kabyle (Afro-Asiatic, Berber) Ye-sea axxam wemgar-agi 3sg.m.pres-have house old.man-that ‘He has a house, that old man’ (Naı ¨ t-Zerrad 2001: 62) (323)Touareg (Afro-Asiatic, Berber) a. Ila tar  ahamt 3sg.m.have house ‘He has a house’ (Hanoteau 1896: 89) b. Lig tarwa have.1sg child ‘I have a child’ (Harry Stroomer p.c.) As far as temporal sequencing is concerned, these Berber Have-Possessives are matched by the same balancing constructions that match their Topic/Loca- tional Possessives (see Section 11.8). In their encoding of nonverbal predica- tion, Kabyle and Touareg are predominantly split. However, a case can be made for at least some marginal occurrence of sharing conWgurations in Have-Possessives 657 Kabyle. For this language I have found some examples in which the zero- encoding of predicate nominal sentences is applicable to predicate location sentences as well. Conversely, I have encountered some predicate nominal sentences in which the locative/existential verb illa can be employed instead of – or perhaps in suppletion of – the zero-copula of the language. (324)Kabyle (Afro-Asiatic, Berber) a. Nek d’ arezfan 1sg foc big.person ‘I am a big man’ (Hanoteau 1906: 85) b. Ourthi ou d’eYr oukhkham vineyard my behind house ‘My vineyard is behind the house’ (Hanoteau 1906: 22) (325)Kabyle (Afro-Asiatic, Berber) a. Illa ioun argaz be.3sg.m.past one man ‘He was a man’ (Basset 1887: 22) b. Our d illa oulemma neg foc be.3sg.m.past nobody ‘There was nobody’ (Hanoteau 1906: 22) However, in Touareg no such overlap between copular and locative encoding strategies is possible. Therefore, we have to conclude that the Have-Possessive in Touareg constitutes a counter-example to the predictions formulated in Section 12.1. Turning now to the Cushitic branch of Afro-Asiatic, we can observe that the two Northern Cushitic languages in the sample have a ‘hard’ Have-Possessive as an alternative to their Locational Possessives (see Section 9.9). Examples include: (326)Bedawi (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. G  ¨da mah  alaga  a-bare much money 1sg-have.pres ‘I have much money’ (Reinisch 1893:I.54) b. SultYnı t-‘orke  syYbtı ´ -bire sultan.gen art.f-daughter slave 3sg.f-have.past ‘The Sultan’s daughter had a slave’ (Reinisch 1893:I.57) (327)Bilin (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) N@ri g@d@ ˛-sı ´ Sa ¨ x-ti 3sg.f dog-acc have-3sg.f.pres ‘She has a dog’ (Tucker and Bryan 1966: 544) 658 Determinant factors Bedawi and Bilin can be rated as instances of full-sharing languages. Among the conWgurations of nonverbal predicate encoding in these languages, there is one in which a locational/existential verb functions as a copula for predicate nominals. In addition, the languages have several items which are exclusively employed as copulas.47 (328)Bedawi (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Tunto-‘o t-u ´ s dau ˆ ri-t ti-f ı ´ this art-daughter-his beautiful-f.sg 3sg.f-be.past ‘This daughter of his was beautiful’ (Reinisch 1893:I.13) b. U-gaw-u ´ so-be ´ lled-i kalawa-y  ¯-W art-house-his art-town-gen belly-in 3sg.m-be.pres ‘His house is inside the town’ (Reinisch 1893: II.79) (329) bilin (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. An guad  ant  ahı ´ nb-–gun I farmer be-1sg.past ‘I was a farmer’ (Reinisch 1882: 83) b. Nı ´ l@ ˛@lh@mb-a ¨ k w he house be-3sg.m.pres ‘He is in the house’ (Tucker and Bryan 1966: 544) As a match to their Locational Possessives, Bedawi and Bilin have a fairly extensive array of deranked predicate forms at their disposal. The use of 47 An exclusively copular item in Bedawi is the verb u / i . (i) Bedawi (Afro Asiatic, Cushitic) F  atna da ¯ yt ‘o ´ rt u F. good girl 3sg.f.pres.cop ‘Fatna is a good girl’ (Reinisch 1893: III.84) Bilin has various items with uniquely copular function, such as the particle gin, and the verbs san and a/ag. (ii) BILIN (Afro Asiatic, Cushitic) a. An abintYger gin 1sg beggar cop ‘I am a beggar’ (Reinisch 1882: 69) b. Nı¯an  sı¯ ´ n garaba ¯ ´ s  an –x his father.in.law blind cop 3sg.m.perf ‘His father in law was blind’ (Reinisch 1882: 55) c. Ikkau ˆ quraag ‘ rinadi nobles child cop 3sg.f.causal ‘Because she was a child of noble people’ (Reinisch 1882: 59) Have-Possessives 659 deranked clauses must be regarded as the major encoding strategy for tem- poral sequencing in these languages. However, balanced encoding, in the form of sentential coordinations, appears to be at least a minor option, as is illustrated by the following sentences: (330)Bedawi (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Ma’Yta geb  e-for, ribY-b rewyYna women with 3sg.m.Xee.past mountain-acc climb.3pl.past ‘He Xed with the women, and they climbed a mountain’ (Reinisch 1893: III.196) b. Wu h  ad  d  a  ¯ya, e-  s’  agal edir art lion 3sg.past.come art-cow one 3sg.past.kill ‘The lion came and killed a cow’ (Reinisch 1893:I.63) (331)Bilin (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Yas  ¨s-tı in  sau ˆ n  –g ‘ u-lu adin–g ´ ‘ u-r-lu Y acc tie.3pl.past-3sg.obj capture.3pl.past-and-3sg.obj ‘They tied Jesus and took him to prison’ (Reinisch 1882: 119) b. G  anja fı ´ g ‘ ua-g ‘ er sleep.imp rest.imp-and ‘Sleep and rest!’ (Reinisch 1882: 118) Matters are more straightforward in Oromo and Somali, the two Central Cushitic languages in the sample. Both languages have a Have-Possessive as their single option. In Oromo the have-verb is the transitive item qab-, which can be translated as ‘have, possess, take hold of’ (Hodson and Walker 1922: 190). Somali has a set of have-verbs, which are all transitive, and which cover diVerent subdomains in the semantic space of possession.48 (332)Oromo (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) Isan gangei qabu 3pl mule have.3pl.pres ‘They have a mule’ (Hodson and Walker 1922: 17) 48 These verbs are leh yahay ‘to have, to possess’ and qabayya ‘to grasp, to take hold, possess’, which encode inalienable and alienable possession, and haynayya ‘to guard, to watch, to hold; to have in one’s control, in one’s possession’, which predominantly encodes temporary possession (Serzisko 1984: 194). The have verb leh yahay can be analysed as a product of Have Drift. Historically, it consists of the be verb aho/ahay and the preWx leh . The etymology of this preWx is not completely clear. Reinisch (1903: 39) relates it to the derivational suYx ala/ la, which forms possessive adjectives and substan tives. According to Moreno (1955: 113), the preWx leh is connected to the comitative suYx la.No matter what the correct diachronic analysis may be, however, the fact remains that the verb leh yahay is synchronically no longer seen as a synthetic form (Serzisko 1984: 177). 660 Determinant factors (333)Somali (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Nin-kii baabuur ay leh-yahay man-art car foc.3sg.m at-be.3sg.m.pres ‘The man has a car’ (Serzisko 1984: 179) b. Lacag ay-uu hayaa money foc-3sg.m have-3sg.m.pres ‘He has money (with him/ to spend)’ (Serzisko 1984: 195) c. Anigu geel, ido iyo riyo badan baa-n 1sg.emp camels sheep and goats many foc-1sg haystaa have-1sg.pres ‘Me, I have many camels, sheep and goats’ (Saeed 1999: 244) Both Somali and Oromo are predominantly balancing. Although Oromo allows the possibility of employing some types of deranked forms in temporal sequences,49 these two languages clearly prefer – and in the case of Somali, uniquely employ – such strategies as sentential coordination (which may or may not be marked by sentence connectives) and subordination of Wnite clauses, which are introduced by subordinating conjunctions.50 (334)Oromo (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Innii isaan magala-tt erg-e ´ gee’an he them market-to send-past reach.past.pl ‘He sent them to the market (and) they reached (it)’ (Owens 1985: 217) 49 In terms of deranked forms, Oromo has a participle, which is formed from the verb stem by the suYx aa. The form indicates simultaneity and is limited to use under same subject conditions. (i) Oromo (Afro Asiatic, Cushitic) Inii utal aa d’ow am e he jump pcp hit pass past ‘He was hit while jumping’ (Owens 1985: 151) Furthermore, the language employs a so called gerund, marked by the suYx aani on the verb stem. This form indicates anterior action and seems to be used predominantly under diVerent subject conditions. Compare the two following sentences: (ii) Oromo (Afro Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Ani nama ti hori kenin aani adeimei I man to money give ger go.away.past ‘After I had given the man money, he went away’ (Hodson and Walker 1922: 88) b. Ani nama ti hori kenei n adeimei I man to money give.past 1sg go.away.past ‘After I gave the man money, I went away’ (Hodson and Walker 1922: 88) 50 In Somali, these clause initial ‘conjunctions’ are in many cases temporal nouns like kol ka ‘time the’, to which the clause is attached as a (Wnite) relative clause. Have-Possessives 661 b. Eega d’uf-ne walin dubba-ne after come-1pl.past together speak-1pl.past ‘After we came we spoke to each other’ (Owens 1985: 142) (335)Somali (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Cali hı ´ lib-kı ´ iayu ` u keenay oo wa ` annu cunnay Ali meat-art decl.3sg.m brought and decl.1pl ate ‘Ali brought the meat and we ate it’ (Saeed 1999: 250) b. Iy  ad-oo shaqe ´ ynays  a hooyade ´ ed b  aa 3sg.f-and work.3sg.f.prog.pres mother.her decl.3sg.f timid come.3sg.f.past ‘While she was working, her mother came’ (Saeed 1987: 242) c. Kol-ka-n imaneyei libahh ba-n time-art-1sg come.1sg.past.prog lion foc-1sg arkei see.1sg.past ‘While I was coming I saw a lion’ (Kirk 1905: 127) Oromo and Somali can be rated as sharing languages, since a zero-option is possible for predicate nominal sentences and locational/existential sentences alike. In addition, Oromo also has a full-sharing option in its non-present tenses, by way of the verb tur-(lit. ‘to wait’). In all fairness, however, it must be added that these languages also have unique full encodings for copular and locational/existential sentences, and that these encodings seem to be more prominent than the zero-option, especially in the case of locational predi- cation.51 51 Full encoding of locational/existential sentences in Oromo is realized by the verb jir ‘to be, to exist’. This verb is restricted to present tense; as we have mentioned, its non present tenses are represented by forms of the verb tur ‘to wait’. (i) Oromo (Cushitic) Namicc ii sun ac jira man nom that there be.3sg.pres ‘That man is here’ (Owens 1985: 80) The full copula in Somali is ah/aho. In locational/existential sentences a number of diVerent be verbs can be used, including jog (with animate subjects) and jir (with inanimate subjects). (ii) Somali (Cushitic) ’Ali askari buu ahaa A. soldier foc.3sg.m cop.3sg.m.pres ‘Ali is a soldier’ (Bell 1953: 81) 662 Determinant factors (336)Oromo (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Innii xeesummaa 3sg.m guest ‘He is a guest’ (Owens 1985: 33) b. Man-nii sa ac house-nom his there ‘His house is over there’ (Owens 1985: 80) (337)Oromo (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Innii loltuu ture 3sg.m Wghter be.3sg.m.past ‘He was a Wghter’ (Owens 1985: 81) b. Innii xaleesa ac hin-jiru ture 3sg.m yesterday there neg-be.3sg be.3sg.m.past ‘Yesterday he was not there’ (Owens 1985: 75) (338)Somali (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. Axmed waa ask  ari A. decl soldier ‘Achmed is a soldier’ (Saeed 1999: 239) b. Magala-du waa bur-ta town-the decl hill-the ‘The town is on the hill’ (Bell 1953: 39) 12.11 Nilo-Saharan Although it would be an exaggeration to say that Have-Possessives are the major option in Nilo-Saharan, we can nevertheless Wnd quite a few languages with this encoding type in diVerent branches of the phylum. First, a concen- tration of ‘hard’ Have-Possessives can be encountered in the languages of Libya, Northern Sudan, and Western Ethiopia, which are areally related to the Northern Cushitic languages discussed above. Thus, the Saharan language Tubu has a transitive possessive construction which features the have-verb (iii) Somali (Cushitic) a. Niman ki qaar kood ayaa guri ga jooga man.pl art part 3pl.poss foc.3pl house art be.3sg.m.pres ‘Some of the men are in the house’ (Serzisko 1984: 119) b. Caano riyaad ma jiraan milk goat neg be.3sg.f.pres ‘There is no goat milk’ (Serzisko 1984: 31) Have-Possessives 663 [...]... (Tucker and Mpaayei 195 5: 121) b E-ishoo esayiet n-e-ye 3-give poison dep-3-die ‘She gave him poison and/ so that he died’ (Tucker and Mpaayei 195 5: 103) c Ore pee e-rem n-e-igor and then 3sg-spear dep-3sg-moan ‘He speared it and it moaned’/‘When he speared it, it moaned’ (Tucker and Mpaayei 195 5: 62) d Te n-a-suj n-aa-ido˛ if dep-1sg-follow dep-3/1sg.obj-beat ‘If I follow him, he will beat me’ (Tucker and. .. 8.2.3) and therefore as deranked formations (368) Maasai (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, East Nilotic) a Sironka o-yieri-sho, naa Salau o-ori-sho, naa S rel-cook-intr and S rel-sweep-intr and Kelai o-isuji-sho, naa Kimiti o-turi-sho, K rel-wash-intr and K rel-garden-intr n-e-lo Caaca enkare dep-3sg-go C water ‘Sironka will do the cooking, Salau the sweeping, Kelai the washing, Kimiti the gardening, and Caaca... 199 9: 123) ´ ´ ´ ´ kocı-O-te nO b Hınde ˛e- when imperf.run-3sg.subj forest-loc-subord 3sg ´ ´ ´ ´ ´ dul-nı uluguJ  u pf.hide-3sg.subj-narr permanently-emp ‘When she ran to the forest, she hid for good!’ (Bryant 199 9: 140) (357) Tirmaga (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, Surmic) ´ ´ a Te zugte n-nı a a ´ perf.sg.be people strange-emp ‘They were strangers!’ (Bryant 199 9: 31) b K-t-wa e e ly a 1subj-perf.sg.be-narr... burwıı-n medresY-l juu girls-gen school-in go.3sg.pres ‘I go to boy school, and Muna goes to girl school’ (Werner 198 7: 215) (352) Kenuz Nubian (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic) a Ai kaba-gon ni-kon genn-ir 1sg eat -and drink -and do-1sg.pres ‘I eat and drink’ (Reinisch 18 79: 138) b Esau hala-r dasin wekit-ti E desert-in be.3sg.past.subjunct time-acc Rebekka ten tod bob-gonon banikon R her child young-with speak.3sg.past... there’ (Keegan 199 7: 93 ) ´ ` ` ` ´ ` 'ee-e a, ı-tee ta-bıt@ b ı-tee you-arrive home-at prt you-open gate ‘When you arrive home, open the gate’ (Keegan 199 7: 82) ` ` ´ c Loo-n ngon-kF-m a F ´ ` dee ye, m-a when brother-my he.will he.come prt I-will ´ ` m-el-a taa I-speak-him words ‘When my brother comes I will speak to him’ (Keegan 199 7: 117) (380) Mbay (Nilo-Saharan, West Central Sudanic) ` ` ` a... 1subj-perf.sg.be-narr quietly ‘I existed quietly: I waited patiently’ (Bryant 199 9: 41) (358) Longarim (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, Surmic) a A-yak-ca eta tur indic-have-1sg goat Wve ‘I have Wve goats’ (Tucker and Bryan 196 6: 386) b Ka-yayi nana orda indic-have 1sg dog.acc ‘I have a dog’ (Tucker and Bryan 196 6: 386) (3 59) Longarim (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, Surmic) a K-en-a Lariminit 1sg-be-indic Longarim... (355) Tirmaga (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, Surmic) ´ ´ Sur - lOm-e kalamci-Ja S.-pl imperf.have-3pl.subj kalashnikov-pl ‘The Suri have kalashnikov riXes’ (Bryant 199 9: 125) (356) Tirmaga (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, Surmic) ´ ´ a na a Hun k-ubur-aJ ı evid pass-imperf.spit-1sg.obj-3pl.subj and ´ e zugo ' e ciJi dk-aJ  a imperf.hit-1sg.obj-3pl.subj people place little ‘I was spat on and the people hit... children 1pl-engender -and ‘We grow corn and engender children’ (Reinisch 1881: 10) b Kai fe-mu-ma Lulu yo-ke 3sg.come-aor man.pl stand.up-3pl-temp L ‘As the men stood up, Lulu arrived’ (Reinisch 1881: 59) (342) Tubu (Nilo-Saharan, Saharan) a Durte ni zaudente ni go.aor.1pl and return.aor.1pl and ‘We went and returned’ (Lukas 195 3: 167) b Yir nun-go yari terege come.imp say.aor.2sg-when run.aor.1sg come.prog.1sg... temporal and other adverbial clauses by means of (clause-initial) conjunctions (3 89) Wolof (Niger-Kordofanian, West Atlantic) ´ ˜ a Nyeu-on na (te) wakh-on nan ko come-past 3sg (and) tell-past 1sg 3sg.obj ‘He came and I told (it) to him’ (Rambaud 190 3: 51) ´ b Be wakh-am sote when.past word-his Wnish-subjunct ‘When/after he Wnished speaking’ (Rambaud 190 3: 95 ) 680 Determinant factors ( 390 ) Temne (Niger-Kordofanian,... (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, South Nilotic) ´ ˆ Tiny-ey Kıpe:t ka:t have-imperf K horse ‘Kibet has a horse’ (Creider and Creider 198 9: 124) (372) Pokot (Nilo-Saharan, East Sudanic, South Nilotic) ´ ´ ´ a O-tınget-an ket 1sg-have-1sg.pres tree ‘I have a tree’ (Herreros Baroja 198 9: 12) ´ ` ´ ` ` toc somok b Ko-to˛ot-an past-have-1sg cow three ‘I had three cows’ (Crazzolara 197 8: 123) 674 Determinant factors Deranking . pee e-rem n-e-igor and then 3sg-spear dep-3sg-moan ‘He speared it and it moaned’/‘When he speared it, it moaned’ (Tucker and Mpaayei 195 5: 62) d. Te n-a-suj n-aa-ido ˛ if dep-1sg-follow dep-3/1sg.obj-beat ‘If. and Kelai o-isuji-sho, naa Kimiti o-turi-sho, K. rel-wash-intr and K. rel-garden-intr n-e-lo Caaca enkare dep-3sg-go C. water ‘Sironka will do the cooking, Salau the sweeping, Kelai the wash- ing,. U-gaw-u ´ so-be ´ lled-i kalawa-y  ¯-W art-house-his art-town-gen belly-in 3sg.m-be.pres ‘His house is inside the town’ (Reinisch 1 893 : II. 79) (3 29) bilin (Afro-Asiatic, Cushitic) a. An guad  ant  ahı ´ nb-–gun I