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Chapter one: Introduction
1.1. Rationale of the study
In the past few decades we have witnessed a big change in language teaching and learning.
That is the appearance of ‘communicative approach’ to language teaching and learning, which
puts a strong emphasis on master of language use. That is to say, language is viewed as a
means of communication and uses of language play a central part in language teaching and
learning (Brumfit and Johnson 1979). Focus on learners’ language use also means that
communicative approach takes priority over pragmatic competence, one of the four sectors of
communicative competence (Hymes 1972 in Brumfit and Johnson 1979). Much research on
pragmatic competence on the basis of diverse speech acts and speech act sets shows that
pragmatic competence plays a decisive role in learners’ communicative competence
development because it results in appropriateness and effectiveness in interactions, the goal in
learning a second or foreign language. Second or foreign language learners (L2 learners) can
approximate native speakers only when they master rules of language use that underline the
ability to use language in contextually appropriate and effective ways. Given these facts, L2
learners in classroom setting should be pragmatically aware and pragmatically competent.
However, in the language learning setting in Vietnam learners’ pragmatic competence seems
to be given less consideration than other aspects of language teaching. This can be manifested
through the examination of some types of speech acts taught in some teaching materials in
Vietnamese junior high schools. Let’s take some examples. In grade 7 English coursebook
some speech acts such as requests, gratitude, invitations, refusals, complaints or compliments
are introduced to learners, and they are taught along with other language items. However, the
matter lies in the fact that they are paid less attention to while they must have got much focus
on. Furthermore, the teacher, when teaching these types of speech acts, only introduces the
semantic formulas of these speech acts, then asks learners to try to make utterances basing on
the formulas. For example, in teaching invitations and responses in unit 6 on pages 66 and 67,
the teacher writes on the board the formulas such as Would you like to…? and Yes, I’d love
to… for agreement and I’m sorry. I can’t or Yes, I’d love to but… for refusal. The learners are
then asked to make a similar dialogue to the previous one they have been taught. This type of
teaching leads to the result that learners use only one expression in all interactional contexts,
and again this results in the learners’ sociopragmatic errors. For instance, in the classroom
learners were asked to work in pairs and in turn to practice giving invitations such as going to
the movies or coming home for lunch and replying to the invitations. However, when they
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came to the teacher’s home for joy, the teacher offered them some candy, of course, in
Vietnamese. One of the learners replied with an English utterance I’m sorry. I can’t. This
proves that learners with little L2 proficiency can perform a speech act communicatively, but
they cannot do it in a native-like manner. What is more, the status and power relationships
holding between speaker and hearer are usually ignored or rarely referred to in the
coursebook. For instance, in unit 3 on page 30 the learners are asked to practice making
complaints through exclamations such as What an expensive dress! But they do not know
whom they make the utterance with and in which situations they should make an utterance
like that. This causes them to make both sociopragmatic and pragmalinguistic errors when
they interact in real life situations. In other words, pragmatic awareness is not taken account in
the coursebook.
As mentioned above, learning a foreign language is not only simply to acquire the linguistic
resources – phonological, lexical, and grammatical systems but also to learn how to
understand and convey pragmatic meaning and achieve successful communication in the
target language. It is the fact that the later has been the focus of much research on learner
language
recently.
L2 learners usually acquire the developing system that is neither that of
their native language nor that of the target language. Learners’ different developing systems of
the native language, of the target language, and of the learner language cause so much
difficulty in learners’ L2 acquisition in general and the acquisition of the pragmatic ability in
particular. Furthermore, the cultural differences of learners’ native language and the target
language are also the cause of pragmatic failure. The study of learner language or
interlanguage (ILP) can be useful in helping learners’ progress through the developmental
stages. Teachers, in particular, need to understand the domain of ILP to modify their teaching
practices to facilitate pragmatic development. In the present study learner language is
investigated through the speech act of asking for something back.
So far so many speech act sets such as requests, apologies, refusals, invitations, complaints,
compliments, greetings, gratitude, etc have been studied on both cross-cultural and
interlanguage pragmatics perspective but not the act of asking something back. Hence, the
speech act of asking for something back is chosen for this study for the reason that it has never
been investigated before though it occurs regularly in everyday conversations. Moreover, it
differs from other types of speech acts in the sense that it seems to require the speakers to use
many different communicative strategies to achieve the last goal, namely getting something
back from the addresses. Sometimes, the speech act has to be repeated many times and in each
time a new strategy may have to be used, and then the goal can be achieved successfully.
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Saying these things is to see that an investigation on the speech act can be hopeful to discover
interesting things. What is more, it is also very useful to find how learners learn to perform the
speech act, and to what extent and in what ways learners perform the speech act in the L2
differently from native speakers of the target language. From the findings of these, teachers
then can have appropriate approaches to the teaching of language functions.
1.2. Aims of the study
The study aims to find out if Vietnamese learners and native speakers differ in realizing the
speech act of asking for something back in the situations studied and if so, why they are
different.
1.3. Scope of the study
The study focuses on the speech act of asking for something back performed by Vietnamese
learners of English and then compares it with that performed by English native speakers to see
the similarities and differences between the two groups. The term ‘speech act’ here is used to
refer to the illocutionary act, that is, the study concentrates on illocutionary meaning. In
addition, the study pays attention to learner production rather than learner perception or
comprehension.
What is more, because of the size of the study, the matter of learners’
pragmatic competence development also lies outside the scope of the study. Since we did not
collect data by recording or interview, the verbal features such as intonation, stress were not
discussed in the thesis either.
1.4. Organization of the study
The present study consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 concerns with the rationale of the study,
that is, why the subject matter is chosen to be studied. It also includes the aims, scope, and
organization of the study. Chapter 2 refers to some fundamental theories and concepts of
speech acts, politeness, pragmatics, and interlanguage pragmatics. Chapter 3 deals with
methods of data collection and data analysis. Chapter 4 reports the results of the study, basing
on the collected data and discusses some issues on learners’ language use, basing on the
results reported. Chapter 5 provides some concluding remarks drawn from the results of the
study, some implications for teaching language functions, and limitations of the study.
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Chapter two: Literature review
2.1. Speech act theory
2.1.1. Austin and Searle’s theory of speech acts
For a long time, the studying object of linguistics was mainly affirmative sentences, or
sometimes called statements, assertions. This was because, semantically, these sentences
could be all tested for their truth or falsity. Other sentences such as Could you tell me what
time it is?, I promise I’ll be more careful next time, or I bet you Barcelona will win the
Champions’ League, which could not be logically concluded to be true or false, were
considered meaningless (Levinson, 1983). Only when Austin’s (1962) theory of speech acts
was launched, did the changes occur. According to Austin, these above sentences when
uttered are not used to just say things or describe states of affairs but rather actively do things
such as raising a question, promising, or betting. He called these peculiar sentences
‘performative’ in order to differentiate them from the affirmative sentences, which he called
‘constatives’. However, after making a distinction between explicit performatives and implicit
performatives, Austin claims that there is no longer the contrast between performatives and
constatives. This is because constatives are also created by an illocutionary act (see below).
For example, the utterance It is raining is realized a statement, but it can also be used with the
first person singular I and a performative verb in the present tense to become an explicit
performative. Then, we have I state that it is raining. Yule (1996) formulates this deep
structure as follows:
I (hereby) Vp you (that) U
The formula is generalized by the Performative Hypothesis, which proposes that every
sentence has a deep structure of an explicit performative. In other words, all the implicit
performatives occurring in everyday conversations are originated from the deep structure of
explicit performatives. Nevertheless, as Do (2003) points out, the Performative Hypothesis is
collapsed for two reasons: first, in many cases, an implicit performative cannot be transformed
into an explicit one because one cannot find a performative verb which can be used to describe
it; second, when an implicit performative is made explicit by a performative verb, the meaning
of the utterance recognized by it can be changed. For example, a mother wants her son to turn
off the TV as he is always watching it. She says Turn off the TV but her son does not do that,
and she utters again I ask you to turn off the TV right now. In this case, one can see how the
mother’s attitude has changed when she makes an explicit performative.
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From Austin’s discussion, we can see that when we say something, we also do something.
And “actions performed via utterances are generally called ‘speech acts’” (Yule, 1996:47).
Austin argues that there are three types of acts: locutionary act, illocutionary act, and
perlocutionary act.
Locutionary act is the one, in terms of form and content, that uses linguistic elements such as
words, sounds of words, sentence combination to make a meaningful and well-formed
utterance.
Perlocutionary act is the one that brings about effects on listeners by means of utterances, and
is specific to the circumstances. For example, the utterance Turn off the TV spoken to the
addressee may make him/her turn off the TV, or it may also make him/her angry or
uncomfortable. The acts of turning off the TV, anger, or discomfort are all related to the
perlocutionary effects. The perlocutionary effects, though intended or unintended, are non-
conventional and are caused by some particular utterance in a particular situation.
Illocutionary act is the one performed via the conventional force in uttering a sentence with
some communicative purpose. The utterance Turn off the TV can be interpreted as a request,
an order, an advice, or a threat, depending on certain situations of communication. And this
called the ‘illocutionary force’ of the utterance. The illocutionary force is directly achieved via
speaker’s intention and a conventional procedure, whose operational rules, though not
represented in the utterance, are understood and followed by all the people in a certain
linguistic community. So it must be said that to master a language is not just simply to master
its syntax, phonetics, or lexicon, but to master the operational rules of the illocutionary act in
that language. That is to say, one must know how to make appropriately and effectively a
request, a promise, an invitation, a question, etc in the target language.
Among the three types of acts, the illocutionary act is the main focus of linguistic pragmatics.
And the term ‘speech act’ (Searle’s 1969 term) is exclusively used to refer to the illocutionary
act.
Although it is impossible to test whether an illocutionary act is logically true or false, it is
possible to examine whether it is appropriate or inappropriate when uttered. Searle (1969),
basing on the felicity conditions advanced by Austin (1962), proposes a set of conditions,
which an illocutionary act has to meet to be appropriate when uttered. This set includes
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propositional content, preparatory preconditions, conditions on sincerity, and the essential
condition. Content conditions indicate the content nature of an illocutionary act. A content
condition for a promise must be about a future event and the future event will be a future act
of the speaker. Preparatory preconditions include all what relates to the necessity so that an
illocutionary act can be performed. A promise needs to be performed by an agent and there
must be a beneficial effect brought about by it. Sincerity conditions concern with the
interlocutors’ psychological state. When making a promise, the speaker must have a true
intention to perform it, and the listener truly wants it to be performed. Essential condition
relates to an obligation the speaker or listener must follow when an illocutionary act is
performed. When one makes a promise, one is, right at the moment of speaking, obliged to
keep and perform it in the future. Each of these above conditions is the necessary condition;
and the whole set of them is the sufficient condition. A specific speech act needs to meet all
these conditions to be performed appropriately.
Another issue of speech acts is to classify them. Austin (1962) tries to do that work.
According to him, there are five categories: verditives, exercitives, commisives, expositives,
and behabitives. However, this classification is not satisfactory to Searle (1969). Searle claims
that Austin’s classification is based on taxonomy of performative verbs and so the overlap
between categories and within a category is unavoidable. He argues that classifying speech
acts needs basing on taxonomy of illocutionary acts, but not on performative verbs, and on a
system of criteria which is suitable to speech acts. From this point of view, he proposes five
basic kinds of illocutionary acts: representatives, which make the speaker’s words fit his own
belief or the world (e.g., assertion, conclusion); directives, which the speaker uses to get
someone to do something (e.g., requests, commands, orders); commissives, which the speaker
uses to commit himself/herself to do a future action (e.g., promises, refusals, threats);
expressives, which express the speaker’s psychological state (e.g., gratitude, apologies); and
declaratives, which the speaker, who has a special institutional role, uses to change the state of
affairs through his/her own utterance (e.g., war declaration, christening). That is Searle’s
classification of speech acts that is used widely to study a specific speech act or a set of
speech acts.
2.1.2. Indirect speech acts
LoCastro (2003) and Yule (1996) state that an indirect speech act occurs when there is an
indirect relationship between a structure and a function. The definition is built basing on the
relationship between the three structural forms (declarative, interrogative, imperative) and the
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three general communicative functions (statement, question, command/request). Do (2003)
makes it clearer by saying that an indirect speech act is an act in which the speaker performs
an illocutionary act and the hearer is to base on his/her own linguistic knowledge and non-
linguistic knowledge to infer the illocutionary force of another act. That is to say, an indirect
speech act is established from both speech production and speech comprehension.
However, the problem of indirect speech acts is how to use and recognize them (Searle 1969).
LoCastro also discusses indirect strategies and states that an indirect speech act can be
realized by sentence form such as It’s cold outside, modality such as Would you mind lending
me a couple of dollars for lunch?, or by conversational implicature such as Do you have any
homework? – I’ve already finished it. He also raises another question that why people use
indirectness so often though it requires much cognitive processing and is risky to be
misunderstood. He claims that there may be six reasons. First, interlocutors may want to avoid
a direct statement because directness may seem not to be tactful and sensitive to the feelings
of the hearer. Second, when indirectness is used in the past tense, it implies that no change can
be made and so communicative goal can be achieved. Third, indirectness is a good way of
denying perceived intentions, avoiding conflict, and escaping from responsibility for an
utterance. Fourth, indirectness is closely related to politeness and used to save face. Fifth,
indirectness can be creative and playful. Finally, indirectness is used as a strategy to gain or
maintain power over others.
2.1.3. The speech act of asking for something back
Like all the other speech acts, asking for something back occurs in all languages. But not all
languages perform the act in the same way. The speech act of asking for something back is
basically a speech act which is intended to provide some support for the speaker and some cost
for the hearer. Hence, it is a face-threatening act to the hearer as it contradicts his/her
expectations. Asking for something back occurs when the speaker actually or potentially
wants the hearer to give him/her back something that the hearer borrowed from him/her, and
believes that the hearer is to be responsible for giving the thing back. As a face-threatening
act, it requires a high level of pragmatic competence and a sensitive pragmatic task. The
speaker, thus, must be tactful and sensitive to produce language that is socially and culturally
appropriate. He/she has to behave so well that he/she both achieves his/her intended goal and
maintains the interpersonal relations.
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It is now necessary to make a distinction between the speech act of asking for something back
and that of requesting as the two acts are similar in some of the illocutionary aspects. They are
both directives, that is, they are attempts by the speaker to get someone to do something, and
impose on the hearer rather than on the speaker. They are thus realized via three level of
directness. Furthermore, they are also subject to modifications and can be encoded both from
the speaker’s perspective and from the hearer’s perspective. However, the act of asking for
something back differs from that of requesting in that, as mentioned earlier, it requires the
hearer to have responsibility for giving the object back to its owner; so the act can be still
performed in the absence of asking for the thing back. In addition, it can also imply some kind
of complaint to the hearer. Also, the variations of the act of asking for something back are
much greater and more context oriented than that of requests.
The similarity between the act of asking for something back and that of requesting allows the
act of asking for something back to be realized in the similar way as that of requesting is.
Hence, Blum-Kulka, House and Kasper’s (1989) three levels of directness for requests (direct,
conventionally indirect, non-conventionally indirect) and coding manual for analysis of
speech acts provide a highly suitable framework for the present study. From the framework,
the collected data for the study are first identified in terms of the level of directness: direct,
e.g., You give me back the book; conventionally indirect, e.g., Could you give me back the
book?; and non-conventionally indirect, e.g., I’m doing my assignment and need some
material. The data will then be coded as follows:
Lan, could you give me back the book? I need it for my assignment.
Head act: Could you give me back the book?
Alerter: Lan
Supportive move: I need it for my assignment.
2.2. Politeness
This section will review some main points in Brown and Levinson’s (1987) politeness theory.
Brown and Levinson built their theory of politeness on the basis of the concept ‘face’.
According to them, “face is the public self-image that every member wants to claim for
himself” (1987: 61). This definition is explained more by Yule (1996: 60) as “face means the
public self-image of a person. It refers to that emotional and social sense of self that everyone
has and expects everyone else to recognize.”
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Face includes two types: negative face and positive face. Negative face is the wish and need to
be independent and free to do things and not to be interfered and imposed by others. Positive
face is the wish and need to be shared, respected, appreciated, accepted, liked, and treated as a
member of the same group. These two types of face are two mutual sides, but not separate.
That is to say, a violation of negative face can lead to the loss of positive face and vice-versa.
On the basis of the concept ‘face’, Yule (1996: 60) claims that “Politeness, in an interaction,
can then be defined as the means employed to show awareness of another person’s face”.
Politeness also consists of negative politeness and positive one. Negative politeness avoids
using face-threatening acts (FTAs) (Brown and Levinson’s (1987) term) or at least
compensates, mitigates the illocutionary force of FTAs. Positive politeness, by contrast,
flatters the hearer’s face and increases the speaker’s face as well.
Brown and Levinson claim that the majority of speech acts are potentially possible to threaten
interlocutors’ face. And so to lessen FTAs, interactants need to make a calculation of the
degree of face-threat that is to be compensated for by appropriate politeness strategies. These
strategies should be based on three factors: power, distance, and imposition, and they can be
described in the following diagram.
Baldly, without redress
On Record Negative politeness
Do FTA With Redress
Off Record
Don’t do FTA Positive politeness
Figure 1: Brown and Levinson’s (1987: 69) politeness model
Looking at the diagram, we can see that there are totally five macro strategies, which are
ranged from the most polite to the least polite: selecting not to perform FTA, selecting type of
off-record, selecting type of on-record with redress in respect of negative politeness, selecting
type of on-record with redress in respect of positive politeness, and selecting to perform FTA
without redress. Each macro strategy consists of a set of micro strategies. There are 15 micro
strategies for positive politeness strategy, 10 for negative one, and 15 for off-record strategy.
Politeness is a universal phenomenon in every society. However, the realizations of the
universals differ from cultures to cultures.
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2.3. Pragmatics
Many pragmaticists (e.g., Kasper, 1997; LoCastro, 2003; Verschueren, 1999; Wierzbicka,
2003; Yule, 1996) give out their own definitions of pragmatics. However, the present study
will accept Levinson’s (1983) point of view of defining pragmatics, which says “The most
promising are the definitions that equate pragmatics with ‘meaning minus semantics’, or with
a theory of language understanding that takes context into account, in order to complement the
contributions that semantics makes to meaning” (1983: 32). That is to say, semantics is
understood and studied in a narrow sense that concerns with the statement of truth conditions
alone; and pragmatics deals with a large residue of meaning which includes other elements of
communication content of an utterance (conventional implicatures, presupposition, felicity
conditions, conversational implicatures, and inferences). From the above viewpoint, the
present study adopts Yule’s (1996) definition of pragmatics, which says “Pragmatics is the
study of speaker meaning the study of contextual meaning the study of how more gets
communicated than is said the study of the expression of relative distance” (1996: 3).
2.3.1. Interlanguage pragmatics (ILP)
Interlanguage pragmatics is defined as “The study of nonnative speakers’ use and acquisition
of linguistic action patterns in a second language” (Kasper and Blum-Kulka, 1993: 3). The
term ‘interlanguage’ is used here to refer to the developing system of learners which is neither
that of their first language (L1) nor that of the second language (L2). Kasper and Blum-Kulka
(1993) specify five research areas of ILP: pragmatic comprehension, which concentrates on
the factors leading to less successful comprehension of pragmatic meaning; production of
linguistic action, which tries to identify the obstacles to learners’ contextually appropriate
production of pragmatic meaning; development of pragmatic competence, which examines the
development of L2 learners’ pragmatic ability; pragmatic transfer, which investigates whether
or where L1 transfer occurs and looks for the sources and factors resulting in the occurrence
of L1 transfer; and communicative effect, which puts an emphasis on the effectiveness of
learners’ language use. The present study will focus on the second area.
2.3.2. Pragmatic competence
The present study adopts Ellis’s (1994) point of view that “Pragmatic competence consists of
the knowledge that speaker-hearers use in order to engage in communication, including how
speech acts are successfully performed” (1994: 719). Pragmatic knowledge here should be
[...]... questionnaires: MPQ and DCT, clear instructions are given at the beginning of the questionnaires so that the subjects can have a clear idea of the content and be able to decide how to respond in an appropriate way Besides, additional information of the subjects’ nationality, age, highest education level, and occupation is also included in the questionnaires A full version of each questionnaire is provided... grammatically difficult expressions such as I was just wondering if I could possibly have my car back (ES10), I was hoping to use my car again if I could take it back, please(ES12) or Would you mind if I picked it my car this afternoon?(ES13), VEs use again and again some fixed expressions such as May I get it back, please?(VL26), Can I take my car,sir?(VL15) or Could I get my car?(VL9) This demonstrates... for the study whose aim is to find out learners’ realization strategies and specific features of a particular speech act Third, a DCT can be an effective means of collecting a large amount of data quickly and easily This is also appropriate to the study in which the time to carry out is calculated by months 3.2.2 Data collection instruments In the present study there are two questionnaires designed to... frequency, namely usually and always, are rated with the largest percentage are used to design the DCT A sample item of the MPQ can be given as follows: Multiple-choice questionnaire How often do the following situations happen in your daily life? - 15 - never sometimes often usually always 1 Your classmate borrows your book, and HASN'T YET RETURNED IT Now you NEED IT and ASK FOR it The result of the data... the latter is the mental representation of linguistic rules for correct language behaviours (Hymes 1972, cited in LoCastro 2003) Ellis explains further that because both of them are related to ‘knowledge’, they should be also distinct from actual performance A main component of pragmatic competence is learners’ ability to use an appropriate speech act in a given event and to use appropriate linguistic... commitment, which are adverbials such as certainly, surely used to increase the speaker’s commitment to the prepositional content, and time intensifiers, which are noun phrases or adverbials such as now, right now, immediately used to intensify the illocutionary force Here are some examples of them: Intensifier: I really need it this week Commitment: I certainly need it back this afternoon Time intensifier:... borrow it again when I am done Aggravators are divided into demander, which is used to increase the imposition of the illocutionary force by means of a need, and warner, which is also used to increase the imposition of the illocutionary force but by means of warning or threatening Here are some examples, too: Demander: Hey, give me my book I need it Warner: Return it now or I’ll never lend you again - 21... whereas ESs rely mainly on past tense and modals to redress the illocutionary force in 3 situations, their use of these two modifiers presents a converse While their use of past tense decreases gradually through 3 situations, from 28% in situation 1 to 9.5 in situation 3, that of modals increases stably through 3 situations, from 23.5% in situation 1 to 47.6 in situation 3 But it must be said that ESs’... claims, Kasper’s definition is acceptable for three reasons: it is process-oriented; it allows the study of transfer in learning and in communication; and it is comprehensive However, the study of transfer is not only to identify what is transferred but also to determine under what circumstances transfer takes place The conditions that promote or inhibit transfer are called transferability constraints... speaker’s permission 1 time only This is very different from situations 1 and 2 where their use of conventionally indirect strategies is 54.8% and 31.2, respectively Meanwhile, ESs show that they still maintain their use of conventionally indirect strategies through three situations In this aspect, there seems to be pragmatic transfer with conventionally indirect strategies when both VLs and VSs show an . creative and playful. Finally, indirectness is used as a strategy to gain or
maintain power over others.
2.1.3. The speech act of asking for something. appropriate approaches to the teaching of language functions.
1.2. Aims of the study
The study aims to find out if Vietnamese learners and native speakers