While working on this project I benefitted from the assistance of a number of people. First of all, I would like to express my deep gratitude to Sook Whan Cho, whose work on the acquisition of Korean first got me interested in that language and who subsequently encouraged me to work on the problem of case marking. Special thanks are also due to YoungSeok Choi and SungOck Shin, who served as my principal informants and who provided invaluable comments on an earlier version of this manuscript. I am also very grateful for the help of D.J. Lee, my first Korean teacher, who read and commented on different versions of the manuscript, noting many problems and providing invaluable help with the Korean data. His assistance and insights helped me find my way out of many deadends. Don Frantz also read the manuscript in its entirety and made many valuable suggestions, for which I am very grateful. Additional important data and comments were provided by Younghee Na, KeonSoo Lee, Yutaka Sato, Kazue Kanno, GyungRan Kim, Hakneung Joo, EungDo Cook, Joe Ree, Konrad Koerner and two anonymous referees, to whom I express my thanks. Needless to say, any remaining errors are my responsibility. The production of the final version of the manuscript was due in large part to the efforts of Betty Lewis, Susan Langley and Kazue Kanno. Without their help and hard work, this project could not have been completed.
CATEGORIES AND CASE AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE General Editor E.F KONRAD KOERNER (University of Ottawa) Series IV - CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY Advisory Editorial Board Henning Andersen (Los Angeles); Raimo Anttila (Los Angeles) Thomas V Gamkrelidze (Tbilisi); Hans-Heinrich Lieb (Berlin) J Peter Maher (Chicago); Ernst Pulgram (Ann Arbor, Mich.) E Wyn Roberts (Vancouver, B.C.); Danny Steinberg (Tokyo) Volume 71 William O'Grady Categories and Case The Sentence Structure of Korean CATEGORIES AND CASE THE SENTENCE STRUCTURE OF KOREAN WILLIAM O'GRADY University of Calgary & University of Hawaii at Manoa JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA 1991 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data O'Grady, William D (William Delaney), 1952Categories and case : the sentence structure of Korean / William O'Grady p cm - (Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science Series IV, Current issues in linguistic theory, ISSN 0304-0763; v 71) Includes bibliographical references and index Korean language ~ Morphology Korean language ~ Case grammar Korean language - Categorical grammar I Title II Series PL919.035 1991 495.7'5 dc20 90-42137 ISBN 90 272 3569 (Eur.)/l-55619-127-8 (US)(alk paper) CIP © Copyright 1991 - John Benjamins B.V No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher Contents 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations The Yale System of Romanization vi vii viii The Problem The Grammar Grammatical Relations and Thematic Roles The Case System Passivization and Dative Advancement Possessor Ascension Inversion Constructions Focus Constructions Subject-to-Object Raising Lexical Causatives Syntactic Causatives Case and Word Order Floated Quantifiers Some Special Challenges The Acquisition Problem Concluding Remarks 13 25 33 47 67 97 117 139 153 171 197 211 225 249 269 Notes References Index 275 283 293 Acknowledgements While working on this project I benefitted from the assistance of a number of people First of all, I would like to express my deep gratitude to Sook Whan Cho, whose work on the acquisition of Korean first got me interested in that language and who subsequently encouraged me to work on the problem of case marking Special thanks are also due to Young-Seok Choi and Sung-Ock Shin, who served as my principal informants and who provided invaluable comments on an earlier version of this manuscript I am also very grateful for the help of D.-J Lee, my first Korean teacher, who read and commented on different versions of the manuscript, noting many problems and providing invaluable help with the Korean data His assistance and insights helped mefindmy way out of many deadends Don Frantz also read the manuscript in its entirety and made many valuable suggestions, for which I am very grateful Additional important data and comments were provided by Younghee Na, Keon-Soo Lee, Yutaka Sato, Kazue Kanno, Gyung-Ran Kim, Hak-neung Joo, Eung-Do Cook, Joe Ree, Konrad Koerner and two anonymous referees, to whom I express my thanks Needless to say, any remaining errors are my responsibility The production of the final version of the manuscript was due in large part to the efforts of Betty Lewis, Susan Langley and Kazue Kanno Without their help and hard work, this project could not have been completed List of Abbreviations Ac Adv Caus Clas Comp Dat Decl FQ Gen Hon Inf IV loc N Nmnlzr NPa NPc NPexp NPl NPr NPt Pass Pl Poss pro Pst Q Rel Sg T TTV TV accusative adverb causative classifier complementizer dative declarative floated quanitifer genitive honorific infinitive intransitive verb locative nominative nominalizer actor NP causer NP experiencer NP locative NP recipient NP theme NP passive plural possessor pronoun past question particle relative clause ender singular topic ditransitive verb transitive verb The Yale System of Romanization (' marks a tense consonant) Hangul Yale Basic Phonemic Realization Hangul Yale -Il 41 /P7 ■A wcy s /t/ /th/ /t'/ /s/ way M SS /s7 M H H •Ml — u ;* * /e/ ch /Ch/ * cc /č'/ -i /k/ /kh/ /k'/ V- kh kk m n ng /m/ /n/ /n/ e I l/ •*- h i wi P ph /p/ /ph/ e PP t th tt tí XL W =! TI ) /h/ /i/ /wi/ -H h Y -4 ey Basic Phonemic Realization /e/ /ye/ /we/ oy /œ/ ay / e / , /æ/ / y e / , /yæ/ yay / w e / , /Wæ/ /w/ e // ye // we /We/ a // ya wa // /wa/ T wu // TT yu /yu/ _1_ -- yo uy // /yo/ /1/ ***1*** The Problem The study of morphological case constitutes one of the oldest and most puzzling research problems in the study of language From the time of Panini in ancient India and the Stoics in ancient Greece, the role of case affixes in sentence formation has represented an ongoing challenge for linguistic analysis If there is one sentiment shared by all those who have examined this problem, it is that case has a very fundamental grammatical function, as evidenced by both its ubiquity in human language and by its association with such basic syntactic notions as subject and direct object What still remains to be discovered after several centuries of inquiry is the precise nature of the information encoded by case categories and the motivation for this particular use of a grammar's resources This book seeks to uncover the principles governing the use of case suffixes in Korean, a language spoken by over sixty million people on the Korean peninsula as well as in parts of China and the Soviet Union (not to mention immigrants to the United States and Canada) To the speaker of English who is exposed to Korean for the first time, at least two properties of sentence structure come immediately to the fore First, the Korean verb is heavily agglutinating, frequently consisting of half a dozen or more morphemes For example, the verb form used in a sentence such as 'The deposed king was caught ' has the structure depicted in (1) (Sohn 1987) (1) cap-hi-si-ess-sup-ni-ta cap =catch; -Ai =passive; -si =subject honorific, -ess =past; -sup =hearer honorific, -ni =indicative mood and -ta =declarative marker Second, although Korean is a strictly 'head-final' language that favors SOV sentence patterns, the grammar allows relatively free ordering of a verb's arguments and adverbial modifiers Hence the following two sentences are both acceptable (2) a Ai-ka pap-ul mek-ess-ta child-N food-Ac eat-Pst-Decl 'The child ate the food.' 280 (ii) CATEGORIES AND CASE WITH SCRAMBLING *Na-nun New York-ulo John-ul [IVP_ ttena-ss-ta-ko sayngkakhay-ss-ta] I-T New York to John-Ac leave -Comp think Notes for Chapter Ten K Park (1986:12) gives examples of sentences that are ambiguous between a passive and a causative interpretation He also notes that the verbs mek-ta 'eat' and tut-ta 'hear' are exceptional in in that they use different affixes for the causative and passive However, I.-K Kim (1985:12) suggests that the IVs undergoing this process are all unaccusatives The few verbs that permit Recipient Conversion (i.e TTVs such as cwu-ta 'give') happen not to have lexical causatives (K Park 1986:7) Keon-Soo Lee (personal communication) notes the acceptability of the following pattern, in which there are two nominative-marked NPs (i) Ai-ka emeni-eyuyhay sakwa-ka mek -i -e -ci-ess-ta child-N mother-by apple-N eat-Cause-Inf-become 'The child was fed (his) apple by the mother.' Although this pattern might appear to be the passive variant of a causative TTV, it is probably parallel to the double nominative passives mentioned in footnote of chapter and analyzed in chapter Notes for Chapter Eleven Ha-ta is used to indicate obligation in non-causative structures as well (i) I chayk-ul ilk-e-ya-Zia -n-ta his book-Ac read-Inf -do 'I must read this book.' Although the S complement generally does not bear a case suffix, the accusative marker is permitted here, especially in the speech of older Koreans This sentence might also be ruled out by Binding Principle (Chomsky 1981), which prohibits a lexical NP from being -commanded by a preferential NP (This assumes that the PP headed by eykey does not block c-command.) Notes for Chapter Twelve Judgments involving pronoun-antecedent relationships in Korean are notoriously variable I focus in this chapter on the judgments provided by a single speaker (a native of Seoul) NOTES 281 The phrase ku-lul sokayhay-cwu-ess-ta 'introduced him' does not count as the pronoun's phrasal category since it is not the maximal projection of the IV category type (there being a larger IVP phrase containing it) A c-commands if the first maximal phrasal projection above A dominates B A similar problem arises if the C-Command Constraint is restricted to NPs in A(rgument) positions Assuming that NPs adjoined to S are not in A-positions, we would predict the grammaticality of both (8) and (9) even though the latter sentence is in fact unacceptable Notes for Chapter Thirteen Sentences such as (i), in which the FQ motwu 'all' is marked by the dative postposition, constitute an apparent counterexample to this claim (i) Emeni-nun ai-tul-uli motwui-eykey senmwul-ul cwu-ess-ta (Choi 1988:222) mother-T child-Pl-Ac all-Dat gift-Ac give 'Mother gave all the children presents.' Choi (ibid.:237) notes that such patterns are not possible with numeral quantifiers such as seys 'three' Where thefloatedquantifier bears a case suffix, patterns similar to (10b) are apparently permitted (i) Sonyen-(tul)-ii sakwa-lul seys-ii mek-ess-ta (B.-M Kang 1988:133) boy -Pl-N apple-Ac three-N eat 'The three boys ate apples.' Here the nominative case suffix on seys 'three' indicates that it must combine with the (discontinuous) IVP sakwa-lul mek-ess-ta 'ate apples', not with the adjacent TV mek-ess-ta 'ate' Since the first NP with which the quantified IVP combines is the subject NP sonyen-tul-i 'boys', the sentence complies with the rule of Quantified VP Interpretation For more on this, see below Interestingly, the IVP formed by combining the QP with the IV in (7) does not combine with the NP over which it has scope as an IVP Rather, it is part of a larger TVP at the time at which it combines with haksayng This is the virtual 'mirror image' of the situation described in (3), which was disallowed I not understand why such a contrast should exist Notes for Chapter Fourteen Gerdts & Youn (1988) observe that some speakers allow the nominative suffix to occur outside the dative in certain constructions (i) I kongcang-ey-ka pwul-i na-ss-ta (Gerdts & Youn 1988) this factory-in-N fire-N break-out 'In this factory fire broke out.' 282 (ii) CATEGORIES AND CASE Haksayng-tul-eykey-ka ton-i philyoha-ta student -PI -Dat -N money-N need 'Students need money.' Here we may be seeing the effects of the S Conversion operation that converts an S (e.g ton-i philyoha-ta 'money is necessary') into a predicate category (an IVP) that can then combine with a nominative-marked term NP that would otherwise have to be realized as a PP modifier A similar phenomenon is observed in many Romance languages, where verbs of unspecified motion select the perfective auxiliary être 'be' used elsewhere for IVs with a theme argument (the 'unaccusative' verbs of Relational Grammar) (i) Jean est allé dans la montagne John be gone (in)to the mountain 'John has gone to the mountain.' In contrast, verbs designating a specific type of motion occur with the perfective auxiliary avoir 'have' used elsewhere for IVs with actor arguments (so-called 'unergatives') (ii) Jeana grimpé dans la montagne John have climbed in the mountain 'John has climbed in the mountain.' Where the NP immediately preceding ha-ta lacks a case suffix, the nominal is often assumed to have been incorporated into the verb I take no position on this issue here Notes for Chapter Fifteen A fourth subcomponent, the conceptual module, provides the basic perceptual and conceptual notions in terms of which many grammatical contrasts are formulated (e.g past-nonpast, singularplural, animate-inanimate, etc.) Although many such contrasts are employed in Korean, they are not directly relevant to the problem of case and I will therefore have nothing more to say about this module here However, Clancy (1985:458-59) reports an apparently systematic overgeneralization by children learning Japanese as a first language This may be because the Japanese genitive is used in a wider range of structures than is its Korean counterpart, making it harder for the acquisition device to formulate its first hypothesis about its distribution Semantic bootstrapping is the name given to the process whereby the behavior of words that have been categorized on the basis of clearcut semantic properties is used to analyze words with fewer cues to their category membership; see Pinker (1984) for extensive discussion REFERENCES Abe, Yasuaki 1985 A theory of categorial morphology and agglutination in Japanese Ph.D dissertation University of Massachusetts at Amherst Ades, Anthony and Mark Steedman 1982 "On the order of words." 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Problems in Japanese syntax and semantics ed by J Hinds and I Howard, 3-29 Tokyo: Kaitakusha 292 CATEGORIES AND CASE Vennemann, Theo 1982 "Remarks on grammatical relations.*' Linguistics in the Morning Calm: Selected papers from SICOL-1981 ed.by the Linguistic Society of Korea, 233-68 Seoul: Hanshin Wang, Li 1956 "A definition of subject and its application in Chinese." Yuwen Huiban 169-80 Williams, Edwin 1980 "Predication." Linguistic Inquiry 11 203-38 Williams, Edwin 1981 "Argument structure and morphology." Linguistic Review 81-114 Whitman, John, and S Hahn 1988 "Korean morphological passive/causatives." Papersfromthe Sixth International Conference on Korean Linguistics ed by Eung-Jin Baek, 714-28 Seoul: Hanshin Yang, In-Seok 1972 Korean syntax: Case markers, delimiters, complementation and relativization Ph.D dissertation University of Hawaii at Manoa Yang, In-Seok 1974 'Two causative forms in Korean." Language Research 10 83-117 Yim, Y.-J 1985 "Multiple subject constructions." Harvard Working Papers in Korean Linguistics ed by S Kuno et al., 101-112 Seoul: Hanshin Yip, Moira, Joan Maling and Ray Jackendoff 1987 "Case in tiers." Language 63 217-50 Yoon, James 1986 "Some queries concerning the syntax of multiple subject constructions in Korean." Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 16 215-36 Youn, Cheong 1986 "Inversion in Korean." Relational studies on Korean ed by Soon Ae Chun, 1-50 Department of Linguistics, State University of New York at Buffalo Index Accusative, 3-4, 5, 33, 61, 75ff, 91-92, 22535, 260-62, 280 Accusative Case Convention See accusative Acquisition device, 250-60 Acquisition, 249-68 Actor, 28 Adverb, 17,20 Adverbial NP (NP**), 74-78, 82-84, 86-90, 212-15 Adversity passive, 276-77 Application, 149-50 Arguments, 13, 17-18, 36, 253-54 Basic category, 13,17 Binarity, 256-59 C-command, 203-4,205-6,280, 281 Casetier,270-72 Case, See also nominative; accusative; genitive; dative Categorial Grammar, 13ff, 276,279 Causative See syntactic causative; lexical causative Causativization, 159ff Causee, constraints on, 178-79,184 Causer See causativization Chinese, 111,279 -ci, 48,49, 51, 63-64, 87-90, 168 Classifiers, 211 Clefting, 57, 72-73 Cognate object, 233 Cohesion, 187-90 Complementizer, 142,150-51 Completeness Requirement, 20-21,255 Composition, 148-51, 181, 198 Compositional semantics, 59ff, 76, 82-83 Compound, 239-40 Computational module, 256 Conservatism Law, 252 Control, 80, 103-5, 120, 175-76 Copula See toy-la; i-ta Dative Advancement, 52-62 See also Recipient Conversion Dative, 6ff, 34-38, 53-54, 162, 178, 262-63, 275, 281 Dative Convention.Seedative Delimiter, Dependency, 17 Dependency Requirement, 20-21,255 Dependent NP (NP*), 39,42,93-94,276 Direct object, 26 Discontinuous constituents, 200ff, 217-18 Double nominative See focus; inversion; possessor ascension Emphatic ku,193-95 Encoding Option, 73ff, 117 Errors, developmental, 263-64 Experiencer, 99,111 -ey, 37-38 -eykey See dative -eyuyhay(se), 47,276,277 Floated quantifier, 54-55, 57,71, 103-4,180, 211-24,231,281 Focus Construction, 117-38, 146-47, 186-87, 267-68, 279 French, 107-9,282 Functor category, 13 General nativism, 250,259 Genitive, 3-4, 6, 38-41, 239, 252, 276 Genitive Case Convention See genetive German, 64 Government and Binding Theory, 16,70,199 Grammaticality judgements, 11,205,280 Hangul, 2,275 -hanthey, 34 See also dative ha-ta, 174-75,177, 181,235-45, 280 Honorific agreement, 79-80,102-5,107-9, 112, 119, 126, 128, 131-33, 136, 142, 156-57, 174, 179-80, 184-85 Hypothesis formation module, 251-52 -i See nominative Incomplete N, 240-48 Incorporation, 70 Independent category See N Indirect Object, 58-60 Inheritance Principle, 21-23, 183,240-48, 256-59 294 CATEGORIES AND CASE Inversion, 97-115, 126-31, 147-48, 186-87, 279 iss-ta, 234-35 i-ta, 93, 276, 278 Italian, 107-9 IV, 17-19, 140 Japanese, 101, 125, 167, 236,277 Judgement Construction See inversion -ka See nominative -, 34 See also dative -kkeyse, See also nominative kukes, 237, 244 Lexical causative, 153-69,280 Lexical-Functional Grammar, 30 Licensing Condition for Focus NPs, 123-25 Locative, 225-33 Locative Conversion, 229-33,267,278 -lul See accusative Mapping Grid, 30-32, 58-60, 159-60, 162, 165, 200, 258-59,276 Middle, 49,277 Monostratality, 9-10, 69, 269 Multiple complement pattern, 236-45 N (NP), 17, 23, 238-39, 254-55 Nominalization, 40-41, 265 Nominative, 2, 5, 33, 81, 90-91, 93-94, 114, 118,260-62,281 Nominative Case Convention See nominative Nonterm, 26 NP* See dependent NP NP** See adverbial NP -nun See topic Objective, 154 Passive/Passivization, 47-52, 59, 62-64, 72, 84-90, 134-36, 137-38, 143, 166-68, 191-93, 219-220, 232, 233, 245-48, 270, 276-77, 278, 279 Plain Topicalization, 56-57, 72, 175 Possessor Ascension, 67-95, 110,117-120, 129, 143-46, 217, 261-62, 271-72, 278 Postposition, 4-6 PP, 19, 35, 254, 276 Precedence Constraint, 201-5 Predicate (PRED), 18 Predicate nominal (NP*), 93-94 See also dependent NP Predicatives, 111 Pronoun Interpretation, 201-5,281 Prepositional module, 252-56 Proximity requirement, 216-19 Quantified VP Interpretation, 214ff, 220ff, 281 Quantifier Scope, 205-9,211-24 Recipient Conversion, 55, 58, 61, 62-64, 270, 278, 280 Recursivity, 256-59 Reflexive/Reflexivization, 100,102-5,112, 119-20, 126, 142, 158, 174, 179-80, 184-85,202-3 Relational Grammar, 26-27,68-69,71-73 Relativization, 57, 133, 237, 244, 279-280 S, 23-24 S Conversion, 111-115, 122-23,146-48 Scrambling, 43, 101, 188-89, 197-210,237, 245, 279-80 Semantic form, 252-53 Sentential predicate, 121 sikhi-ta, 153-54 Source, 34, 227 Special nativism, 250, 265 Subject, 26 Subject-to-Object Raising, 139-51, 221,223 Syntactic Causative, 153-58, 171-95, 222-23, 265-66 Term, 25, 140 Thematic role, 27ff See also actor, theme Theme, 28-29 Topic, 8-9, 41-44, 104, 107, 114 Topicalisation, 41 -44 toy-tay 48, 245-48 Transformational grammar See Government and Binding theory Transitivity, semantic effects of, 187-90, 227-29 See also TV TTV, 35, 55, 62-64, 134, 160-61, 165-66, 168, 264, 280 TV, 17-19,140, 187-90, 227-29, 278 Type raising, 198 -ul See accusative -un See topic Unaccusative, 29, 49, 247, 277, 282 Unergative, 29,282 Uniqueness, 9-10,70,269 -uy See genitive Verbs, 17 See also TV, IV, TTV Whole-part pattern See possessor ascension Word order 77-78, 81, 93, 197-210, 213, 245 [...]... nominative in certain patterns where the nominal refers to someone of high social status and which is often considered to be the 'high form' of the nominative ending, will not be considered here The following sentences exemplify the use of Korean case suffixes with NPs bearing a variety of thematic roles THE PROBLEM a NOMINATIVE SUFIX MARKING AN ACTOR Kay-ka John- ul mwul-ess-ta dog-N John- Ac bite 'The dog... position (informally, 'sister' of S) To the extent that the topic marker encodes structural information of this sort, its function is easier to reconcile with that of case suffixes, raising interesting questions about its place in the overall sentence- building system of Korean I will return to this matter in chapter 4 Theoretical Objectives In proposing the theory of case marking that constitutes the central... difficult to relate them to more general principles of human language Why, for example, must there be a subject? Why does the verb occur sentence- finally? And so on One well known attempt to answer this type of question is developed in the Government and Binding (GB) theory of Chomsky (1981, 1986) Within this theory, the properties of the VP in (1) follow from a general principle (of 'X-bar theory' ), which... (a) a set of categories (e.g., NP, IV, TV and Adv) defined in terms of their combinatorial (dependency) properties, and (b) a set of principles (e.g., the Dependency Requirement and the Inheritance Principle) that determine the conditions under which elements may combine and the categorial status of the resulting phrase While the operation of this system has been illustrated here with the help of only... as those used by linguists working on English and other European languages 12 CATEGORIES AND CASE The remainder of this book presents a theory of case marking for Korean that seeks to satisfy both the Uniqueness Criterion (by associating each case suffix with a unique structural property) and the Monostratality Criterion (by generating only one level of sentence structure) In developing this analysis,... call the Monostratality Criterion The theoretical interest of the Uniqueness Criterion and the Monostratality Criterion stems from the fact that they make very strong claims about the nature of case marking and are hence very difficult to maintain As an illustration of the type of challenges facing the Uniqueness Criterion, we need only consider two of the many patterns of accusative case marking found... more thematic role-bearing NP arguments Such categories are said to be dependent in that they must combine with separate linguistically expressed arguments (verbs in the case of adverbs and NPs in the case of verbs) Thus, we say that adverbs 'depend' on verbal categories and that verbal categories 'depend' on NPs Of course, this is just another way of capturing the intuition that is expressed in classical... area All of these individuals had training as linguists Next, the manuscript was read by two anonymous referees, one of whom was a native speaker of Korean and a senior scholar in the field The other, although not a native speaker, made use of a consultant who was Their comments and criticisms were taken into account by including sentences questionable in a survey of six Korean- speaking linguists (four... will be proceeding as follows In the next chapter, I will outline a theory of sentence formation for Korean based on the combinatorial mechanisms of a 'categorial grammar' In chapter 3,1 will outline a theory of grammatical relations that follows in a straightforward way from this combinatorial system Chapter 4 returns to the problem of case marking, illustrating how simple case marking conventions... reflects the order in which NPs are incorporated into a sentence structure that is built from the bottom up In particular, I claim that subject and direct object terms have the combinatorial properties outlined in (5) (I consider the status of 'indirect objects' in chapter 4.) (5) THE DIRECT OBJECT: thefirstterm (of two or more) THE SUBJECT: the last term The proposed definitions say nothing about which of