The bifurcated theater urban space, operatic entertainment, and cultural politics in shanghai, 1900s 1930s 5

of the theater through the auditorium, with the military band’s music as accompaniment.1 In the early Republican era, top Peking opera players from Beijing, such as Xun, became national

photograph of Xun in his costume for Yu Tangchun 玉堂春 [The Story of Su San], a classic traditional play that he staged that night, hung in the backdrop The photo was taken by a local studio with the most advanced fast lens at that time, and each spectator received a small copy as a memento When the show came to its end, small pieces of colorful paper were thrown around the theater, as the audience applauded the star At the same time, a curtain presented by the five most devoted patrons descended with confetti from the stage ceiling On the curtain was a large painting of peonies, which symbolized Xun’s stage name, Bai Mudan 白牡丹 (White Peonies) After the performance, a military band started playing music onstage, and all spectators stayed and waited for a last glimpse of the star’s elegant demeanor before his return to Beijing Around ten minutes later, Xun reappeared in everyday clothing, bowed to the audience, and shook hands with the theater entrepreneur In the end, he stepped off the stage and walked out

of the theater through the auditorium, with the military band’s music as accompaniment.1

In the early Republican era, top Peking opera players from Beijing, such as Xun, became national stars, and nowhere else did they gain more glory and fortune than in Shanghai, China’s most Westernized city While petty urbanites embraced serial plays produced by local theaters, wealthy patrons from the upper class devoted great passion towards patronizing and socializing with star players from Beijing Moreover, it became fashionable among local elites to stage amateur performances themselves in commercial theaters and on other occasions Numerous amateur Peking opera clubs came into existence accordingly All these contributed to emergence of the so-called “golden age” of Peking opera in the 1920s and 1930s Though the upper class’s involvement in theatrical activities and patronage of talented players had a long history in China, the high enthusiasm

of local elites in Republican Shanghai for Peking opera and Beijing stars was unprecedented, and the ways in which they partook in operatic activities differed strikingly from their predecessors in many aspects These phenomena have drawn attention from some socio-cultural historians of modern China.2 However, existing studies largely focus on the elites’ operatic activities in terms of boosting the stars and founding amateur clubs, while some other important aspects remain

to be examined Most scholars tend to attribute the local elites’ passion for Peking opera primarily to the genre’s artistic charm, and their craze for Beijing stars to the latter’s outstanding skills However, few have explored more profound reasons for the elites’ enthusiastic participation in operatic activities, and its

1 Jinfan, “Linbie liuxiang Xun Huisheng” [Xun Huisheng leaves fragrance before departure] Shen

bao, December 22, 1927, 17

2 For examples, Xu and Xu, “Dushi li de fengkuang;” Zhang Yuan, “Minchu ping jin hu diqu de jingju pengjue wenhua (1912-1937)” [The culture of boosting Peking opera stars in Beiping,

Tianjin, and Shanghai during the early Republican period, 1912-1937], Zhongguo zhishi fenzi yu

jindai shehui bianqian [Chinese intellectuals and modern social changes], eds Hu Chunhui and

Xue Huayuan (Hong Kong: Zhuhai shuyuan yazhou yanjiu zhongxin; Taipei: Guoli zhengzhi daxue lishixuexi, 2005), pp 423-442; Goldstein, Drama Kings, pp 197-201

relationship with the social transformation of early twentieth-century Shanghai This chapter revisits the stardom of Peking opera in Republican Shanghai and investigates of local elites’ involvement in operatic entertainment Illustrating how the elites manipulated operatic entertainment to serve their own interests, it explores the deep causes for the high popularity of Beijing stars in Republican Shanghai After a brief description of the glamour of Beijing stars in Shanghai, it explores the intellectual movements in early Republican period that contributed to the stardom of Peking opera, especially the refinement of the genre and the construction of a discursive hierarchy between performances by Beijing stars and local players Then, I examine the major ways in which local elites got involved

in operatic activities, particularly their interactions with Beijing stars, and discuss their social significance This chapter argues that in Republican Shanghai, operatic entertainment was manipulated by local elites, especially emerging ones,

as an important vehicle to gain social and cultural capital, so as to secure and reinforce their wealth and status; the intercourse with Beijing stars, in particular, brought local elites a variety of symbolic and practical interests in the extra-theatrical world These sociocultural implications fundamentally stimulated and sustained local elites’ passion for operatic activities and the high popularity of Beijing stars

The Glamor of Beijing Stars

From the time Peking opera was introduced into Shanghai in the 1860s, famous

players from Beijing, commonly called jingjue 京 角 (capital stars), were

regarded by local audiences as superior to others.As one bamboo-branch poem suggested, “Famous disciples of the theatrical circle are similar to each other, but

those from the capital are more elegant and talented.”3 A popular star from Beijing might bring a theater huge business success For example, when Yang Yuelou 杨月楼 was employed by Jingui Xuan 金桂轩 (Golden Cassia Pavilion)

in 1872, his performances soon became the most sought after in Shanghai.4 Since the late nineteenth century, therefore, it had been an important commercial tactic for local theaters to employ opera stars from Beijing Sometimes, two or more theaters competed for a popular star, to the extent of taking the matter to the court Given their extraordinary popularity, stars from Beijing usually received much higher salaries than leading local players While the latter’s yearly wages were

around 1,000 yuan, the former were often paid more than 2,000 yuan To Beijing

stars, Shanghai was an ideal city to make a fortune, because they could earn about four times as much as they did in the capital.5 A mutually beneficial relationship therefore existed between Beijing stars and local theaters, although the results of their cooperation were not always as satisfactory as expected

The turn of the twentieth century saw significant changes in local theaters’ employment of Beijing stars When the Allied Forces of Eight Powers captured Beijing in 1900, the royal family fled the capital and many commercial theaters were destroyed the war.6 Some players therefore went to Shanghai and joined local theaters there Among them were Sun Juxian 孙菊仙 and Tan Xinpei, two top stars who used to perform in the imperial palace regularly They were offered breathtakingly high salaries While the monthly salary of a Beijing star was

usually a few hundred yuan previously, Sun and Tan’s soared to around 2,000 yuan.7 Despite the increase in admission fees, local audiences were so attracted to these two stars that they filled the theaters day after day It was said that Sun’s

3 Ge, Huang and Chi, Hu you zaji, Songnan meng ying lu, Hu you meng ying, p 50

4 “Xiyuan zatan” [A casual discussion on theaters], Shen bao, June 4, 1872, 2

5 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqianzhi,” three; Zhou ed., Jubu congkan, pp

124-125

6 Zhang and Jin, Zhongguo xiqu zhi: Beijing juan, p 53

7 Aili Laoren, Tongguang liyuan jilue, p 122

one-week performance brought the theater an income of 2,000 yuan.8 Tan was an even greater draw During his one-month contract, the theater made a profit of

12,000 yuan.9 Besides the rapid increase in wages, there were two other noticeable relevant changes For one, some top players began to bring their own instrumentalists and key supporting cast from Beijing, which further increased the cost to employ them.10 Second, as the wages of Beijing stars soared, their employment terms were shortened Whereas they were previously usually paid by the year, short-term contracts, usually lasting around one month (with possible renewal), became prevalent from the turn of the century onward The shortening

of contract terms somehow made the performances of Beijing stars even more sensational in Shanghai

Opera stars from Beijing visited Shanghai more frequently in the early Republican period, gaining increasingly higher incomes After the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty in 1911, palace performances were basically abolished While losing a source of income, outstanding players gained more freedom to travel to other major cities to make their fortune In 1912, almost all of them were invited

to display their skills in Shanghai, receiving thousands of yuan per month in

return.11 In the subsequent decades, they were joined by younger talents eager for fame and fortune.12 Shanghai, China’s largest metropolis, provided the latter with not just a shortcut to fortune but also the best stage to establish a national reputation It is said that if a star conquered Shanghai, his status and salary would increase tenfold when returning to Beijing.13 Indeed, many talented players based

8 Zhuoan, “Jin sanshinian lai haishang juchang zhi bianqian ji” [Record of the change of theaters

in Shanghai during the past three decades], Shen bao, January 1, 1927, supplement (8)

9 Aili Laoren, Tongguang liyuan jilue, p 85

10 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqianzhi,” four

11 Xuanlang, “Hushang xiju zhi jingzheng” [Theatrical competition in Shanghai], Shen bao,

February 16, 1913, 10

12 Buzhai Laoren, “Minguo shinianlai haishang lingjie zhi huisu.”

13 Yinxia, “Ma Lianliang jinri fuhu ganyan” [Comments on Ma Lianliang’s leaving for Shanghai

today], Shuntian shibao [Shuntian times], December 25, 1922，quoted from Li Shiqiang, Ma

Lianliang yishi nianpu [A chronology of Ma Lianliang’s artistic activities] (Beijing: Zhongguo

in Beijing became famous across the nation only after performing in Shanghai

For example, three of sida mingdan 四大名旦(Four Great Female Impersonators)

did not win great fame until they visited Shanghai in the 1910s and 1920s Likewise, the remarkable success of Ma Lianliang’s first trip to Shanghai in 1922

greatly accelerated his ascendancy as one of the leading laosheng in Republican

China

These players, who later became the canonical figures of Peking opera, visited Shanghai frequently in the 1920 and 1930s, and enjoyed greater popularity than their forerunners Their arrival always created a sensation in local society Audiences flocked to patronize the theater as if they were attending a festival, while numerous news and reviews about them flooded in public media As a rule, every time a star revisited Shanghai, his salary went up a great deal According to

an article from 1929, Ma Lianliang’s monthly salary was 800 yuan when he first

performed in Shanghai in 1922 It increased to 1,200 on his second visit, 2,000 on the third, 3,500 on the fourth, 6,500 on the fifth, and over 10,000 on the sixth.14

In the late 1920s, a hot star like Xun Huisheng could make a net income of over

5,000 yuan through a forty-day performance in Shanghai, which was dozens of

times higher than the income of a leading movie star at that time.15

No other Beijing star achieved greater success in Shanghai than Mei Lanfang, the most celebrated female impersonator ever Mei was just a twenty-year-old rising star when he presented his first performance at the Red Cassia First Stage in

1913 His monthly salary was 1,800 yuan, whereas another senior star whom he

accompanied was paid 3,200 However, Mei’s outstanding skills and good looks soon enthralled local spectators, bringing him tremendous popularity in the treaty

yishi chubanshe, 2012), p 106

14 Chengzhi, “Yiban wutai de qushi.”

15 Meihua Guanzhu, “Bai xun” [New of Xun Huisheng], Shen bao, November 7, 1927, 17 Monthly salaries of top movie stars in the 1930s were usually no more than 200 yuan.See Zhang,

Jindai Ping Jin Hu de chengshi jingju nüyanyuan, p 32

port In his memoir, Mei describes his first trip to Shanghai as a “crucial turning point” of his professional career.16 Indeed, Mei’s reputation rose rapidly thereafter, and by the end of the 1910s, he had become beyond dispute the hottest Peking opera star Before moving to Shanghai in 1932, Mei revisited the city at least eight times, and both his popularity and salary continued to rise steadily

When he made the second trip in 1914, his salary increased to 6,000 yuan, and it

had already become difficult to purchase a ticket for his performance.17According to an article published in 1923, every time when Mei was about to visit Shanghai, the whole city was alight with discussion about no other topic but Mei’s coming; after his arrival, people crowded around the gate of his hotel and the staircases of the theater in which he performed, hoping to see “to what extent Mei was more charming than a heavenly angel.” The author even asserted that every Shanghainese must see Mei’s performance at least once in a lifetime, otherwise he almost would not have lived at all.18 The craze surrounding Mei was

sarcastically described by some as meidu 梅毒, the Chinese term for syphilis,

which here literally meant “the virus of Mei.”19 Though the descriptions above appear to be exaggerated, Mei was undoubtedly the most favored Beijing star in Republican Shanghai His salary was always the highest, and his performances the most sought after During his around-forty-day performance at the Heavenly Toad Stage in 1920, Mei reputedly brought the local economy a revenue of about

500,000 yuan in all: 140,000 for the theater, 100,000 for hotels, 150,000 for

drapers’ shops, 50,000 for restaurants, and 60,000 for other industries.20 The

16 Mei and Xu, Wutai shenghuo sishinian, p 125

17 Chen Dingshan, Chunshen jiuwen [Old news about Shanghai] (Taipei: Shijie wenwu chubanshe,

1971), pp 115-116; Maer Xiansheng, “Guan Mei Lanfang xinlishang zhi yanjiu” [Research on the

psychology of patrons of Mei Lanfang], Shen bao, December 11, 1914, 13

18 Yu Mugu, “Shanghairen yu Mei Lanfang” [Shanghainese and Mei Lanfang], Shen bao, December 21, 1923, 8

19 Bao Dakui, “Shanghai juchang zuijin suotan” [Chitchat about the recent situation of theaters in

Shanghai], Shen bao, February 13, 1916, 14; Duhe, “Meidu zhi shengkuang” [Spectacular scene

of the virus of Mei], Xi zazhi 4 (Sep 1922)

20 Chunlao, “Mei Lanfang dui yuanzhu shanzi jiajia fennu” [Mei Lanfang is annoyed by the

numbers are impossible to verify, but Mei’s extraordinary popularity in Republican Shanghai is unquestionable

Aside from the startling wages, a star from Beijing enjoyed various privileges offered by local theater Usually, a staff member of the theater was sent

to Beijing to negotiate the contract After finalizing the schedule, special personnel were assigned to bring the star and his assistants over from Beijing, and

to accompany them back when the contract ended The theater bore all the

expenses, which often exceeded 1,000 yuan The costs of accommodation and

dining were even higher In most cases, the star was put up in a top-grade hotel or

theater entrepreneur’s arbitrary increase of price], Shen bao, May 26, 1920, 18

Figure 15 The façade of the Heavenly Toad Stage in the early 1930s

Source: Zhou and Li, Shanghaishi daguan The exterior was decorated with grand

tablets with names of opera stars, especially those from Beijing

a grand house specially rented for him While the theater rarely provided local players with food, scrumptious Chinese and Western meals were catered for the Beijing star from the hotel or restaurants Sometimes, a skilled chef was hired exclusively for him In addition, the theater paid for the star’s daily expenses, and even provided a car for his use.21 In the 1920s, it often cost local theater 10,000

yuan or more per month to employ a hot Beijing star.22

For the stars, fame and wealth did not come readily While some achieved remarkable success, others ended up with regrets Since there always were talented players based in Shanghai, a newcomer must have genuine skills and ability to distinguish himself.23 Therefore, a Beijing star often set reputation rather than money as the primary objective of his first performing trip southwards.24 The trip could be rather exhausting While a leading star might perform once or twice a week in Beijing, he had to go on stage almost every day

in Shanghai, twice a day during the weekend.25 For instance, Mei Lanfang performed continuously for forty-five days on his first performing trip to Shanghai in 1913, which made him so exhausted that he had to rest for days before returning to Beijing.26 Furthermore, a star would usually stage unpaid performances for an extra period of time after the contract ended, as a way of expressing his gratitude to his employer The duration of this practice ranged from

a few days to more than a week, depending mainly on the profits that the theater had made during the star’s stay.27

21 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” eight

22 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” three

23 Li Hongchun, Jingju changtan [Long talks about Peking opera] (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju

chubanshe, 1982), p 102

24 Qi, “Xijie xiao zhanggu,” pp 429-430

25 Zhang, “Shanghai Jingju yiwang,” p 218 Sun Yangnong, Tan Yu Shuyan [On Yu Shuyan]

(Hong Kong: 1953), p 127 The performances were even more exhausting during the Chinese New Year, normally twice a day, which was viewed by stars from Beijing as a perilous

undertaking Mei and Xu, Wutai shenghuo sishinian, pp 142-143

26 Mei and Xu, Wutai shenghuo sishinian, p 186

27 Kanwairen, Jingju jianwen lu, p 102

As mentioned previously, the vast majority of plays that Beijing stars staged were old selected-scene ones Minor innovations might be found in their performances, but the stars in general followed the conventional singing and acting rules rigorously The more plays a star mastered, the greater repute he

could possibly gain Tan Xinpei, who won title of lingjie dawang 伶界大王

(King of Players) in early Republican Shanghai, was said to be capable of performing continuously for two or three months without repeating a single play.28 In 1923, Cheng Yanqiu 程砚秋 staged thirty-one plays in about one month at the Red Cassia First Stage Among them, nineteen plays were performed only once, eight twice, three thrice, and just one four times.29 In addition to classical selected-scene plays, Beijing stars often presented their own distinctive new plays to interest local audience Mostly composed by intellectual elites, their new plays appeared to be fairly refined in comparison to those produced by local theaters, which significantly promoted their glamor in Shanghai

Refinement of Peking Opera

The astonishing popularity of Beijing stars was a sociocultural phenomenon that should be understood within the interplay of a variety of local and national—and sometimes even international—factors, both theatrical and extra-theatrical Beyond the stars’ preeminent skills, scholars have recently paid much attention to the contemporary social, intellectual, and political dynamics involved Some scholars highlight the crucial role of the modern publishing industry Catherine

28 Zengyan, “Xinxin Wutai zhi kexiao,” Shen bao, December 11, 1912, 10 The number of recorded plays that Tan performed exceeds one hundred Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi

(shangjuan), pp 418-419

29 “Cheng Yanqiu zai Dangui yanju zhi tongji” [Statistics of Cheng Yanqiu’s performances at the

Red Cassia], Shen bao, November 6, 1923, 18

Yeh, for example, points out that the modern press exerted revolutionary influences on the conception and reception of Peking opera stars in the early twentieth century Invoking the notion of the star as a national personality, the press “offered the only early forum for patronage culture to go public, for aesthetic appreciation to be debated, and for the notion of stardom to be explored.” 30 Celebrated players were indispensable subjects of various entertainment publications, from highbrow magazines exclusively about drama to middlebrow tabloids Public polls to determine the most popular stars were launched in newspapers and magazines, and special issues were dedicated to individual stars Meanwhile, reports, reviews, and images of star players appeared frequently in public media Leading the way nationally, Shanghai’s publishing industry not only made Beijing stars well-known to the locals, but also helped them acquire national fame

While the modern press enormously contributed to the popularity of Beijing stars, intellectual movements surrounding Peking opera endowed them with social and cultural prestige From the beginning of the century, advocates of drama reform called for changes in the public conception of opera players who had suffered inferior social status in imperial China, which might have helped elevate the position of opera stars in society The reform of popular drama, primarily Peking opera, remained a hot topic within the intellectual world during the first years of the Republic, but opinions came to be increasingly divergent While some still held that Peking opera should be renovated by incorporating new subjects and Western performing methods, many others were no longer committed to the idea that it could be an effective means to promote sociopolitical progress.31 From an evolutionist perspective, radical May-Fourth iconoclasts

30 Catherine Yeh, “The Press and the Rise of Peking Opera Singers to National Stardom: The

Case of Theater Illustrated (1912-1917),” East Asian History 28 (Dec 2004): 53-86

31 See Hsiao-t’i Li, “Minchu de xiju gailiang lun” [The discussion on the reform of drama during

the early Republican period], Zhongyang yanjiuyuan jindaishi yanjiusuo jikan [Bulletin of the

argued that Peking opera, a genre that originated from regional dramas of traditional China, was incompatible with modern society due to its backward themes, vulgar libretti, and unnatural performing manner Some therefore advocated the complete eradication of Peking opera and the adoption of Western realistic-style drama.32 In response, defenders highlighted the genre’s artistic features and aesthetic values, such as its abstract representation, unique face-painting, and stylized singing and acting.33 Though the debate did not last long and exerted little influence on the popularity of Peking opera, it raised the question of the “legitimacy” of the genre in modern China

The 1920s and 1930s, as Joshua Goldstein points out, saw efforts by traditionalist intellectuals to construct Peking opera as a model of Chinese national culture.34 As the social status of players rose in the early Republican period, some eminent men of letters in Beijing engaged in Peking opera activities enthusiastically as playwrights, consultants, and even business agents for individual stars Many of them established stable cooperative partnership with the stars, such as Qi Rushan 齐如山 with Mei Lanfang and Luo Yinggong 罗瘿公 with Cheng Yanqiu A popular star might have several intellectuals assisting him, while a man of letters probably collaborated with more than one player Such a player-intellectual partnership hardly existed in the late Qing, mainly due to the huge gap in social status between them

Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica] 22 (Jun 1993): 281-307

32 Fu Sinian, “Xiju gailiang gemian guan” [On various aspects of the reform of drama], Xin

qingnian [New youth] 5, 4 (Oct 1918); Hu Shi, “Wenxue jinhua guannian yu xiju gailiang”

[Literary evolutionary thoughts and the reform of drama], Xin qingnian 5, 4 (Oct 1918); Zhou Zuoren, “Lun Zhongguo jiuju zhi ying fei” [On the necessity to eradication of China’s old drama],

Xin qingnian 5, 5 (Nov 1918)

33 See, for example, Zhang Houzai, “Wo de Zhongguo jiuxi guan” [My view on China’s old

drama], Xin qingnian 5, 4 (Oct 1918)

34 Goldstein, Drama Kings, p 8

The involvement of intellectual elites in Peking opera entertainment, the original motives for which were diverse, brought significant artistic changes and cultural prestige to the genre Some of them partially shared the criticism of Peking opera by early reformists and May-Fourth iconoclasts, such as its backward themes and vulgar libretti, but approached it in a different way Instead

of hybridism or radical abolishment, they attempted to elevate the genre’s cultural rank by producing refined new plays for the leading stars, especially female impersonators.35 For instance, during their seventeen-year collaboration from

1915 to 1932, Qi Rushan dominated the production of about twenty-six new plays for Mei Lanfang, to which Mei’s other literati supporters made contributions as well Various innovations were tried out consciously While traditional plays were

35 For an incomplete list of the plays, see Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (zhongjuan), pp 53-62

Figure 16 Mei Lanfang, Qi Rushan, and Luo Yinggong in Mei’s study

Source: Mei Lanfang jinianguan ed., Mei Lanfang zhengcang lao xiangce [A

cherished old album of Mei Lanfang] (Beijing: Waiwen chubanshe 2003), p 73

usually adapted from ancient Chinese popular fiction or folk tales, Qi derived new themes from more elite-oriented literary works, such as poetic essays and Buddhist classics Influenced by European highbrow opera, Qi composed a number of sophisticated mythical plays, but endeavored to distinguish them from existing ones about deities and devils Besides the polished libretti, elegant costumes and makeup were created and graceful dancing was incorporated into the performances, making reference mainly to traditional forms of elite culture, such as Kunqu and classical painting Elaborate stage sets were used in the performances sometimes, which owed to the influence from Shanghai.36 All plays were tailored for Mei who always played beautiful, cultivated, and sometimes unworldly young women More often than not, plots and scenes were designed primarily for the display of Mei’s skills and beauty rather than for the development of story In fact, most plays had rather simple plots but highly complicated singing and dancing Plenty of new plays were produced for other leading stars by their literati supporters along similar principles Though the production of new plays remained commercially-oriented in general, intellectual elites managed to infuse many of their aesthetic tastes and artistic ideas into the plays Their initiatives raised the cultural position of Peking opera, which helped the stars win greater fame

In addition, the early Republican period also witnessed a surge in the production of knowledge about Peking opera by Chinese intellectuals During the two decades between 1917 and 1938, about one hundred books on the genre were published Meanwhile, a number of scholarly journals about drama came into existence, and their articles, mostly contributed by erudite intellectuals, made serious analyses or discussions regarding Peking opera, which distinguished them from popular entertainment publications that mainly featured casual news,

36 Qi Rushan, Qi Rushan huiyilu [A memoir by Qi Rushan], Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe,

1998, 112-121

reviews, and gossips about theaters and stars.37 Qi Rushan made greater contributions to the production of knowledge about Peking opera than anyone else

In the 1920s and 1930s, Qi published more than ten books on Chinese drama, primarily on Peking opera Whereas previous records were generally casual and fragmentary, Qi provided more rigorous, systematic investigations that covered almost all aspects about the genre.38 In doing so, Qi and other intellectuals built together a regime of knowledge about Peking opera, which defined the genre’s artistic principles and aesthetic features, and thus underpinned its status as the representative of Chinese theatrical art in China and abroad

As the national center of modern publishing industry, Shanghai served as one

of the centers for the knowledge production of Peking opera A large number of books and journals concerned with the genre were published there and distributed

to other regions In addition, drama reviews, which seldom appeared in newspapers in the late Qing, mushroomed in Republican Shanghai, and the critics became increasingly hypercritical about the “authenticity” of players’ performing and even dressing.39 Liu Huogong 刘 豁 公 was a representative of local intellectuals devoted to Peking opera In the late 1910s and early 1920s, Liu published three books on drama, which brought him fame as an authority in the field.40 Meanwhile, he composed at least five new plays for the Heavenly Toad Stage.41 In 1928, Liu assumed the editorship of Xiju yuekan, one of the most

influential scholarly journals on drama in Republican China, which was sustained

37 Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (zhongjuan), pp 148-163

38 It is noteworthy that Qi’s works were greatly influenced by Western academic paradigm of theater studies, and comparisons were often made between Chinese and Western drama Liang

Yan, Qi Rushan juxue yanjiu [A study on the dramaturgy of Qi Rushan] (Beijing: Xueyuan

chubanshe, 2008), pp 172-173, 183-190

39 Buzhai Laoren, “Minguo shinianlai haishang lingjie zhi huisu.”

40 Liu Huogong, Xiju daguan [A grand view of drama] (Shanghai: Jiaotong tushuguan, 1918);

Jingju kaozheng baichu [Investigation of one hundred plays] (Shanghai: Zhonghua tushu jicheng

gongsi, 1919); and Xixue daquan [Complete research on drama] (Shanghai: Shengsheng meishu

gongsi, 1920)

41 Xu and Cai, Shanghai Jingju zhi, p 441

for more than three years and sold more than 13,000 copies at its peak.42 To distinguish the journal from normal entertainment magazines, Liu advocated

“careful, rigorous research” on the components and functions of drama The vast majority of articles focused on Peking opera, and the contributors included noted men of letters, scholarly intellectuals, celebrated amateur players, and descendants

of theatrical families Written in quasi-classical Chinese, many articles were largely incomprehensible to ordinary people, which suggests that the main readership was from the highly educated classes.43

The intellectuals’ enthusiasm for the studies of Peking opera was at least partially driven by cultural nationalism that burgeoned as the genre came to win international reputation From the late 1910s on, a few Peking opera stars made performing trips abroad, which were warmly received by foreign audiences and dramatists.44 The pioneer was Mei Lanfang who visited Japan in 1919 and 1924, the United States in 1930, and the Soviet Union in 1935 Meanwhile, Mei often hosted foreign dignitaries at his house in Beijing In particular, with the support of

Qi Rushan and many other celebrities, Mei’s six-month trip to the United States achieved a massive triumph, creating great sensations wherever he visited Bringing unprecedented honor to Mei himself, the trip also enhanced Peking opera’s status as the embodiment of Chinese culture on the international stage.45That greatly stimulated intellectuals’ cultural nationalism and accelerated the production of knowledge about Peking opera In the 1930s, a few institutions were founded to promote academic research on Peking opera, such as Zhonghua Xiqu Yinyue Yuan 中华戏曲音乐院 (Chinese Opera Music Institute, 1930) in

42 Huogong, “Juantou yu” [Preface], Xiju yuekan 3, 12 (Sep 1932)

43 Liu Huogong, “Juantou yu,” Xiju yuekan 1, 2 (Jul 1928) For a comprehensive study on the journal, see Zhu Xingwei, “Xiqu chuban yu shangye wenhua: Xiju yuekan yanjiu, 1928-1932” [Publishing Chinese drama and commercial culture: a study of The Theater Monthly, 1928-1932]

(MA thesis, National University of Singapore, 2009)

44 Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (zhongjuan), pp 168-191

45 See Joshua Goldstein, “Mei Lanfang and the Nationalization of Peking Opera, 1912-1930,”

Positions 7, 2 (Fall 1999): 377-420

Nanjing, Beiping Guoju Xuehui 北平国剧学会 (Beijing Institute of National Drama, 1931) in Beijing, and Guoju Baocun She 国剧保存社 (National Drama Preservation Society, 1935) in Shanghai Noted intellectuals and opera stars constituted the key members, and each institution published at least one scholarly journal on drama.46 Knowledge production about Peking opera was so influential that even Hu Shi participated Hu not only played an important role in Mei’s trip

to the United States,47 but also attended the activities of the Beijing Institute of

National Drama and contributed to the first issue of its journal Xiju congkan 戏剧

丛刊 [Journal of drama].48

Thanks to intellectual elites’ institutional and discursive initiatives, Peking

opera from the 1930s became widely regarded as China’s guoju 国剧 (national

drama).49 From a relatively loose popular drama genre to an increasingly rigorously defined one that represented the uniqueness of Chinese operatic art, it attained not only the legitimacy to persist in the modern China but also unprecedented cultural prestige In that sense, Goldstein is right to argue that Peking opera was a sort of “modern construction,” an “invented tradition” in early

46 The Beijing Branch of the Zhonghua Xiqu Yinyue Yuan published Juexue yukan, the most

influential academic journal on Chinese drama in the Republican era Beijing Institute of National

Drama published Xiju congkan (Drama collection, 1932-1935) and Guoju huabao (National drama

pictorial 1932-1933), both of which were assiduously edited and beautifully printed Guoju

Baocun She also released an academic journal titled Xiju xunkan

47 Hu wrote the preface for an English pamphlet introducing Peking opera and Mei to the American audience, seeErnest Moy ed Mei Lanfang: Chinese Drama (New York: China Institute

in America, 1929) Despite his radical attack on the genre in the New Youth, Hu was actually fond

of Peking opera in private life See Wang Yuanhua, Qingyuan taixi lu [Talks about opera in the

Pure Garden] (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe, 2007), pp 118-133

48 Though Hu Shi did not write any article for the issue, he proofread and named one of Qi

Rushan’s articles See Qi’s note following the catalogue Xiju congkan 1 (Jan 1932)

49 It is difficult to validate when the term guoju first appeared It had been applied in one article in

1904 advocating the reform of drama See Jiang, “Zhongguo zhi yanju jie,” p 701 In the 1920s, several Westernized young writers launched Guoju Yundong (National Drama Movement), aiming to create a spoken drama that was truly Chinese But the Movement had little influence It

was Qi Rushan who popularized the word Though Qi’s conception of guoju initially included all

drama genres of China, Peking opera was the representative one Therefore, Peking opera

gradually came to be regarded as the national drama of China See Goldstein, Drama Kings, pp

175-176

twentieth-century China.50 Since then, most intellectuals had approached Peking opera more as a refined legacy of Chinese traditional culture than as a potential means for social enlightenment and political mobilization No longer humble entertainers with outstanding skills, star players from Beijing, came to be applauded as national cultural icons, which more or less contributed to their popularity in Shanghai When Mei Lanfang attended the opening performance of The Common Stage in 1934, he was labeled “the leader of the national drama circle.”51 In June 1937, the Golden Great Theater invited Shang Xiaoyun to perform in Shanghai, announcing that the intention was to “advocate the national drama and promote the culture.”52

Forging an Aesthetic Hierarchy

While contributing to the knowledge regime of Peking opera, drama critics beginning in the late 1910s gradually formulated a dichotomy between performances by Beijing stars and those by local players, commonly labeled as

Jingpai 京派 (Beijing school) and Haipai 海派 (Shanghai school) respectively

The former were regarded as orthodox, elegant, and in accordance with the genuine rules of operatic art, while the latter were condemned as heterodox, vulgar, and in violation of performance conventions Such a dichotomy explicitly indicated a hierarchy within the world of Peking opera, which was crucial to the

50 Goldstein, Drama Kings, pp 3-4 The invention of tradition, according to Eric Hobsbawm, is

“essentially a process of formalization and ritualization characterized by reference to the past,” which occurred more frequently during rapid social transformations Eric Hobsbawm,

“Introduction: Inventing Traditions” to The Invention of Tradition, eds Eric Hobsbawm and

Terence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp 4-5

51 “Shanghai zuixin jianzhu weida Zhongguo juchang Da Wutai kaimu” [The opening of the

Great Stage, Shanghai’s newest building, a great Chinese theater], Shen bao, September 10, 1934,

1

52 Advertisement of the Golden Great Theater, Shen bao, June 7, 1937, supplement (4)

charm of Beijing stars in Republican Shanghai

Indeed, there had been small differences between Peking opera performances

in Beijing and Shanghai since the late nineteenth century After its introduction into Shanghai, Peking opera further absorbed artistic elements from Huixi and Bangzi 梆子 (clappers) and evolved into a style somehow different from its

birthplace, commonly called Nanpai Jingju 南派京剧 (Southern-school Peking

opera).53 Though players from Beijing were generally considered more skilled than those based in Shanghai, Peking opera connoisseurs lauded outstanding players from the two cities in similar ways Leading local players were therefore often celebrated together with hot Beijing stars For instance, Feng Zihe 冯子和 and Ouyang Yuqian, two female impersonators, were put on a par with Wang

Yaoqing 王瑶卿 and Mei Lanfang, termed as nan Feng bei Wang 南冯北王 (Feng in the South and Wang in the North) and bei Mei nan Ou 北梅南欧 (Mei

in the North and Ou in the South).54 Both Feng and Ouyang initiated bold innovations in their performances, which were largely approved by drama critics Some northern stars such as Mei Lanfang and Xun Huisheng, who later became the most favored in Shanghai, learned from local players in terms of makeup and acting.55 Influenced by the latter’s reformist attempts, Mei Lanfang produced several current-event new plays in the mid 1910s in Beijing.56 In short, despite the general greater popularity of Beijing stars, there was not an impassable hierarchy between them and local players in the discourse of drama criticism However, the late 1910s saw a striking discursive change regarding players from the two cities Beginning then, players from Shanghai and their

53 Yang Chengde, “Shuo nanpai, hua Haipai” [On the south school and the Shanghai school],

Xiqu jingying, ed Zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi shanghaishi weiyuanhui wenshi

ziliao gongzuo weiyuanhui, p 241

54 Gong, “Nanfang Jingju danjue gaige de xianqu Feng Zihe,” p 164; Xu and Cai, Shanghai

Jingju zhi, p 438

55 Zhang, “Shanghai Jingju yiwang,” pp 221-225

56 Mei and Xu, Wutai shenghuo sishinian, pp 211-220, 254-279

performances were often labeled by critics from both cities as “the Shanghai school”, a derogative term referring to a showy and insubstantial performing style.57 In late Qing Beijing, the term Haipai was used by Peking opera players to

describe all genres and players from other regions collectively and pejoratively, satirizing their violation of performing conventions to cater to spectators In the early Republican period, it came to be used largely to refer to the performing style

of players in Shanghai In November 1918, for example, one review in Shen bao

by a Beijing critic criticized Wang Youchen 王又宸, a Beijing star who married Tan Xinpei’s daughter, for his “deep infection by Shanghai-school bad habits” during his stay in Shanghai.58 Two years later, Yao Ming’ai 姚民哀, an emerging local critic, praised a player for “not being infected by Shanghai-school bad habits” even after having lived in the city for a long time.59 Thereafter, the term became frequently applied by drama critics One article in 1925 defined “the Shanghai school” as a kind of corrupt custom fashionable among players in Shanghai, which deviated from all orthodox, elegant performing conventions in Peking opera: “Always utilizing decorative techniques to conceal the weakness of their skills, [it is] nearly a heterodox style that has nothing to recommend, a proper analogue to the heresy of Daoism.”60 Though not all critics held such

extreme opinions, Haipai became basically a negative label in the theatrical world Sometimes, waijiang pai 外江派 (outer-river school), a scornful term almost equivalent to Haipai, was used as well

Meanwhile, opera stars from Beijing and their performances were celebrated

as Jingpai In late Qing Shanghai, the term was an adjective used to describe a

57 Xu ed., Qing bai lei chao xuan: wenxue, yishu, xiqu, yinyue, p 360

58 Liuyi, “Dongxi xuan jutan” [Drama review of the Eastern Fence Pavilion], Shen bao,

November 6, 1918, 14 In another review earlier, the author says Wang Xiaonong “came to Beijing four years ago,” which suggests that he was based in Beijing See Liuyi, “Wen Wang

Xiaonong bingmo” [Hearing the death of Wang Xiaonong], Shen bao, October 11, 1918, 14

59 Min’ai, “Getan shengyu” [Remaining words about the singing circle], Shen bao, April 12, 1920,

14

60 Juping, “Haipai zhi Jingju” [Shanghai school Peking opera], Shen bao, February 28, 1925, 7

luxurious, fashionable style of life, behavior, or dressing in general.61 In the 1920s, it became the antonym of the Shanghai school in the theatrical world, with

jingchao pai 京朝派 (capital school) as a synonym While Haipai was used to

describe “absurd things emphasizing flowery surface but without substantial

ability,” Jingpai appeared to be “the best, most beautiful adjective, having the

meaning of national authority.”62 One article in 1922 discussing the tricks to cultivating a player’s reputation in Shanghai suggested: “wherever the player comes from, he must claim to be from Beijing … which suggests his orthodoxy.”63 An explicit hierarchy between local players and those from Beijing therefore was established within drama criticism

Taking shape in the late 1910s and early 1920s, when serial plays started sweeping local theaters, such a discursive change had much to do with the

evolution of operatic performances in Shanghai Labeled as Haipai xinxi 海派新

戏 (Shanghai-school new plays), serial plays were scorned by Peking opera connoisseurs not only in Beijing and Shanghai but also in many other regions.64

In contrast, new plays staged by Beijing stars, commonly called Jingpai xinxi 京

派新戏 (Beijing-school new plays), won high compliments from most critics It

is widely accepted that Beijing-school new plays were not essentially different from “old” ones, while Shanghai-school plays had completely lost the original appearance of Peking opera.65 Therefore, the former were celebrated as orthodox, elegant operatic art, and the latter were denigrated as heterodox and vulgar

Such a dichotomy was questioned and challenged by some critics in Shanghai For example, one article from 1924 suggested that the two schools had

61 See, for example, Yuanhu Yinmingshi, “Yangchang zhuzhici” [Bamboo-branch poem of

foreign settlements], Shen bao, July 12, 1872, 3

62 Xu, “Jingpai xinxi yu Haipai xinxi de fenxi.”

63 Zheng Zhegu, “Yangcheng hushing mingjue de mijue” [Keys for the cultivation of an opera

star in Shanghai, Shen bao, March 2, 1922, 8

64 Qiuxingfu Zhaizhu, “Haipai xinju guan” [On Shanghai-school new plays], Xin sheng [Heart

voice] 3, 4 (1924)

65 Xu, “Jingpai xinxi yu Haipai xinxi de fenxi.”

the same origin and could not be clearly divided The author maintained that various innovations of the Shanghai school were “inevitable paths of the genre’s evolution,” and those who wanted to promote the reform and preservation of Peking opera should learn a good lesson from Shanghai-school new plays.66Another article published in 1928 holds that new plays of the two styles were just different in “taste” and it was difficult to tell which one was superior.67 Indeed, the discursive dichotomization stereotyped performances in the two cities, and double standards were often used to evaluate them While new-style costumes and stages sets used by local players were usually castigated as tasteless gimmicks, they were celebrated as ingenious innovations when they appeared in Mei Lanfang’s performances.68

Notwithstanding the controversy, the Haipai/Jingpai dichotomy prevailed

among drama critics in Shanghai Sometimes, local critics attacked serial plays even more severely than their colleagues in Beijing Qi Rushan and Liu Huogong provide us with an interesting comparison In a book first published in 1927, Qi maintained that critics should not attack new plays in Shanghai that featured stage sets, because they were just one type of theatrical art.69 Liu, in contrast, was less tolerant One of his reviews in the same year read: “The plots of serial plays newly arranged by local theaters are weird, strange, and not amenable to inquiry; the costumes are neither ancient nor contemporary, with unknowable origins; the players sing and act as they please, which is unworthy to be laughed at If things such as those are called drama, people with basic knowledge about Peking opera

66 Qiuxingfu Zhaizhu, “Haipai xinju guan.”

67 Chengzhi, “Yiban wutai de qushi.”

68 Mei often used electric technology in performances of new plays, which won high favor of

spectators Zhang Shunjiu, “Liyuan conghua” [Serial discussion of the theatrical world], Xiju

yuekan 1, 3 (Aug 1928) Mei’s employment of elaborate sets in performance of a new play was

praised to be “combining the spirit of Western theater, mastering it flexibly, indeed brilliant.”

Sanshiliu Yuanyuangguan, “Meiju xinlu” [New records of Mei’s plays], Xiju yuekan 1, 6

(November 1928)

69 Qi Rushan, Jingju zhi bianqian [Changes of Peking opera] (Shenyang: Liaoning jiaoyu

chubanshe, 2008), pp 18-19 The book was first published in 1927

should refuse to go and watch, let alone those who are as sophisticated in it as I am.” Meanwhile, Liu was very delighted to learn the “indeed unexpected good news” that the Great Stage was about to invite Shang Xiaoyun and several other stars from Beijing.70

Local critics’ embrace of the Haipai/Jingpai dichotomy, to a certain extent,

revealed their cultural anxiety Some attacked Shanghai-school new plays possibly out of cultural nationalism The fast-paced Westernization that Shanghai underwent in the early twentieth century might have provoked cultural nostalgia for some intellectual elites Holding that performances of serial plays were corrupted by Western influences and local audience’s vulgar tastes, they felt the responsibility to preserve the orthodoxy and purity of Chinese drama, as they often declared in their works Meanwhile, we may suspect that, by applauding Beijing stars and attacking serial plays, local critics meant to identify their tastes with their colleagues in Beijing, and thereby emancipate themselves from the latter’s conventional contempt of their connoisseurship Such a mentality was well reflected in Feng Xiaoyin’s 冯小隐 article about Ma Liangliang’s first visit

to Shanghai in 1922 According to Feng, Ma’s performing style, which was “all in accordance with the principles,” seemingly did not cater to the taste of ordinary local spectators, but his performances turned out to be extraordinarily well received That, Feng argues, should be attributed to not just Ma’s good fortune but also the progress of local connoisseurship: “Who says that Shanghainese were incapable of appreciating opera?” Meanwhile, interestingly, Feng felt rather uneasy at Ma’s new costumes, which differed from conventional ones, and wondered whether Ma borrowed them from local players.71

70 Liu Huogong, “Ailishi xitan” [Drama review of the Lamenting Pear Room], Shen bao,

September 6, 1927, 12 Interestingly, however, Liu changed his standpoint and became fairly

tolerant to serial plays, after he was employed by the Heavenly Toad Stage to advertise The

Investiture of the Gods, the most typical Shanghai-school new play See Huogong, “Juantou yu,” Xiju yuekan 1, 8 (Feb 1929)

71 Xiaoyin, “Ma Lianliang laihu zhi shengkuang” [The spectacular scene of Ma Lianliang’s

A more fundamental cause for the prevalence of the Haipai/Jingpai

discourse, however, was probably the change of power relations within local operatic entertainment life In the imperial period, the literati class basically monopolized the discourse of drama criticism Setting the standards for appraising and ranking players, they exerted considerable influences on commercial theaters.72 However, the spatial expansion of local theaters in the early twentieth century led to the increasing marketization of operatic performances Intellectual elites still largely wielded discursive power over operatic performances during the period of the Drama Reform Movement They were not just advocates of reform, but also composers of new plays and authoritative reviewers of performances From the late 1910s onward, however, as theaters strove to produce new plays catering to the taste of petty urbanites that constituted the majority of spectators, the influence of local critics upon their daily performances decreased gradually The artistic preferences of petty urbanites differed from those of elite connoisseurs in many aspects.73 While the latter celebrated Mei Lanfang, the former applauded their own idol, Li Guichun 李桂春, who was famous for his overacting in serial plays.74

It was within such a context that critics formulated the aesthetic hierarchy between Beijing and Shanghai schools Generally turning traditionalist, the critics attacked many innovations by local theaters that they might have approved of during the Drama Reform Movement, and meanwhile emphasized the “orthodox” performing criteria Whereas the performances of serial plays were flexible and accessible to ordinary people, the singing and acting by Beijing stars had stricter

arrival in Shanghai], Jing bao [The crystal], March 9, 1922, quoted from Li, Ma Lianliang yishi

nianpu, pp 109-110

72 For a detailed study of the literati’s activities in terms of rating opera players in mid and late

Qing Beijing, see Goldman, Opera and the City, Chapter 1

73 Ouyang, Zi wo yanxi yilai, p 211

74 Jiang Shangxing, Liushinian jingju jianwen [Sight and hearing about Peking opera in sixty years] (Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1986), p 83 “Wutai xiaoxi,” Xiju zhoubao 1, 4 (Oct 1936)

rules and the libretti were more abstruse, particularly in new plays To appreciate Beijing stars’ performances, one needed not only stronger financial ability to purchase expensive tickets, but also related knowledge and training to “decode” the singing and acting Such expertise was largely unavailable for ordinary folks While making detailed comments on Beijing stars’ performances in public media, local critics seldom wrote serious reviews of serial plays.75 By attacking serial plays and applauding the Beijing school, the critics distinguished themselves from ordinary people in drama appreciation, and therefore reestablished their “authority”

in urban cultural life The hierarchy between Beijing and Shanghai schools further advanced the cultural prestige of Beijing stars, which must have significantly fed the local elites’ passion for them

Boosting Stars: Patronage and Socialization

Though the intellectual movements surrounding Peking opera endowed Beijing stars with unprecedented cultural prestige, it was the support from local elites that underpinned their popularity in Republican Shanghai The vast majority of patrons for performances by Beijing stars came from the upper class, including

both old-style elites, such as powerful yilao 遗老 (old adherents) of the Qing

Dynasty and traditional celebrated literati, and new-style elites who arouse during the rapid economic modernization that the city underwent in the early twentieth century.76 Among the latter were outstanding entrepreneurs of modern commerce

75 Kanyunlou Zhuren, “Guqu xianhua” [Leisurely talk of theatergoing], Xiju yuekan 1, 3 (Aug 1928) Despite Liu Huogong’s appeal, few serious wrote reviews about serial plays such as Feng

shen bang Huogong, “Juantou yu,” Xiju yuekan 1, 7 (Jan 1929)

76 For the patronage of old adherent of the Qing Dynasty, see Lin Zhihong, Minguo nai diguo ye:

zhengzhi wenhua zhuanxing xia de qing yimin [The Republic is an enemy: adherents of the Qing

during political and cultural transformations] (Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 2009), pp 110-112