The bifurcated theater urban space, operatic entertainment, and cultural politics in shanghai, 1900s 1930s 2

Chapter A Tough Business: The Ecology of Theater Enterprise In parallel with the architectural transformation, local theaters went through significant institutional innovations Compared with a teahouse, a modern theater required stronger financial resources, a larger number of personnel, more rigorous operational ways, and updated commercial tactics All these reshaped the ecology of local theater enterprise Though the prosperity of the operatic entertainment enterprise in modern Shanghai has been well documented, our knowledge about the teahouse-theater’s institutional arrangements, and their changes and continuities as local theaters transformed architecturally, remains rather incomplete This chapter offers a comprehensive examination of the institutional structure of commercial theaters in early twentieth-century Shanghai, and discusses various theatrical and extra-theatrical factors that promoted or hindered related innovations It argues that, whereas local theaters underwent rapid changes in material aspects, their institutional arrangements evolved at a much slower pace That, to a great extent, should be attributed to the disorderly business competition of the operatic entertainment enterprise In no sense a linear account of institutional modernization of local theaters, this chapter analyzes the intricate socioeconomic relations embedded in their organization and operation, and illustrates the interactions among different groups of participants of operatic entertainment life during their institutional evolution It first focuses on changes of entrepreneurship in the early twentieth century The second section presents a detailed description of the back-stage personnel that were responsible for daily operatic performances The following two sections investigate the front-stage personnel, whose main     77 job was to receive spectators during business hours, and daily operational methods of the theater In comparison with the back-stage, the front-stage went through more remarkable innovations, which, however, took place at a rather faltering pace The last section looks at the business competition of among local theaters and commercial tactics adopted by them A study of theaters’ institutional situation is of great significance to our understanding of local operatic entertainment culture For one thing, it demonstrates the production mechanism of operatic performances and, on a broad level, the business ecology of local theater enterprise For another, it helps us comprehend spectators’ consumption of operatic entertainment culture, because the theater’s operational methods conditioned the way in which audiences participated in public life therein and hence influenced their reception of operatic performances Last but not least, economic historians of early twentieth-century China tend to focus on modern factories and big companies, while research on smaller commercial institutions remains inadequate.1 This chapter, in that sense, also presents a case study of smalland medium-scale businesses in modern Shanghai Entrepreneurship The theater entrepreneur is, in Joseph Donohue’s words, “the first essential for theatrical performance,” for it is he who brings together dramatist’s works, players’ acting, and the audience.2 Regardless of their successes and failures, theater entrepreneurs as a whole significantly shaped the operatic landscape of modern Shanghai Due to the architectural modernization of local theaters and                                                                                                                           Di Wang, The Teahouse: Small Business, Everyday Culture, and Public Politics in Chengdu, 1900-1950 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), p 28 Wang’s study is certainly an exception to this observation Joseph W Donohue, Jr “Introduction: The Theatrical Manager and the Uses of Theatrical Research,” in The Theatrical Manager in England and America: Players of a Perilous Game, ed Joseph W Donohue, Jr (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), p     78 the shift in the socioeconomic context, the early twentieth century saw profound changes in theater entrepreneurship, which greatly transformed the ecology of operatic entertainment enterprise Almost all teahouse-theaters in late Qing Shanghai were privately run by Chinese Entrepreneurs of many teahouses are unknown due to lack of records Among those who can be identified, nearly half were famous opera actors, while the rest came from a variety of occupations, including staff members of local government, Chinese employees of colonial authorities, compradors, and gangsters.4 Quite a few entrepreneurs had problematic social and political identities Examining fourteen theater bosses active in the 1860s and 1870s, Meng Yue points out that most of them either had histories of being arrested or were on the run from the state or powerful individuals.5 Notwithstanding, the entrepreneurs, especially non-actor ones, often had strong networks and considerable influence in local society, which facilitated the operation of their business It goes without saying that those with official connections had advantages in running theaters Compradors usually possessed both strong financial resources and personal networks with the colonizers, while gangsters often used underhand means to manage the business In contrast, famous players had few advantages to assume theater entrepreneurship, except for their professional knowledge and familiarity with the operatic circle Consequently, theaters run by actor-bosses in general had shorter careers than those run by non-actors In late Qing Shanghai, the financial requirements for running a theater business varied considerably from case to case It could cost a large amount of money if the entrepreneur decided to build the theater by himself and organize a strong troupe Liu Weizhong 刘维忠 reputedly raised more than 50,000                                                                                                                           Only the entrepreneur of the Full-Court Fragrance, Luo Yiqing, was reputedly a British subject from Singapore Zhou Jianyun ed., Jubu congkan [Collection of records about drama] (Taipei: zhuanji wenxue chubanshe, 1974 Reprint of 1922 eidtion.), p 205 Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), pp 261-262 Meng, Shanghai and the Edges of Empires, p 94     79 taels of silver when he erected the Red Cassia Teahouse in 1866.6 Such a huge investment, however, was rare Most entrepreneurs rented theaters from landlords rather than constructed the buildings themselves, and the rentals were usually no more than 1,000 yuan per month.7 In most cases, an amount between 3,000 and 5,000 yuan was enough to initiate the business Some entrepreneurs actually had little capital, but they managed to start businesses by collecting money from the theaters’ future staff members, who paid deposits to them beforehand.8 Entrepreneurs with adequate capital probably ran the business as an exclusive investment, while others did it in partnership, and it was commonplace that an actor and a non-actor shared the venture The capital needed for a theater business increased drastically in the early twentieth century The price of land in the International Settlement, particularly in the commercial district around the Nanking Road and Foochow Road where most theaters were located, had soared since the turn of the century.9 Meanwhile, the modernization of buildings and facilities naturally required larger initial investments and daily expenditures The founders of the New Stage raised 160,000 yuan when they established the theater in 1907; in 1923, more than 300,000 yuan were put into the construction of Chunhua Wutai 春华舞台 (Spring Magnificence Stage), a theater with a reinforced concrete structure and about 3,000 seats.10 Most entrepreneurs still rented theater buildings from landlords or property developers, and rental prices increased continually.11 In the 1920s, it cost thousands of yuan per month to rent a large theater, and at least 30,000-50,000 yuan were necessary to start a                                                                                                                           Tong ed., Shanghai wenhua yule changsuo zhi, p 319 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” six, Xiju yuekan 1, (Nov 1928) Hongnian, “Anmu zhi jinxi guan” [Comparison of table tenders in the present time and before], Xi zazhi (Aug 1923) For a thorough examination of the rise of land prices in the International Settlement in the early twentieth century, see Meng, Shanghai and the Edges of Empires, pp 174-181 10 Qin Peijun, “Linji Gengxin Wutai” [Lin’s Reform Stage], Shanghai wenhua shizhi tongxun [Shanghai cultural and historical newsletter] 28 (Oct 1993), p 63 11 Zuantianshu, “Zao xiguan fangzi de shengcai zhidao” [The way to make a fortune by building theaters], Luobinhan, October 28, 1928; Zhang Guyu, “Shanghai jingju yiwang” [Memories about Peking opera in Shanghai], in Xiqu jingying [Elites of traditional drama], ed Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi Shanghaishi Weiyuanhui Wenshi Ziliao Gongzuo Weiyuanhui (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1989), p 213     80 business, about ten times as much as for a common teahouse.12 In addition, the quick growth in salaries of players, especially of star actors, also contributed to the explosion in cost The increasing business costs resulted in noticeable changes in theater entrepreneurship First and foremost, almost all modern theaters became joint ventures, because few individuals could afford to run the business alone Usually, a modern joint-stock company comprised of a number of shareholders was founded to facilitate the collection and mobilization of financial resources, such as the Market Revitalizing Company for the New Stage The largest shareholder usually became the main entrepreneur, while the others had rights to participate in the making of crucial decisions When some leading theaters suffered financial shortages in the early Republican period, their prominent players were asked to buy shares as well For example, after its organizational reform in 1917, the shareholders of the Great Stage included three leading actors.13 The New Stage and the Red Cassia First Stage adopted similar policies in the late 1910s and 1920s.14 Secondly, big businessmen started entering the theater enterprise, and some of them became entrepreneurs Previously, few noted businessmen degraded themselves by running the theater, a small business that rarely brought great fortune.15 This attitude changed in the early twentieth century, because the architectural modernization transferred the theater from a small business to a much larger and more profitable one Meanwhile, as the rhetoric of drama reform changed the public perception of theaters, it became increasingly reputable to be a theater entrepreneur The founders of the New Stage included a number of local mercantile elites, such as Yao Ziruo 姚紫若,                                                                                                                           12 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” six; Hongnian, “Anmu zhi jinxi guan.” 13 Kanwairen, Jingju jianwen lu, p 149; Xuanzi, “Da Wutai houtai geming” [The back-stage revolution of the Great Stage], Xi zazhi (Dec 1923) 14 According to Ouyang Yuqian, all players of the New Stage whose monthly salaries were over one hundred yuan were shareholders of the theater in the late 1910s Ouyang, Zi wo yanxi yilai, pp 132, 199 15 Tuian: “Ji zuzhi Da Wutai yuanyin” [Recording the reason for the establishment of the Great Stage], Xi zazhi (Sep, 1922)     81 the Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce of the South Market 16 Yu Qiaqing 虞 洽 卿 , disputably the most famous businessman in modern Shanghai, also dabbled at theater business in the 1910s 17 The most representative figure was probably Huang Chujiu 黄楚九, a native of Yuyao county of Zhejiang Province who achieved extraordinary success as a medicine merchant in 1900s Shanghai.18 In 1912, Huang established the New New Stage in cooperation with two partners However, the theater’s high expenditures and poor revenues forced him to give up the entrepreneurship before long.19 This early failure did not extinguish his enthusiasm for theater business Thereafter, he successively managed two well-known amusement halls in Shanghai, Xin Shijie 新世界 (New World, 1915) and Da Shijie 大世 界 (Great World, 1917), both having small theaters in them In 1930, one year before his death, Huang dominated the establishment of two grand theaters: the Three Star Stage and Qitian Wutai 齐天舞台 (Equaling Heaven Stage).20 The introduction of the modern joint-stock system and the involvement of big businessmen, to a certain extent, reveal the institutional modernization of local theaters With stronger financial resources, local theaters in general had longer careers, some lasting for decades However, while gaining great achievements in other modern commerce or industries, few big businessmen proved to be very successful theater entrepreneurs In comparison, secret society leaders were seemingly more proficient, or more capable, in managing theater business Secret societies had become fairly influential in Shanghai by the beginning of the century, facilitated by the growth of the city’s economic significance and its unique sociopolitical circumstances.21 Originated from the                                                                                                                           16 Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), p 337 17 Tu ed., Shanghaishi daguan, part two, p 51 18 Xiong Yuezhi, Shanghai mingren mingshi mingwu daguan [A grand view of famous men, events, and things of Shanghai] (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2005), pp, 251-252 19 Kanwairen, Jingju jianwen lu, pp 141-143 20 “Sanxing Da Wutai mingming de youlai” [Reasons for the naming of Three Star Great Stage], Liyuan gongbao, January 17, 1930 Tong ed., Shanghai wenhua yule changsuo zhi, pp 320-321 21 Brian G Martin, The Shanghai Green Gang: Politics and Organized Crime, 1919-1937 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p 27     82 northern region of Jiangsu, qingbang 青帮 (Green Gang) based in Shanghai grew into one of the most powerful secret societies of modern China and infiltrated deeply into almost every local socioeconomic domain In the 1910s, Green Gang leaders started to step into the theater enterprise The pioneer was Huang Jinrong 黄金荣, a police officer of the French Concession who, ironically, dominated the Green Gang organizations in that district Taking advantage of his official power, Huang built up close connections with gangsters and controlled opium dens, gambling joints and brothels in the Concession.22 In the mid 1910s, he expanded his sphere of influence into operatic entertainment by assuming the entrepreneurship of a small theater in the Concession Thereafter, Huang became the shareholder of a few theaters, and in 1927 became the entrepreneur of the Great Stage in the International Settlement 23 In the early 1930s, managing four large-scale theaters, Huang was undisputedly one of the most powerful figures in the local theater world Gu Zhuxuan 顾 竹 轩 was another prominent gangster leader who ventured into the theater business A poor migrant from northern Jiangsu, Gu joined the Green Gang in the mid 1900s and later became a disciple of Huang Jinrong By the early 1920s, he had established his power base among northern Jiangsu migrants and nearly monopolized the rickshaw business in the Hongkou-Zhabei suburban area.24 Setting foot in operatic entertainment enterprise by running a small theater in Zhabei, Gu took a big step forward in 1922 and became the entrepreneur of the Heavenly Toad Stage, one of the                                                                                                                           22 It is noteworthy that despite his close relations with members of the Green Gang, Huang himself was not a formal member of the Green Gang for most of his active career Martin, The Shanghai Green Gang, p 38 For a brief account of Huang’s career, see Huang Zhenshi and He Guotao, Wo suo zhidao de Huang Jinrong [Huang as I know him], in Jiu Shanghai de banghui [Gangs in old Shanghai], ed Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi Shanghaishi Weiyuanhui Wenshi Ziliao Gongzuo Weiyuanhui (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1986), pp 167-194 23 Zhang Geng and Sun Bin eds Zhongguo xiqu zhi: Shanghai juan [The gazetteer of Chinese drama: the volume of Shanghai] (Beijing: Zhongguo ISBN zhongxin, 1996), pp 639-640 24 Martin, The Shanghai Green Gang, p 37     83 top-class theaters in the International Settlement.25 In 1930, when the theater was shut down by the Settlement authorities for architectural reasons (see Chapter 1), he took over Shanghai Wutai 上 海 舞 台 (Shanghai Stage, originally the Great New Stage), the largest theater in Republican Shanghai, and renamed it as the Heavenly Toad Stage.26 In addition, he was in charge of the Three Star Stage in 1935.27     Figure Huang Jinrong (left) and Gu Zhuxuan (right) Some other leaders, such as Du Yuesheng 杜月笙 and Zhang Xiaolin 张啸林, never assumed theater entrepreneurship formally but had enormous influence on local theaters, too.28 By the 1930s, the Green Gang leaders had almost monopolized the theater enterprise of Shanghai.29 All the three theaters established by Huang Chujiu fell into the hands of Gu Zhuxuan and Huang                                                                                                                           25 Ru’nan, “Tianchan Wutai gaizu qingxing” [Reorganization of the Heavenly Toad Stage], Xi zazhi, tentative Issue (Apr 1922) 26 Xiaojuese, “Kankan Gusi laoban de yanse” [Take a look at the power of boss Gusi], Liyuan gongbao, September 5, 1930 27 Hanmei Zhaizhu, “Sanxing Wutai yaopin Li Shengzao” [The Three Star Stage hires Li Shengzao], Xi shijie [World of drama], September 7, 1935 28 It was rumored in 1923 that Du and Zhang would establish a theater in cooperation “Juchang xiaoxi” [Theater news], Xi zazhi (Dec 1923) 29 Zhang, “Shanghai jingju yiwang,” p 214; Xu Xingjie and Cai Shicheng, Shanghai jingju zhi [The gazetteer of Peking opera in Shanghai] (Shanghai: Shanghai wenhua chubanshe, 1999), p 307     84 Jinrong in the 1920s and 1930s A Shanghai handbook published in 1948 suggested that ordinary businessmen were incapable of managing a theater, and only those with “special power”—meaning a secret society background—could handle it 30 Indeed, the expansion of secret societies greatly shaped the theater enterprise, ranging from the whole business ecology to specific operational methods, which will be discussed in the following sections There were several entrepreneurs who were neither big businessmen nor gangster leaders, but only a few of them achieved remarkable success One example is Xu Shaoqing 许少卿 Before founding the Red Cassia First Stage in 1911, Xu was a jeweler and owned a teashop Under his outstanding management, the theater developed steadily and became one of the most celebrated in early Republican Shanghai.31 In 1916, Xu left the Red Cassia for a grander theater, namely the New New Stage, and renamed it as the Heavenly Toad Stage The theater enjoyed thriving business before it was taken over by Gu Zhuxuan in 1922 Another successful case is Zhou Xiaoqing 周筱卿, who, after working as a scenery designer for years, undertook the entrepreneurship of the Reform Stage in 1927.32 Business boomed, thanks to Zhou’s talent in scenery design and enterprising management.33 Compared to the late Qing period, significantly fewer professional players took the job of theater entrepreneur in Republican Shanghai Without strong financial foundation, they could only afford to run small-size theaters, and few made a great fortune in this way In 1910, for instance, Wang Hongshou 王鸿寿, a master of both Hui opera and Peking opera, founded Xin Juchang 新 剧 场 (New Playhouse), a theater located in the French Concession with only about 700 seats Because of depressed business,                                                                                                                           30 Tu ed., Shanghaishi daguan, part two, p 44 31 Kanwairen, Jingju jianwenlu, pp 135-136 32 Xinren, “Zhou Xiaoqing jieban Gengxin” [Zhou Xiaoqing takes over the Reform Stage], Luobinhan, November 30, 1927 33 Liulaolao, “Zhou Xiaoqing zhi caineng” [Talents of Zhou Xiaoqing], Liyuan gongbao, June 14, 1930     85 however, Wang gave up the management two years later In 1915, the theater was overtaken by another noted player, Lu Yueqiao 吕 月 樵 , whose entrepreneurship also lasted just two years.34 When Gai Jiaotian 盖叫天, the most skilled martial player of Peking opera based in Shanghai, was in charge of the Common Stage in 1929, the theater’s income was said to be just enough to cover expenses.35 It is noteworthy that many entrepreneurs ran the theater not as their principal occupation but as subsidiary work Big businessmen must have paid more attention to those commercial trades on which their wealth was mainly based, while secret society leaders also had other more profitable businesses Some entrepreneurs actually entrusted the management of daily business to someone else Whereas previous entrepreneurs opened theaters largely in hope of making economic profits, the motives of those in the early Republican era were more diverse The theater’s considerable effect on the commercial prosperity of the surrounding district might have interested some businessmen 36 According to Zhou Xinfang 周信芳, the most celebrated local player in Republican Shanghai, magnates founded theaters not to profit much from operatic performances, but to promote other larger businesses.37 Some entrepreneurs probably set foot in the theater business with more sociopolitical intentions than economic ones Adopting reformist rhetoric, almost all entrepreneurs in Republican Shanghai claimed that they opened theaters primarily for social education and public welfare The theater therefore served as a vehicle for them to accumulate social capital and                                                                                                                           34 Lin Mingmin, “Shanghai xiqu yanchu changsuo bianqian yilanbiao,” p 134; Guo Peiyou, “Huashuo xinlao Gong Wutai” [On the new and old Common Stage], Shanghai wenhua shizhi tongxun 21 (Aug 1992), p 58 35 Lingyun, “Shanghai liyuan jinzhuang tan” [On the recent situation of Shanghai theatrical world], Beiyang huabao [Pei-yang pictorial news], March 5, 1929 36 Mangmang, “Juchang yu shimian zhi guanxi” [Relation between the theater and market], Liyuan gongbao, July 29, 1930 37 Wu Shijian, “Yi Jingju biaoyan yishujia, Qipai chuangshiren Zhou Xinfang” [Recalling the Peking opera performing artist and the founder of the Qi school Zhou Xinfang], in Jingju tanwang lu sanbian [Memoirs about Peking opera, the third collection], ed Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi Beijingshi Weiyuanhui Wenshi Ziliao Yanjiu Weiyuanhui (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1990), p 205     86 Faltering Reform of Front-Stage As teahouses were displaced by “stages” in the early twentieth century, local theaters became more capacious and their spatial arrangements underwent drastic alterations, which called for innovations of daily operation Whereas the new-style theater architecture prevailed rapidly, reform of front-stage organization and operation methods proved to be rather faltering The New Stage pioneered institutional reform of local theaters Claiming to promote social morality and customs through popular drama, the founders initiated bold renovations in terms of not only architecture and facilities but also organization and operation The new seating design, which featured rows of fixed seats, blurred the separation of different ranks of seats Foreign spectators and courtesans accompanying patrons, whose admission fees used to be two jiao higher than usual, were now equally charged Teacups were abolished Instead, a teapot was offered upon request, for which the spectator paid one jiao Responsible for the collection of tea fees, ordinary tea waiters, all in numbered uniforms, had to pay deposits Meanwhile, the towel fees that often bothered spectators were cancelled Runners were no longer hired, so spectators had to bring friends or courtesans by themselves.93 The theater still opened almost every day, but the number of daytime shows was reduced to three a week.94 More importantly, the theater attempted to stop employing table tenders and to adopt the policy of admission by ticket completely All spectators bought tickets classified by colors at the entrance, which the staff inspected in the middle of the show Well-designed passages and doors enabled the audience to enter and depart in a more orderly fashion.95                                                                                                                           93 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” three 94 “Xin Wutai rixi gaizhang guanggao” [The advertisement of reform of daytime shows by the New Stage], Shen bao, November 9, 1908, 1(6) 95 Zheng and Xu, Shanghai jiuhua, p 86; Ma, “Qingmo zhi Shanghai xiju,” p 224; Qian Xiaoan, “Haishang jushi cangsang tan” [Talks about the vicissitudes of theatrical affairs in     102 While commercial concerns were beyond doubt, the institutional innovations of the New Stage had profound social significance Evidently, most of the reforms were carried out to establish a more rational operational mode, and a more homogeneous, orderly public entertainment life Previous elite-oriented arrangements were challenged to varying degrees, and the new seating design and operational methods tended to blur social distinctions among spectators The inspiration for reform most likely came from European colonizers Since the late nineteenth century, Chinese spectators who visited the Lyceum Theater had been impressed by its elaborate operational mode and orderly public life For example, one article published in 1883 suggested local teahouses, which were criticized as “dens of iniquity” for their disorderliness, to imitate the operational methods of Western theaters.96 The New Stage’s institutional innovations, going hand in hand with its architectural transformation and production of new plays with sociopolitical significance (see Chapter 3), were part of the founders’ effort to “civilize” the public and modernize local society However, to change people’s custom of theatergoing was more difficult than to build a new theater or produce a new play Some of the New Stage’s reforms turned out to be too radical to be sustained long For example, the attempt to abolish table tenders proved to be impracticable, for many spectators were “not accustomed to” the ticketing system, which negatively influenced the business 97 One anecdote recounted that when a noted businessman visited the theater to meet a friend, he was compelled by the staff to buy a ticket, despite his explanation that he would pay if his friend was there, and if not, he would leave immediately Because of the humiliation, the businessman decided to establish in partnership with others a large theater,                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               Shanghai], twenty-six, Xi shijie, January 29, 1936 96 “Zhongxi xiguan butong shuo” [On differences between Chinese and Western theaters], Shen bao, November 16, 1883, 97 Zheng and Xu, Shanghai jiuhua, p 86     103 namely the Civilization Great Stage.98 Such friction could have been avoided if there had been table tenders The New Stage therefore restored table tenders before long Yet the table tenders’ influence on decision-making was not as strong as before, for the entrepreneurs no longer relied on their deposits financially.99 In addition, the seating was partially rearranged in 1910 The number of boxes was increased and the area enlarged, while another expensive seating section was heightened.100 These elite-oriented alternations were no doubt regression, or concession, from the original innovations Other grand theaters established in early Republican Shanghai largely modeled the New Stage in organization and operation, and some further reforms were initiated Though the New Stage’s rejection of private performance did not prevail, most theaters stopped allowing audience members to order specific performances during business hours 101 Some conventional job titles such as kanqing were replaced by modern ones like zhaodai 招待 (receptionists), while new posts such like guanggao zhuren 广 告主任 (director of advertising) were created The theater carried out the reforms mainly to promote business, but some innovations verged toward a more rational, orderly public entertainment life Generally speaking, however, the front-stage organization and operation experienced few substantially change in the first thirty-five years of the century Table tenders kept playing an indispensable role in daily operation, and large theaters hired even more tenders than teahouses.102 Despite the wide adoption of the ticketing system, they still manipulated most good seats, reserving them for clients who maintained their privilege of deferred payment, or waiting for late patrons who tended to pay more generously.103 While a                                                                                                                           98 Tuian: “Ji zuzhi Da Wutai yuanyin.” 99   Zheng and Xu, Shanghai jiuhua, p 86-87   100 “Xin Wutai fangwu dajia gailiang bing tianzhi jiqi bujing.” 101 Tue d., Shanghaishi daguan, part two, p 51 102 The Great New Stage in 1927 had thirty table tenders Feili, “Daxin Wutai zhi anmu wenti” [The table tender issue of the Great New Stage], Luobinhan, December 15, 1927 103 Wang Zixian, “Guanyu anmu bachi zuowei” [On the manipulation of seats by table tenders], Xi shijie, April 29, 1935     104 grand theater with sufficient capital hardly relied on table tenders’ financial contribution, a medium or small one still did.104 Towel fees were restored as well, though most theaters now indicated a fixed amount on the playbill In leading theaters, the fees were no longer collected by tea waiters; while patrons taking good seats paid to table tenders, others were charged together with tickets But the waiters could always gain extra income by providing more thoughtful service to wealthy patrons 105 Smaller theaters basically followed the methods of teahouses Tea waiters who delivered towels usually charged more than the price on the playbill, and it was also commonplace that waiters asked for tips for tea service.106 Consequently, the scene of public operatic entertainment life in early Republican Shanghai did not differ much from before It was still unfashionable for wealthy clients to arrive at the theater on time While the new seating design might have made it inconvenient to walk around in the auditorium, they maintained the freedom to chat and to drink and to eat in their seats Table tenders and tea waiters still bustled around in the auditorium, receiving and serving spectators Courtesans probably had stopped using the theater as workplace, but peddlers never disappeared from the audience’s sight Failing to get satisfying service fees, reckless waiters often annoyed patrons with rude remarks, and strange spectators sometimes found themselves cheated or overcharged by the staff.107 From the 1910s, local theaters had faced criticism for their defective operational methods and chaotic public life For example, in his reviews published in 1913, one drama critic exposed the shortcomings of operational                                                                                                                           104 According to Mei Lanfang’s account of a conversation with a table tender of the Red Cassia First Stage in 1913, when the theater decided to invite opera stars from Beijing, the tenders had to contribute advances as before Mei Lanfang and Xu Jichuan, Wutai shenghuo sishinian [Forty years of stage life] (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1987), p 146 105 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” three 106 “Gonghe Zhong Wutai tebie qishi” [Specially statement of the Republican Central Stage], Shen bao, June 1, 1913, 12 107 Xuanlang, “Ji nianer ye zhi Zhong Wutai” [Record of the Central Stage on the night of the twenty-second] Shen bao, June 25, 1913, 13; “Anmu qiren zuyi pohuai yingye” [Table tenders’ cheating audience will considerably affect the business], Shen bao, January 16, 1913     105 methods of theaters, such as the unfair seat distribution, and called for related reforms.108 In 1923, a series of articles titled Juchang yingxu gailiang zhi yaodian 剧场应须改良之要点 (Important aspects that the theater should reform) were published in Shen bao, which presented a comprehensive criticism of the institutional deficiencies of local theaters Table tenders and tea waiters, whose persistence was regarded as the theaters’ lack of operating capability, received the major share of blame Local theaters were recommended to abolish these posts and adopt designated seating strictly, for which new receptionists needed to be trained In addition, the author proposed that the theaters should shorten the time of shows every day, weed out paddlers, update seats, and improve other physical and institutional arrangements Detailed advices were offered in order to construct an “orderly” (zhengqi 整齐), “sublime” (gaoshang 高尚) entertainment space.109 Public criticism became increasingly severe in the late 1920s, and it became a consensus that table tenders and tea waiters should be eliminated The advocacy for operational reforms of theaters owed much to the increasing Western cultural impact in the early Republican period Comparison was sometimes made between local theaters and foreign ones (in the foreign settlements of Shanghai and Western countries), showing the former’s backwardness and the latter’s modernity.110 Influenced by Western theatrical culture, many spectators started to approach the theater as a space for artistic appreciation rather than just a site for amusement, and therefore called for a more solemn mode of theatergoing and a more well-behaved audience 111 Imported into Shanghai in the 1900s, cinemas considerably impacted local theaters’ operational reforms By the 1920s, many first-run cinemas had implemented the policy of duihao ruzuo (designated seating),                                                                                                                           108 Xuanlang, “Lun juchang zhi gaige” [On the reform of theaters], Shen bao, January 18, 1913, 10 109 “Juchang yingxu gailiang zhi yaodian,” Shen bao, June 29-July 21, 1923, 18 110 Liuxuesheng, “Ge Wutai yinggai zhi xiguan” [Custom that local theaters should change], Liyuan gongbao, June 8, 1929 111 Linglong, “Woguo juchang yu xi juchang zhi bijiao” [Comparison between Chinese theaters and Western ones], Shen bao, September 20, 1925, supplement (4)     106 which drew a striking contrast with theaters.112 In an article published in 1929, Zheng Zhenduo 郑振铎, a noted scholar and writer who came to the fore in the May-Fourth Movement, compared cinemas and theaters in Shanghai The former, according to Zheng, were orderly, clean, and quiet, providing the audience with a joyful experience of public entertainment life; in contrast, when he patronized local theaters a very limited number of times, the backward operational methods and chaotic public life always displeased him.113 Such an opinion was quite possibly shared by many Westernized intellectuals In the meantime, the public appeal for a more rational, fair operational mode of theaters reflected the aspiration of the urban middle class for a new social order The rapid economic modernization of early twentieth-century Shanghai generated a burgeoning middle class whose members consisted of various white-collar professionals, ordinary entrepreneurs and merchants, and others While their decent income enabled them to enjoy operatic entertainment regularly, the theater’s elite-oriented operational methods often annoyed them The price for a fine seat was affordable to most of them, but the additional miscellaneous charges seemed to be prohibitive In 1930, for example, one treated an elder from his hometown to a few places of entertainment He spent just about six jiao in an amusement hall, two yuan in a cinema, but over three yuan and nine jiao in a theater In addition to one yuan for the tickets, he was charged over one jiao for the towel, four jiao for tea, one yuan and eight jiao for fruits, and two jiao for a wooden footrest Some of the services were not requested by him at all, but he had to accept them to stop waiters’ complaints His neighboring spectator whose payment did not satisfy the waiters was humiliated and blamed 114 Even with the same cost, an                                                                                                                           112 For an examination of the evolution of operational methods of cinemas in modern China, see Zhiwei Xiao, “Movie House Etiquette Reform in Early twentieth-century China,” Modern China 32, (Oct 2006): 513-536 113 Xidi, “Yingxiyuan yu ‘wutai’” [Cinemas and “stages”], Wenxue zhoubao [Literature weekly] 251-275 (1929): 373-378 114 Fang Shuxian, “Jinggao jingying juchang zhe” [Advising theater managers], Liyuan     107 ordinary spectator could hardly get a seat as nice as a powerful clientele would Such unfair treatment often left them with an unpleasant experience of theatergoing They therefore yearned for a more impartial operational mode free from elite privileges, which would enable them to win more respectability in public entertainment life Despite the severe public criticism, local theaters did not make substantial reforms until the late 1930s When Xinguang Da Xiyuan 新光大 戏院 (New Light Great Theater) was transformed from a cinema to a Peking opera theater in January 1936, ten institutional reforms were publicized, including the abolition of table tenders, cancellation of fruit service and tips, free tea service, shortening of performance time, prohibition of peddlers, employment of female receptionists, and so forth.115 In July of the same year, Huangjin Da Xiyuan 黄金大戏院 (Golden Great Theater) announced similar reformist measures, promising the adoption of designated seating and the abolition of miscellaneous fees.116 At roughly the same time, the Heavenly Toad Stage also declared in an advertisement some institutional innovations.117 However, whether the reforms were successfully implemented in these cases is questionable For instance, according to an article from July 1936, all conventional methods were still applied in the Golden Great Theater 118 Another advertisement in February 1937 revealed that table tenders persisted in the Heavenly Toad Stage, though they were reputedly hired only after examination and training Meanwhile the theater started employing female receptionists as a way to attract spectators.119 Reopened in May 1937 after a transfer of ownership, the Golden Great Theater promised again to fundamentally reform its operational methods and                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               gongbao, July 5, 1930 115 “Jieshao Xinguang Da Xiyuan zhi xinyou” [An introduction of the new plan of the New Light Great Theater], Xi shijie, January 23, 1936 116 Advertisement of the Golden Great Theater, Shen bao, July 3, 1936, supplement (8) 117 Advertisement of the Heavenly Toad Stage, Shen bao, July 21, 1936, supplement (6) 118 Zhang Guyu, “Tantan Huangjin” [On the Golden Great Theater], Xiju xunkan [Ten-day periodical of drama] 18 (Aug 1936): 18 119 Advertisements of the Heavenly Toad Stage, Shen bao, February 21, 1937, supplement (2); February 14, 1937, supplement (3)     108 make the seats completely open to the public 120 It seems that the new entrepreneur kept his word this time, for the theater was said to be the first local one that abolished table tenders.121 Nevertheless, other sources show that even in the last years of the 1930s, some theaters still employed table tenders and towels waiters.122 Many elements might have hampered local theaters’ institutional reform Though table tenders and tea waiters often irritated ordinary spectators, they contributed significantly to the business on the other side In the imperial era, powerful figures usually patronized the theater only upon table tenders’ invitations, and fine seats were almost a prerequisite.123 Though the Republic pronounced the equality of all citizens, it seems evident that local elites were reluctant to give up their privilege and degrade themselves by purchasing tickets like ordinary people When Mei Lanfang performed at the Common Stage in 1923, it was reported that many elite patrons who did not obtain satisfying seats due to table tenders’ carelessness were so displeased that they never revisited the theater.124 For them, fine seats and warm service not only increased the enjoyment of theatergoing, but, more importantly, were public display and confirmation of their high social status, for which they never minded spending some extra money Otherwise they would lose face in public Table tenders and tea waiters precisely catered to this need and helped draw elite patrons Local theaters were therefore hesitant to stop employing them Meanwhile, despite some critics’ attacks, most spectators were used to wiping their faces, drinking tea, and eating snacks while enjoying operatic performances.125 A sudden abolition of towel waiters and snack peddlers quite                                                                                                                           120 Advertisement of the Golden Great Theater, Shen bao, April 30, 1937, supplement (4) 121 Kanwairen, Jingju jianwen lu, p 155 122 Zhang Guyu, “Gengxin gengxin hou,” [The Reform Stage after reform] Juxue yuekan [Theater studies monthly] 2, 19 (1939); Xu, “Jiushi liyuan fengguang,” three 123 Cao Shousheng, “Juchang zayi” [Miscellaneous memories about theaters], Liyuan gongbao, March 17, 1931; “Shenjiang louxi” [Backward custom in Shanghai], Shen bao, April 7, 1873, 124 “Mei xun” [News about Mei Lanfang], Xi zazhi (Dec 1923) 125 Xuehua, “Juchang nei gailiang wenti” [Reform issues inside theaters], Liyuan gongbao, January 14, 1931     109 possibly would harm the business as well The entrepreneurs, who were described by one critic as having “inadequate capability and conservative thoughts,” 126 were partially responsible for the slow institutional evolution of local theaters While some of them still relied on staff members’ deposits financially, others were mostly unwilling to risk making any reform that might disturb the business Bosses who expected to utilize their theaters as platforms to socialize with local elites certainly tended to reject institutional changes unfavorable to the latter In addition, the fierce business competition significantly caused the entrepreneurs’ reluctance to make a move with unpredictable results Competition and Strategies “The theater’s operational methods are much tougher than that of any other business,” says Xu Banmei when recalling the theater world of early twentieth-century Shanghai, “and one without considerable experience and courage cannot handle it at all.”127 Indeed, though widely regarded as a potentially profitable business, running the theater was an arduous job The second half of the nineteenth century witnessed the rise and fall of around one hundred teahouse-theaters in Shanghai, with nearly two new openings per year on average In spite of the general prosperity, local theater suffered from unstable business and fierce competition The vast majority of them lasted for no longer than a couple of years, and the shortest ones only for a few months.128 Throughout most of the late nineteenth century, the number of coexisting theaters in Shanghai remained around five The teahouse was a small business that might be affected by a variety of                                                                                                                           126 “Juchang yingxu gailiang zhi yaodian,” Shen bao, June 29, 1923, 18 127 Xu, Huaju chuangshi qi huiyilu, p 33 128 Lin, “Shanghai xiqu yanchu changsuo bianqian yilanbiao”, pp 126-131     110 factors Firstly, the attendance fluctuated due to seasonal changes A theater usually enjoyed the highest attendance in the first month of Chinese lunar calendar when people had more leisure during the New Year The business would descend gradually from the second month on and reach its nadir in the sixth, as the summer heat prevented many spectators from theatergoing.129 The attendance was so low that the theater usually suspended business in the midsummer, commonly referred to as xiexia 歇夏 (summer rest) Reviving in the fall, the theater would receive another round of booming business in the “golden ninth and silver tenth” (jinjiu yinshi 金九银十) months.130 At the end of the year, when people became busy in preparing for the New Year Festival, the business declined rapidly again 131 As a rule, the theater stopped performing a few days before the Festival, called fengxiang 封箱 (closure of the chest), and reopened on the first day of the New Year Tradition willed that in the sixth and twelfth months, due to the poor business, all players took half of their salaries to relieve the entrepreneur, popularly known as bangmang 帮 忙 (favor).132 Besides, the business might be affected by sociopolitical unrest and economic depression, while a fire or fight sometimes also led to the closure of a theater In addition, when an emperor or empress passed away, all theaters had to stop business for about one hundred days, which often left entrepreneurs and players faced with financial difficulties.133 To promote business, local theaters adopted various commercial tactics Multiple methods of advertising were applied to publicize performances: bulletin boards were at the theater gate, while posters were put up on the street and playbills were distributed as well; besides, table tenders always                                                                                                                           129 Aili Laoren, Tongguang liyuan jilue, pp 45, 62 130 Mei and Xu, Wutai shenghuo sishinian, p 142 131 Xu, Qing bai lei chao xuan: wenxue, yishu, xiqu, yinyue, pp 379-380 132 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” part eight, Xiju yuekan 1, 10 (Apr 1929); Jiweng, “Bangmang” [Favor], Ya ge, January 19, 1928 133 Youmusheng, “Lun Shanghai xiyuan” [On theaters of Shanghai], Shen bao, March 23, 1875, The death of an emperor or empress was called guosang (national mourning) in the Qing For an introduction on national mourning, see Qi Rushan, “Xijie xiao zhanggu,” in Jingju tanwang lu sanbian, pp 430-431     111 conducted word-of-mouth advertising.134 As newspapers proved to be the most effective vehicle of advertising, the content of theater advertisements became increasingly diverse and detailed, and special advertisements were often issued when an opera star staged his first show or a new play premiered Improvement of service, attached gifts, and price reductions were widely used to draw spectators Between 1875 and 1885, some theaters reduced their admission fees by over sixty percent 135 While Peking opera remained predominant in daily performances, entrepreneurs often employed players of other drama genres, such as bangzi 梆子 (Clapper), to attract a broader spectatorship Exotic circus or magic shows were presented occasionally as well Producing a new play and employing a famous player were the primary means to increase attendance rapidly Therefore, new plays and opera stars were always the major domains of competition According to an article in 1889, a theater had to arrange a new play every three or four months, in order to interest local audience who tended to be fond of the new and tired of the old 136 Plagiarism of popular plays and contentions for hot players were commonplace, which reflected the disorderliness of business competition among local theaters in the late Qing The shift in the general ecology of theater enterprise in the early twentieth century did not relieve the business competition As the theaters’ capacities increased rapidly, the local operatic market became so saturated that even the opening of a relatively small new theater might considerably impact on the business of others.137 The rapid increase of costs called for a much higher daily income While the monthly expense of a teahouse in the 1900s was usually between 3,000 and 5,000 yuan, it cost over 12,000 yuan per month to sustain a leading modern theater in the early 1910s, which meant that                                                                                                                           134 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” part five, Xiju yuekan 1, (Oct 1928) 135 Lin, You Shenbao xiqu guanggao kan shanghai jingju fazhan, p 99 136 “Lun xiyuan bianpai xinxi” [On theaters’ arranging new plays], Youxi bao [Playing news], September 24, 1898 137 Xuanlang, “Ju tan,” Shen bao, May 2, 1913, 10; May 9, 1913, 10     112 a daily income of 400 yuan was necessary to prevent losses In the late 1920s, the daily expenditure of the two largest theaters reached as much as 2,000 yuan reportedly.138 But a grander building and higher expenditures did not guarantee a more profitable business According to a survey from 1913, most local theaters did not make profits but actually lost money in the previous year.139 Established in 1912, the New New Stage, which had a high daily expense of over 600 yuan, lost more than 100,000 yuan in the first months.140 Likewise, the Great New Stage suffered dismal business after its opening in 1926, so much so that the ownership changed a few times during the first three years.141 While large theaters were burdened by high expenditures, smaller ones in general had weak competitiveness in the market For example, due to its outlying location, mediocre players, and financial inadequacy, Ge Wutai 歌舞台 (Singing Stage) opened in 1910 but never enjoyed good business.142 The elements that disturbed the daily business of a teahouse still affected a stage-theater, though to a lesser degree The theater no longer suspended business for long for the death of political leaders, but daily operations were more often interrupted by political unrests For instance, the warfare between 1926 and 1927 caused by the Northern Expedition greatly impacted local theaters It was said that most theaters lost money in 1926.143 When the Expeditionary Army captured Shanghai in March 1927, almost all theaters ceased operation temporarily.144 Furthermore, theaters that were not managed by leaders of secret societies often encountered harassment by gangsters For example, when Mei Lanfang performed at Xu Shaoqing’s Heavenly Toad                                                                                                                           138 Zhou ed., Jubu congkan, p 125; Laoren, “Shanghai xiyuan kaixiao zhi jinxi guan” [Comparison of theater expenses at the present time and before], Shen bao, February 15, 1928, 16 139 Xuanlang, “Ju tan,” Shen bao, February 16, 1913, 10 140 Xuanlang, “Xinxin Wutai zhi weiji” [The crisis of the New New Stage], Shen bao, December 28, 1912, 10；Xuanlang, “Ju tan,” Shen bao, February 17, 1913, 10 141 Shixinwang, “Wei Daxin Wutai xitan zhongshen” [A detailed career of the Great New Stage], Luobinhan, December 17, 1926; Yingyan, “Daxin Wutai zhi jingji zhuangkuang” [Economic situation of the Great New Stage], Luobinhan, May 13, 1927 142 Xuanlang, “Ju tan,” Shen bao, June 14, 1914, 13 143 Mengmian Ke, “Bingyin de wutai zhang” [Theater account of the year of 1926], Luobinhan, February 2, 1927 144 Theater advertisements, Shen bao, March 25, 1927, supplement (1)     113 Stage in 1922, two phony explosions happened during the performances, one within the auditorium and another outside the theater, because Xu did not pay the gangsters’ extortion money.145 Listed by an article as one of the “five devils” in local theatrical world, gangsters were so disruptive that many ordinary entrepreneurs gave up their businesses, which led to the monopoly of the theater enterprise by secret societies.146 Meanwhile, theaters encountered great pressure from other new entertainment enterprises, mainly amusement halls and cinemas, which expanded quickly in early Republican Shanghai Amusement halls provided cheap operatic performances that attracted many middle- and lower-class spectators.147 The rapid development of domestic film industry in the 1920s caused greater impact Though Peking opera remained the dominant form of public entertainment in the 1920s, more and more fashionable people preferred cinema to theater.148 By the 1930s, film had replaced Peking opera as the most popular entertainment program Local official statistics from 1931 showed that there were just three Peking opera theaters but thirty-seven cinemas.149 The prosperity of cinemas led to the shrinking of the operatic entertainment market, which further exacerbated the business competition This, to a certain extent, compelled some theaters’ institutional innovations A Shanghai handbook in 1934 held that one key reason for the decline of Peking opera entertainment was the poor management of local theaters.150 Promotional tactics of teahouses were advanced, while new tactics were adopted More money was spent on advertising through diverse media Some                                                                                                                           145 Mei and Xu, Wutai shenghuo sishi nian, pp 544-549 146 Tuixinglu shi, “Liyuan zhong zhi wudu” [Five devils in the theatrical world], Liyuan gongbao, June 11, 1929 147 “Fenmo chang” [Field of powder and ink], Xin Wutai ribao [New Stage daily], January 27, 1918 148 Feifei, “Shanghairen yule de qushi” [Trend of Shanghainese entertainment], Ya ge, July 6, 1928 For the prosperity of cinemas in the 1920s and 1930s, see Lee, Shanghai Modern, pp 83-85 149 Shanghaishi Difang Xiehui, Shanghaishi tongji [Statistics of the city of Shanghai] (Shanghai: Shanghaishi difang xiehui, 1933), p 19 150 Zhongguo Lüxingshe, Shanghai daoyou [Guide to Shanghai] (Shanghai: Zhongguo lüxingshe, 1934), p 184     114 theaters even published their own newspapers, which provided information of performances and boasted about opera stars and new plays As the number of daytime shows was reduced, some theaters started screening films on weekdays.151 Reduced ticket prices were often announced, but discounts were restricted by the need to cover high daily expenditures The ticket prices for leading theaters therefore did not change much throughout the early Republican period.152 Star players were invited from Beijing more frequently In the early 1910s, almost all top stars visited Shanghai upon invitations of local theaters However, with a few exceptions, most entrepreneurs eventually found that losses overweighed gains, because most Beijing stars could attract the audiences only for a few days.153 As Beijing stars won tremendous support from local elitesin the 1920s and 1930s, their employment often brought considerable rewards For instance, after the forty-day performances of Mei Lanfang and Wang Fengqing 王凤卿 in 1920, the Heavenly Toad Stage reportedly earned a net profit of over 70,000 yuan.154 Notwithstanding, the cost to hire Beijing stars kept soaring while the results were unpredictable Most local theaters hence paid more attention to another strategy, and the early Republican period saw the intensification of competition among local theaters in the production of new plays Various fresh themes and performing methods were tried out to interest the audiences As local theaters competed to adopt marvelous, complex sets, the cost to produce a new play increased accordingly But in comparison to the employment of Beijing stars, it was cheaper and less risky.155 From the 1920s, most theaters emphasized the                                                                                                                           151 See, for example, advertisement of the Great Stage, Shen bao, March 1, 1912, 1(4); advertisement of the New New Stage, Shen bao, September 29, 1913, 12 152 Xingnong, “Lun Shanghai ge wutai xijia zhi gongping” [On the fairness of ticket prices of theaters in Shanghai], Liyuan gongbao, March 5, 1929 153 Yanwu, “Jin shinian Shanghai liyuan bianqian shi,” three, Youxi shijie (Jan 1922) 154 “Mei Lanfang laihu ji” [Records about Mei Lanfang’s trip to Shanghai], Xi zazhi (Jul 1922) 155 Chengzhi, “Yiban wutai de qushi” [The trend of ordinary theaters], Xiju yuekan, 1, (Jan 1929)     115 production of new plays, and invited Beijing stars just occasionally 156 Without the supervision of a strong professional guild, however, the competition was still rather undisciplined Plagiarism remained common, and it sometimes happened that several theaters were staging new plays with similar or even exactly the same titles.157 Such disorderly competition discouraged theater entrepreneurs from making institutional reforms that might directly harm daily business The spatial reorganization of theaters did not generate substantial innovations of their operational mode until the late 1930s Ironically, designated seating was adopted earlier by some theaters in Beijing that had less advanced buildings and facilities but better business ecology 158 Although conservative in institutional reforms, local theaters showed impressive flexibility and creativity in operatic performances Bold innovations were carried out to make Peking opera performances keep pace with the rapid-changing extra-theatrical world and cater to tastes of increasingly diverse audiences As the primary program of public entertainment, operatic performances in turn exerted profound influence on reorganization of sociopolitical relations in early twentieth-century Shanghai                                                                                                                           156 Banyeren, “Ge wutai zhengce huilu” [Collection of local theaters’ policies], Luobinhan, January 7, 1927 157 Though some entrepreneurs protested about the plagiarism of new plays, leaders of the Association could nothing about it, because the theaters to which they affiliated also plagiarized Shoulu, “Zhuge Liang lianlei Zhao Ruquan” [Zhuge Liang incriminates Zhao Ruquan], Xi zazhi, Tentative Issue (Apr 1922) 158 Xu Muyun, Liyuan waiji [Exterior records of the theatrical world] (Beijing: Shenghuo dushu xinzhi sanlian shudian, 2006), p 137; Baishou, “Beiping xiyuan gailiang ruzuo banfa” [Theaters in Beijing reform seating methods], Liyuan gongbao, September 17, 1929     116 ... small theater in the Concession Thereafter, Huang became the shareholder of a few theaters, and in 1 927 became the entrepreneur of the Great Stage in the International Settlement 23 In the early 1930s, ... gangsters and controlled opium dens, gambling joints and brothels in the Concession .22 In the mid 1910s, he expanded his sphere of influence into operatic entertainment by assuming the entrepreneurship... arrive at the theater on time While the new seating design might have made it inconvenient to walk around in the auditorium, they maintained the freedom to chat and to drink and to eat in their seats