The bifurcated theater urban space, operatic entertainment, and cultural politics in shanghai, 1900s 1930s 1

PART ONE Spatial Reorganization and Institutional Reform 32 Chapter Remodeling Space: The Architectural Transformation of Theaters In the fall of 1908, Xin Wutai 新舞台 (New Stage), China’s first modern theater, was established in Nanshi 南市 (Southern Market), the commercial suburb of the old county town of Shanghai. Around 3,000 guests attended the opening ceremony on October 26, including the chief local officials and a large number of celebrities from various circles. Wang Yincai 王引才, one of the leading local gentlemen, gave a speech that illuminated the founders’ intention to erect the theater: “… When France was defeated by Prussia, the French sought a path to revitalize the nation. A theater was thus founded in the city of Paris, and every one enjoyed the entertainment of watching and listening. That is indeed the best way to make a city thrive. Therefore, in collaboration our zealous gentlemen and righteous players have established this New Stage, and invite all of you to update your horizons.”1 As the New Stage paved the way, the following three decades witnessed the rapid architectural transformation of local theaters. Conventional-style theaters were replaced by more Western-style ones with increasingly large capacities, complex structure, and advanced facilities. This drastically changed the physical circumstances of public entertainment life, and exerted profound influences on the evolution of operatic performances in modern Shanghai and beyond. Scholars of the architectural history of Chinese theaters to date have mostly focused on the pre-modern era, with research on China’s early modern theaters being fairly inadequate. Fragmentary descriptions of theater buildings “Xin Wutai kaimu jisheng” [A record of the spectacular opening of the New Stage], Xinwen bao [News Daily], October 27, 1908, 3(3). 33 in early twentieth-century Shanghai can be found in works about popular drama or local history, but they are usually rather loose and vague, sometimes repeating incorrect statements.2 While the architectural innovations of the New Stage are often highlighted, few scholars have investigated systematically the subsequent architectural evolution of local theaters, not to mention the impetuses to that. Moreover, although the fact that China’s first modern theater came into existence in Shanghai is hardly surprising, that it was established in the relatively backward Chinese territory rather than the more developed foreign settlements suggests a more complex story than is typically presented. This chapter explores the architectural transformation of commercial theaters in early twentieth-century Shanghai, and probes into the factors and agents that contributed, directly or indirectly, to that course. It argues that, other than commercial motivation and foreign impact, the trajectory of local theaters’ architectural evolution was greatly shaped by the city’s semicolonial conditions as well as the local and national political situation during this period. After a brief review of Chinese theater buildings by the late nineteenth century, I examine the colonizers’ influences on both the architecture of local theaters and native ideas about it in late Qing Shanghai. The second section analyzes the colonial authorities’ early attempts in promoting the architectural improvement of local theaters, while the following section is devoted to the Lyceum Theater, the most celebrated foreign theater erected by European colonizers in Shanghai, which set a model of modern theater for the locals. The fourth section focuses on the establishment of the New Stage and shows that the theater was partially a product of local elites’ political agenda against the rapid expansion of the foreign settlements. The fifth section investigates the theaters’ further architectural improvements and limitations during the For example, Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (shangjuan), pp. 347-348; Ma et al., Zhongguo jingju shi (zhongjuan), pp. 43-44; Xu Min, Shanghai tongshi: minguo wenhua [A general history of Shanghai: culture of the Republic of China] (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1999), pp. 102-103, 206-208; Goldstein, Drama Kings, pp. 76-79, 212-213; Pang, Distorting Mirror, pp. 150-153. 34 subsequent three decades. The last two sections look closely at the interactions between colonial authorities and theater entrepreneurs over architectural issues in the early Republican period, and illuminate the influences of Chinese anti-imperialist politics on the colonizers’ administration of local theaters. From Temples to Teahouses Most historians agree that drama emerged from religious rituals. It is thus no surprise to find that Chinese theaters have their origin in religious sites. Permanent stages for dramatic performances came into existence in some Buddhist temples no later than the Tang Dynasty. Throughout the rest of imperial China, the temple persisted as an important space for public theatrical activities.3 The basic layout of a temple-theater (shenmiao juchang 神庙剧场) in imperial China was as follows: a roofed stage was erected facing the main hall of the temple, and the open ground between them functioned as an auditorium.4 The Song-Yuan era witnessed both the maturation of Chinese drama and significant developments of theater buildings. First, the number of temple-theaters increased rapidly during this period, and second, China’s first pattern of commercial theaters, called goulan 勾 栏 (linked-railings), appeared and thrived in the major cities. Built mainly of wood, goulan were self-contained structures, round in shape, with interiors divided into two parts: a stage for performances and a sloping auditorium surrounding it from three sides.5 Until the early Ming Dynasty, temple-theaters and goulan served as the primary sites for public operatic entertainment. Whereas the former operated mainly during religious festivals, the latter provided routine performances. In late imperial China, operatic performances were also Liao, Zhongguo gudai juchangshi, p. 3. Zhou, Zhongguo juchang shi, p. 6; Che, Zhongguo shenmiao juchang, p. 10. For a more comprehensive description of goulan, see Liao, Zhongguo gudai juchang shi, pp. 40-51. 35 occasionally provided in huiguan 会 馆 (headquarters of native-place associations) in the cities. With a covered stage facing the altar of huiguan deities across the central courtyard, the huiguan-theater was largely similar to the temple-theater in terms of structure and function.6 As goulan declined after the mid Ming period, commercial operatic performances gradually moved into restaurants, and later, teahouses. From the mid Qing onward, teahouse-theaters (chayuan juchang 茶园剧场) became the primary space for commercial operatic performances in Chinese leading cities. The teahouse-theater was commonly an integrated two-level structure with a square or rectangular shape. It was built of timber and brick, and the roof was supported mainly by wooden crossbeams and pillars rather than walls. A few feet above the first floor, a square stage was erected close to one wall, facing the main entrance. Behind the stage was located the greenroom, with a huge wooden board separating them. Protruding into the hall, the stage had pillars at the corners supporting a concave ceiling. The remaining space in the hall served as the auditorium. Removable chairs and long benches were arranged upstairs and downstairs, surrounding the stage on three sides, while square tables and teapoy were placed in the most expensive seating areas.7 First appearing in early Qing Beijing, the teahouse-theater did not spread to Shanghai until the second half of the nineteenth century, when the newly-opened treaty port entered the track toward a great metropolis. In 1867, when Peking opera was introduced to Shanghai, two teahouse-theaters, namely Mantingfang 满庭芳 (Full-Court Fragrance) and Dangui Chayuan 丹桂茶园 (Red Cassia Teahouse), were established in the International Settlement, imitating the structure of theaters in Beijing. From then on, teahouse-theaters prevailed in Shanghai. Facilitated by the boom of local economy and the importation of new technology from abroad, the first-rate See Bryna Goodman, Native Place, City, and Nation: Regional Networks and Identities in Shanghai, 1853-1937 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), p. 104. For a detailed description of the structure of teahouse-theaters, see Liao, Zhongguo gudai juchang shi, pp. 92-96. 36 teahouse-theaters in Shanghai soon surpassed those in Beijing in terms of capacity, facilities, and decor (Figure 1).8 Most theaters had hundreds of seats, and the largest could accommodate more than one thousand spectators. Modern devices, such as gaslights (and later, electric lights) and electric fans, were adopted by local theaters. The decor of some theaters was so luxurious that, according to one bamboo-branch poem (zhuzhici 竹枝词), the audience wondered whether they was in the Moon Palace.10 Figure 1. A teahouse-theater in late Qing Shanghai Source: Wu Youru, Shenjiang shengjing tu [Pictures of the scenic spots in Shanghai] (Shanghai: huabaozhai shushe, 1999. Originally drawn in the 1880s) “Guan Xingshi liangyan yougan er shu” [An article written after watching Good words that awaken the world], Shen bao, October 14, 1886, 1. Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi” [Records of changes of theaters in Shanghai], three, Xiju yuekan [Theater monthly] 1, (Aug 1928). 10 Chengxi Yanghao Zhuren, “Xiyuan zhuzhici” [Bamboo-branch poems on theater], Shen bao, July 9, 1872, 2. Bamboo-branch poems were a type of popular literature written by literati, mostly depicting local customs and scenery. They usually had the same form as classical poems but were less rigorous in rhythm and phrasing. 37 However, obvious architectural deficiencies existed in local teahouse-theaters, especially in terms of fire-precaution and hygiene. With timber as the primary material, the buildings were hardly fireproof. Green rooms were usually rather cramped, filled with members of the troupe as well as stage props and costumes. As a rule, each theater had only one door opening inwards that functioned as both entrance and exit for audiences, and even if there were more doors, only one of them remained unlocked normally. That tended to cause a jam when the performances ended. The toilets, especially the ladies’ room, in most theaters were extremely simple and crude.11 Despite these defects, by the turn of the twentieth century, the finest teahouse-theaters in Shanghai embodied the highest level of Chinese theater architecture at the time. Early Administration by Colonial Authorities Since the 1860s, the vast majority of commercial theaters in Shanghai had been established in the foreign settlements. A bamboo-branch poem published in 1872 depicted, albeit exaggeratively, the prosperity of operatic entertainment enterprise: “Everywhere in the settlements is of pleasure, which I depict with my pen and ink randomly; the whole street is filled with large and small theaters, while fluting and singing make every night appear to be the Festival of Lanterns.” 12 As teahouse-theaters became an increasingly significant public entertainment space for Chinese residents in the settlements, the colonial authorities started to exercise administrative power over them. Since most theaters were located in the International Settlement, the following examination focuses mainly on the Shanghai Municipal Council (hereafter SMC), the administrative institution of the Settlement, which was dominated 11 12 Haishang Shushisheng, “Shanghai xiyuan bianqian zhi,” two, Xiju yuekan 1, (Jul 1928). Chengxi yanghao zhuren, “Xiyuan zhuzhici,” 1. 38 by the British. The colonial authorities differed from the local Chinese government on the perception of commercial theaters. Like its predecessors, the Qing court had a paradoxical attitude towards popular operatic entertainment. While many from the upper class, including a few emperors, were enthusiastic patrons of drama, the rulers always kept an alert eye on public theatrical activities, viewing them as not only a waste of money but also as potential threats to sociopolitical stability by virtue of their potential for communicating dissent and subversion. 13 Therefore, various decrees were promulgated to regulate commercial theaters, concerning their geographical locations, business hours, performances, and spectatorship. Some local edicts even prohibited the opening of theaters.14 In contrast, as Barbara Ward suggests, British colonizers hardly considered Chinese opera performance as a political threat to them, so they usually tolerated, and sometimes even encouraged, native operatic activities.15 In 1866, for instance, when the Magistrate of Shanghai tried to intervene in the business hours of theaters in the International Settlement, the SMC proclaimed that they did not feel “justified in interfering with the innocent and reasonable amusements of the native population in this Settlement, whose interest and liberty is conceived by the Council to be their duty to protect.”16 The SMC managed local theaters largely according to Western modern municipal ideas. It started licensing and taxing theaters in the early 1870s.17 One key concern of the colonizers was architecture. In late imperial China, the government rarely bothered to supervise the buildings of commercial theaters, 13 Goldstein, Drama Kings, p. 55; Zhou Ning, Xiangxiang yu quanli: xiju yishixingtai tanjiu [Imagination and power: an exploration of theatrical ideology] (Xiamen: Xiamen daxue chubanshe, 2003), p. 53. 14 For related edicts promulgated, see Wang Liqi ed., Yuanmingqing sandai jinhui xiaoshuo xiqu shiliao [Historical sources of the prohibition of novel and drama in the three dynasties of Yuan, Ming and Qing], (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1981). 15 Ward, “Regional Operas and Their Audiences: Evidence from Hong Kong,” pp. 161-162. 16 Shanghaishi Dang’anguan ed., Gongbuju dongshihui huiyilu [The Minutes of Shanghai Municipal Council] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2001), Vol. 2, p. 284 17 Shanghaishi Dang’anguan ed., Gongbuju dongshihui huiyilu, Vol. 4, pp. 118-119. 39 so few regulations about them can be found. European colonizers, however, showed much concern about the architecture of local theaters, particularly with regards to public safety. In Europe, special attention had been given to public safety in theater architecture by the mid eighteenth century. Experts suggested that theaters be built of non-flammable materials, such as bricks and stone, while retaining the use of timber only in the auditorium for acoustic purposes.18 Nevertheless, disasters still occurred. For instance, two leading theaters in London, the Drury Lane Theater and the Convent Garden, burnt to the ground in 1809 and 1856 respectively. 19 A book by a German civil engineer published in 1878 records over five hundred “theater fires” that had happened in the European countries.20 The painful experiences at home must have affected the colonizers’ concern with the architecture of local theaters. In their view, teahouse-theaters appeared to be fire hazards. The woody building material was inflammable, and the inadequacy of exits did not allow for easy emergency evacuation. Lanterns and fireworks were commonly used in performances, and many spectators smoked pipes or cigars in the auditorium. 21 In addition, the theaters were mostly located in crowded commercial districts, and most spectators visited them in the evening when gaslights were on. Though few serious accidents had occurred, temporary disorder caused by a potential fire was not rare.22 The colonial authorities had ample reasons to worry that if a fire broke out during the performances, it would cause heavy casualties. To reduce the danger of fire, the colonizers initiated attempts to promote the architectural improvements of local theaters. In March 1877, the SMC 18 Richard Leacroft, Theatre and Playhouse: An Illustrated Survey of Theatre Building from Ancient Greece to the Present Day (London; New York: Methuen, 1984), p. 86. 19 Simon Tidworth, Theatres: An Illustrated History (London: Pall Mall Press, 1973), pp. 122-126, 148. 20 Quoted from William Paul Gerhard, Theaters: Their Safety from Fire and Panic, Their Comfort and Healthfulness (Boston: Bates & Guild Company, 1900), p. 6. 21 “Lun xiguan ji yi duopi menhu yifang yiwai” [On theaters’ urgent need to open more exits to prevent accidents], Shen bao, February 20, 1886, 1. 22 Potential fire often resulted in temporary chaos of audiences. See, for example, “Kanxi chijing” [Being terrified in the theater], Shen bao December 28, 1875, 2; April 10, 1876, 2; March 6, 1877, 3. 40 business in early 1930, the advertisement declared that, in addition to the well-designed seating and emergency exits, the theater had two distinctive architectural advantages: that there was not a single pillar in the auditorium that would hinder the audience’s sight, and that, even seating in the back row, one could hear the dialogue onstage so clearly as if it was happening beside his ears.101 Meanwhile, the entrepreneurs claimed that they built such an outstanding theater in order to let other countries of the world know that “China not only had the greatest ancient civilization, but also never lost to others on modern material civilization.”102 Such nationalistic rhetoric was echoed four years later, when the Great Stage was reconstructed. It was said that six months were spent on the design of the new theater in order to make its architecture in step with the trends of the times and match up to the conditions of the latest theaters, and that two and half years were spent on the project which cost over one million yuan in all.103 The length of its crossbeam surpassed that of the largest theaters in contemporary America and Germany, while the width of its auditorium exceeded the Grand Theatre in Shanghai, the largest cinema in the Far East and the third all over the world.104 When the theater reopened in April 1934, it was publicized as “the unique great modern theater of the national drama (i.e. Peking opera) in Shanghai” with eight architectural advantages: grand structure, modern decoration, complete facilities, beautified stage, comfortable seats, luxurious sets, far-reaching acoustics, and concentrated sightlines. Besides, a rhetorical “Opening Declaration” was published in Shen bao: “… The Westerners therefore regard the theater as a landmark building that had 101 “Sanxing Da Wutai” [The Three Stars Great Stage], Liyuan gongbao [The player], January 11, 1930. The theater was initially called Sanxing Da Wutai but renamed as Sanxing Wutai soon after its opening, due to the protest of the Great Stage over the partial similarity of the two names. Tong ed., Shanghai wenhua yule changsuo zhi, pp. 93-94. 102 “Sanxing Da Wutai mingming de youlai” [The origin of the name of Three Stars Great Stage], Liyuan gongbao, January 17, 1930. 103 “Shanghai Da Wutai xiyuan xinwu” [The new building of the Great Stage of Shanghai], Jianzhu yuekan [Architecture monthly] (1933): 15; “Rongji Da Wutai kaimu xuanyan” [Opening declaration of the Rong’s Great Stage], Shen bao, April 27, 1934, 9. 104 “Shanghai Da Wutai xiyuan xinwu”; “Da Wutai xinwu zhi jianzhu yaodian” [Important architectural features of the new building of the Great Stage], Jianzhu yuekan (1933): 19. 61 much to with a city’s image…. Chinese drama has caught worldwide attention from the artistic circle…. If there is no high-class theater for Peking opera performances in Shanghai, foreign visitors will have no chance to appreciate the excellent national drama. Such an imperfection should not exist in Shanghai, which is known as a global metropolis.”105 Despite their exaggerations to varying degrees, these advertisements reveal not just the rapid architectural improvement of local theaters, but also the increasing significance of architectural modernity in business competition. One article in 1913 compared the physical conditions of a few leading theaters. Although the Red Cassia First Stage had the best troupe, its capacity was somewhat small, the seats were relatively confined, and the air was stifling. While the Great Stage had the most comfortable seats, the New New Stage led the way in terms of capaciousness, coolness, and adequacy of electrical fans, which made it very pleasant to watch performances even during summer. These architectural advantages or shortages more or less affected the theaters’ daily business. 106 Another article in 1931 points out the significance of architecture to the theater’s business more expressly: “In terms of architecture, the theater must be grand and splendid. If too crude, it has been considered as inferior by ordinary people psychologically, and probably cannot attract their attention and interest.”107 As the magnificent buildings and advanced facilities of grand theaters became important factors to draw spectators, small theaters with inadequate facilities rarely enjoyed lasting business prosperity.108 To be sure, the theaters’ self-publicity rarely told the full story. Though almost all theaters claimed to be constructed in Western style, traditional architectural elements persisted more or less. For example, a picture of Gong Wutai 共舞台 (Common Stage) in the early 1930s shows that its exterior 105 “Rongji Da Wutai kaimu xuanyan.” Xuanlang, “Ju tan” [Drama review], Shen bao, July 5, 1913, 13. 107 Hongwu, “Duiyu Penglai Wutai de gongxian” [Contribution to the Fairyland Stage], Liyuan gongbao, March 26, 1931. 108 Yanwu, “Jin shinian Shanghai liyuan bianqian shi” [A history of changes of Shanghai’s theatrical world in the past decade], one, Youxi shijie [Playing world] (Nov 1921). 106 62 decor had obvious Chinese characteristics. After its reconstruction in the early 1930s, the Great Stage, probably the most advanced theater in Shanghai then, still used a traditional decorated archway to embellish its front gate (Figure 4). While the Westernized aspects of the theater architecture were always highlighted in advertisements, few words were devoted to the traditional elements, which suggests that the existence of these elements was considered not a feather in the cap for the entrepreneurs. Figure 4. The Common Stage (left) and the Great Stage (right) in the 1930s Sources: Zhou Shixun and Li Qizong, Shanghaishi daguan [A grand view of the city of Shanghai] (Shanghai: wenhua meishu tushu gongsi, 1933); “Rongji Da Wutai kaimu” [The opening of the Rong’s Great Stage], Shen bao, September 10, 1934, 1. Notwithstanding the rapid improvements, local theaters still had various architectural defects. The designer tended to pay more attention to the grandness and gorgeousness of the building than its practical aspects, which resulted in many problems. For instance, the New New Stage had a capacious auditorium but poor acoustics, and it was difficult for spectators sitting high and distant from the stage to hear players’ singing clearly.109 One obvious 109 Xuanlang, “Ju tan,” Shen bao, February 17, 1913, 10. 63 flaw of the Great New Stage, the grandest local theater then, was that its greenroom was too cramped, for the builders had allocated as much room as possible for the auditorium.110 The seats in most theaters were so densely arranged that it was uncomfortable for one to sit for a long time. 111 Meanwhile, improper arrangement of toilets also caused unpleasant hygienic conditions in some theaters.112 Moreover, due to the architectural deficiency in terms of public safety, several accidents occurred during the period under study. In April 1914, just three months after its relocation into Jiumudi 九亩地 inside the county town, the New Stage suffered damage from a fire that broke out in a neighboring restaurant. The situation got out of control because the water pipe for fire-fighting was too thin, which finally led to a considerable economic loss and several wounded people.113 In 1927, a teashop attached to Gengxin Wutai 更新舞台 (Reform Stage) collapsed because of inadequate structural support, a disaster that caused about 120 deaths and 240 injured.114 In 1933, when a false fire alarm occurred in Xiang Wutai 翔舞台 (Soar Stage), twelve people were trampled to death in the ensuing chaos, partially due to the narrowness of the staircases.115 Nevertheless, what is noticeable is that all the three accidents above happened in the Chinese territory. Generally speaking, theaters in the foreign settlements were indeed architecturally superior to those in the Chinese territory, partially due to the administration of the colonial authorities. 110 Xiguan Paojie, “Zhou Xiaoqing zhi gailiang Shanghai Wutai yijian” [Zhou Xiaoqing’s opinion on the reform of the Shanghai Stage], Luobinhan [Robinhood], August 8, 1929. The Great New Stage was renamed as the Shanghai Stage in 1928. 111 Longchang, “Shanghai juchang gailiang tan” (On the reform of theaters in Shanghai), Shen bao, May 20, 1925, supplement (4). 112 “Juchang yingxu gailiang zhi yaodian” [Important points for the reform of theaters], eight, Shen bao, July 7, 1923, 18. 113 “Jiumudi Xin Wutai dahuo jixiang” (Detailed records of the big fire of the New Stage in Jiumudi), Shen Bao, April 9, 1914, 10. 114 Yingdai, “Gengxin Wutai qianlou tanta ji” [Report on the collapse of the front pavilion of Reform Stage], Shen bao, November 7, 1927, 17. 115 “Zhaibei Tianbao Lu Xiang Wutai zuo zhao canju” [A disaster occurred yesterday in the Soar Stage on the Tianbao Road of Zhabei], Shen bao, May 29, 1933, 10. 64 Negotiating the “Minimum” Requirements As local theaters underwent fast material improvements, the SMC upgraded the architectural requirements accordingly. Elaborate licensing conditions were drawn up and put into practice no later than the early 1920s; twenty out of the forty-one conditions concerned architecture.116 Licenses were issued monthly, with the precondition that a theater’s arrangements were made and maintained to the satisfaction of the authorities. Meanwhile, the Chinese Building Rules were revised a few times, and more rigorous “Special Rules with Respect to Theatre” were formulated in 1914.117 By the late 1920s, architectural regulations regarding Chinese theaters had been fairly comprehensive, and fire precautions remained the primary concern. The upgrade of the SMC’s requirements certainly had to with the drastic increase of the theaters’ capacity, for any accident now might cause a much more disastrous outcome. On the other hand, it was also a continuation of the colonizers’ “knowledge production” regarding theater architecture in the late nineteenth century, which ultimately aimed to legitimize colonial rule. Stricter management had been carried out since the 1910s. Before the construction of a new theater, the blueprint had to be submitted to the SMC for approval, and the colonial experts endeavored to ensure that its building complied with not just existing requirements, but sometimes also additional demands. For instance, when the Red Cassia First Stage was under construction in July 1910, the SMC insisted that its internal staircases needed to be built of fireproof materials, though the original plan did not violate any existing Building Rules.118 While refusal of license rarely happened in the late 116 “Chinese Theatre Licence,” Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-1190. Shi ed., Shanghai zujie zhi, pp. 566-567. 118 Letter to the Acting Secretary from the Engineer & Surveyor of Public Works Department, July 26, 1910, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-2-892-11. Despite the builders’ strong objection and repeated explanations, the SMC insisted that the theater would be refused a license for performance if its construction failed to meet the added requirement. See the letter to Davies & Thomas from the Acting Secretary, August 22, 1910, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-2-892-11. 117 65 Qing, it became a common occurrence in the early Republican period. For example, in 1914, the SMC denied the building application of a Chinese theater because the site was “entirely unsuitable for the purpose of a theatre.” 119 In the late 1910s, some entrepreneurs of other kinds of recreational places, such as cinemas and teashops, intended to convert their premises into theaters. Many of them were stopped by the SMC because of architectural inadequacy.120 A more difficult job, however, was maintaining and updating existing theaters’ structure and facilities so that they would keep up with new requirements. The revision or addition of architectural regulations usually required alterations or even reconstruction of theater buildings. Colonial experts inspected local theaters and interviewed the entrepreneurs regularly to ensure that architectural problems were identified and resolved promptly. In 1922, in order to improve fire-precautionary arrangements of both foreign and Chinese theaters in the Settlement, a comprehensive inspection was carried out by the Chief Officer of the Shanghai Fire Brigade (SFB, hereafter). Among the targets of inspection were five Chinese theaters, namely the Civilization Great Stage, Tianchan Wutai 天蟾舞台 (Heavenly Toad Stage, originally the New New Stage), the Red Cassia First Stage, Yi Wutai 亦舞台 (Also Stage), and the Xiao Wutai 笑舞台 (Smile Stage). Detailed reports were submitted to the SMC. For example, making reference to the Chinese Theater Licensing Regulations and Chinese Building Rules, the Chief Officer of SFB reported twenty-two problems with the Civilization Great Stage, including its seating arrangement, lighting, passages, fire appliances, and so on. Meanwhile, thirty recommendations for corresponding alterations were proposed, though the Officer believed that it was impossible to make the theater ideal unless it was 119 Letter to the Secretary from the Engineer & Surveyor, November 12, 1914, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-14-3213. Another building application of a theatre on Nanking Road 南京路, a main traffic artery, was rejected in May 1925 for similar reasons. See “Sites for Theatres- Precedents,” September 9, 1933, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-4-3262. 120 Letter to the Acting Secretary from the Chief Officer of Shanghai Fire Brigade, August 18, 1917, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-14-3213. 66 reconstructed with fireproof materials. 121 The report was echoed by the Building Surveyor, who added five more recommendations after inspecting the theater himself, and the Commissioner of Public Works.122 Similar reports on the other theaters were submitted successively during the following two months, and both the Chief Officer and the Commissioner asserted that all the recommendations were the “minimum” requirements to render the theaters reasonably safe. The SMC therefore sent official letters to the entrepreneurs, urging them to take the necessary action.123 It is noteworthy that each theater was requested to install a fire-resistant curtain on the stage, even though the SMC regulations had not required that yet.124 The entrepreneurs replied before long. The two smaller theaters, the Also Stage and the Smile Stage, appeared to be relatively submissive. Both promised to carry out certain urgent alterations but begged for the postponement of others that could not be done without closing the theater temporarily.125 Their requests were approved by the SMC. The Red Cassia First Stage, the medium-sized one, handled the issue with a similar strategy and partially fulfilled the requirements.126 In contrast, the early responses from the two largest theaters, the Great Stage and the Heavenly Toad Stage, were less obedient. The entrepreneur of the former put forward three points to explain that the required alterations would result in the bankruptcy of his 121 “Dai Wu Dah Theatre, 168. Hankoo Road,” June 23, 1922, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 122 Letter to the Commissioner of Public Works from the Building Surveyor, July 1922, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. Letter to the Secretary & Commissioner General from the Commissioner of Public Works, July 5, 1922, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U 1-3-130. 123 “Extract from Watch Committee Minutes dated August 3, 1922,” Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 124 In a letter of 1928, the Commissioner of Public Works Department confessed that the department had not drawn up any official regulations regarding the details of fire-resisting curtain. Letter to the Municipal Architect of Public Works Department of Tianjin from the Commissioner of Public Works of SMC, November 13, 1928, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-14-3214. 125 Letter to the Secretary & Commissioner General of SMC from the Smile Stage, October 26, 1922; Letter to the Secretary of SMC from the Also Stage, November 11, 1922, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 126 “Foochow Road Theatre: Works done by this theatre after they had received the Council’s letter,” Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 67 business. Emphasizing that the theater was solidly built, he asked the SMC to re-inspect it and lower the requirements.127 A similar plea was made by the Heavenly Toad Stage.128 After re-inspection in December 1922, the SMC modified the requirements, and gave the entrepreneurs one year for compliance. 129 The Great Stage started making alterations and additions thereafter. About seven months later, the entrepreneur replied to the SMC that with a cost of more than 10,000 yuan, the majority of requirements had been realized, except three items that were not only extremely expensive, but also impossible to materialize without closing the theater for two or three months. These items included a fire-resistant curtain on the stage, sprinklers and drenchers on the stage, and two additional exit staircases for the gallery.130 The entrepreneur requested the SMC to waive these three requirements, but only the first one disappeared in the “amended schedule of required structural alterations and additions.”131 The Heavenly Toad Stage proved to be even more stubborn. Its internal arrangements, according to the Commissioner of Public Works, were “undoubtedly worse than any other theatre in Shanghai.”132 Yet, despite the SMC’s repeated orders, little progress was made. In July 1923, the entrepreneur stated that he was not in a position to act in accordance with the SMC’s requirements. Besides financial reasons, he believed that the theater was properly built and strong enough for theatrical purpose for at least four or five more years, and therefore begged the SMC not to require any further 127 Letter to the Acting Secretary of SMC from the Great Stage, October 16, 1922, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 128 Letter to the Acting Secretary of SMC from the Heavenly Toad Stage, October 27, 1922, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 129 Letter to the Acting Secretary from the Commissioner of Public Works, November 2, 1927, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 130 Consultation to the SMC from the Great Stage, July 26, 1923, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 131 “Dah Wu Dai—168 Hankow Road: Amended Schedule of required structural alterations and additions, etc., to be carried out to the satisfaction of the Fire Brigade and Public Work Department,” Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 132 Letter to the Secretary & Commissioner General from Commissioner of Public Works, July 20, 1922, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 68 alteration.133 By the end of the year, according to the Chief Officer of SFB, only six minor requirements out of forty had been carried out by the theater.134 The SMC compromised. On 29 February 1924, the Watch Committee decided that the standards aimed at by the Chief Officer of SFB was impracticable, and full licenses should be issued to the theaters. 135 The decision was confirmed later by the SMC, for the members considered that any tendency towards extreme action in such matters would be regrettable.136 Other than the acknowledged impracticality of some requirements, those factors that restricted the SMC’s administration in the late Qing period remained effective. The entrepreneurs of both the Great Stage and the Heavenly Toad Stage were influential personalities, which quite possibly prevented the SMC from adopting strong measures. While the former, as noted earlier, used to serve in the police station of the Settlement and probably maintained good relationship with colonial officials, the latter was one of the leaders of the Green Gang, the most powerful secret society in modern Shanghai, and had considerable influence in local society (see Chapter 2). Meanwhile, financial considerations also affected the SMC’s decision. In his report to the Acting Secretary, the Commissioner of Revenue pointed out that enforcement of the requirements might result in the closure of Chinese theaters and their evacuation from the Settlement, which would be not only a serious matter to the Chinese community in the Settlement, but also a considerable loss to the SMC. The first direct loss would be a matter of some $15,000 per annum from license fees and General Municipal Rate, and it would probably further adversely affect the revenue from other sources. In the meantime, the Commissioner also expressed his sympathy to the efforts that the entrepreneurs had made, believing that the installation of fire-resistant 133 Letter to the Acting Secretary from the Heavenly Toad Stage, July 24, 1923, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-130. 134 “Theatre Requirements (December 17, 1923),” Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 135 “Extract from Watch Committee minute dated February 29, 1924,” Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 136 “Extract from Council Minutes of March 12, 1924,” Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 69 curtains was almost an impossibility for contemporary Chinese theaters.137 These points were echoed by the Prosecuting Solicitor who held that it was unreasonable to expect the entrepreneurs of Chinese theaters, which had been in existence for years, to turn the theater into one with first-class London conditions.138 Taking those opinions into account, the SMC gave up further efforts to implement the requirements,139 even though the Chief Officer of SFB still insisted that those “veritable death traps” could not be allowed to remain open.140 Political Upheaval and the Reinforcement of Administration However, the SMC’s policy of compromise changed dramatically in the late 1920s, under the influences of the political upheaval in Shanghai and beyond. In 1924, the Chinese Nationalist and Communist parties initiated the National Revolution in cooperation, aiming to overthrow internal warlords and external imperialism. In the revolutionary discourse, imperialism was viewed as the fundamental reason for China’s internal political chaos.141 Under the two parties’ directions, anti-imperialistic mass movements ran increasingly high. Breaking out first in Shanghai, the May Thirtieth Movement of 1925, the primary purpose of which was claimed to be “the abolition of extraterritoriality and the retaking of control over municipal administration of the settlements,” demonstrated the startling energy of Chinese anti-imperialistic sentiment. 142 The Movement, in the eyes of colonial 137 Letter to the Acting Secretary from the Commissioner of Revenue, November 16, 1923, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 138 Letter to the Acting Secretary from the Prosecuting Solicitor, November 19, 1923, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 139 Shanghaishi Dang’anguan ed., Gongbuju dongshihui huiyilu, Vol. 22, p. 396. 140 Letter to the Acting Secretary from the Chief Officer of the SFB, November 20, 1923, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 141 “Zhongguo guomindang diyici quanguo daibiao dahui xuanyan” [Declaration of the first national conference of representatives of the Chinese Nationalist Party], Sun Zhonghan, Sun Zhongshan xuanji [Selected works by Sun Yat-sen] (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1981), p. 586. 142 “Shanghai gongshangxue lianhehui xuanyan” [Declaration of the league of industrial, 70 authorities, was “a direct challenge to the SMC’s governance of Shanghai.”143 In the following years, the revolutionaries launched the Northern Expedition, which led to the formal reunification of China for the first time since the collapse of the Qing. During the process, the British government was forced to return their settlements in Hankou and Jiujiang to the revolutionaries in February 1927. Taking the state power in the same year, the Nationalists avoided direct conflicts with the colonizers cautiously but never stopped the pursuit of national independence. The Chinese territory of semicolonial Shanghai, after a fifteen-year state of “underadministration” due to chaotic domestic politics in the early Republican era, became the showplace for the Nationalists to “prove to the world that the Chinese deserved to recover their sovereignty over the treaty ports and rule themselves.”144 The new municipal government initiated ambitious agendas of modernization, aiming to turn the Chinese territory into a modern metropolis comparable to Western ones. One of its principal jobs in the early period was to change the physical landscape fundamentally, for which relevant expert-officials investigated all existing properties and formulated new building rules. 145 Twenty-two special architectural regulations for theaters and other public premises were issued in 1928, and the requirements were no lower than those adopted by the SMC.146 Consequently, a few theaters in the Chinese territory, including the New Stage, were reconstructed or even closed for architectural reasons in the late 1920s.147 commercial, and educational circles of Shanghai] (June 7, 1925), Shanghaishi Dang’anguan ed., Wusa yundong [May-Thirtieth Movement] Vol. (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1991), p. 30. 143 “Gongbuju dongshihui guanyu wusa shijian de huiyilu” [The minutes of the Shanghai Council regarding the May-Thirtieth Incident ] (June 1, 1925), Shanghaishi Dang’anguan ed., Wusa yundong Vol. 1, p. 344. 144 Frederic Wakeman, Jr., Policing Shanghai, 1927-1937 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), p. xv. 145 Henriot, Shanghai, pp. 169-170. 146 “Shanghai tebieshi zanxing jianzhu guize” [Provincial building rules of the special administrative city of Shanghai] (July 1928), Shanghai Municipal Archives, Y12-1-95. 147 For example, Xin Wutai in Nanshi was requested to reconstruct the building because most of the timber had decayed. Shanghai Tebieshi Zhengfu Mishuchu ed., Shanghai tebieshi shizhengfu shizheng gongbao fukan: geju yewu huibao [Supplement of the administrative 71 It was under such political circumstances that the SMC reinforced its architectural management of local theaters. Faced with the upsurge of Chinese nationalism and the consolidation of the Nationalist government, the colonizers tried to avoid any accident that might stimulate popular anti-imperialistic sentiment and thus threaten the legitimacy of their colonial power. In October 1927, when the Red Cassia First Stage transferred its license, the Chief Officer of SFB drew the Council’s attention to the architectural problems of local theaters again. His primary concern was that if a fire occurred in a Chinese theater because of improper stage construction or lack of fire-precaution facilities, particularly when famous actors were playing to a crowded house of elite patrons, the SMC would be attacked for insisting on safety precautions in theaters where foreigners’ lives were at stake, but being more negligent when it came to the safety of Chinese spectators.148 The Chief Officer was backed up by the Commissioner of Public Works who suggested a scheme to allow the present leases to run out, while notifying both owners and lessees of theaters that no further licenses would be issued thereafter unless the SMC’s architectural requirements were met. 149 The suggestion was adopted by the SMC, even though it was obvious that local theaters, except the newly-completed Great New Stage, could by no means be adapted to meet the Council’s requirements completely. This time, the colonial authorities were determined to take firmer action. Ultimatums were sent to theater entrepreneurs whose leases were about to expire. In July 1929, the Smile Stage had no choice but to close down because the SMC refused a further license.150 The leases of the Heavenly Toad and the bulletin of the municipal government of the special administrative city of Shanghai: operation reports from all bureaus] (Shanghai: Shanghai tebieshi zhengfu mishuchu, Sep 1927), p. 42. The theater closed down at the end of 1927. The Reform Stage, after the accident in 1927, was reconstructed, which was approved by the local officials. “Yuandan kailuo zhi Gengxin Wutai” [The Reform Stage that opens on the New Year], Shen bao, January 12, 1928, supplement (3). 148 Letter to the Secretary from the Chief Officer of the SFB, October 26, 1927, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 149 Letter to the Secretary from the Commissioner of Public Works, November 2, 1927, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 150 “Structural Condemnation of Chinese Theatres (March 4, 1930),” Shanghai Municipal 72 Red Cassia expired in May and June 1930 respectively. Formal notices were sent to the entrepreneurs, protests were received, and negotiations started. After a short period of unfruitful separate communication with the authorities, the entrepreneurs took joint action to request an extension of their licenses. Strikingly different from their responses in 1923, they incisively questioned the legitimacy of the SMC’s orders, arguing that new requirements should be enforced during the construction of a theater rather than when its business was going on, and belated actions meant depriving businessmen of their legal rights over their property and business.151 Both theaters won forceful support from the Shanghai Chinese Ratepayers’ Association in the Settlement.152 In deference to the views of the Chinese Councilors, the SMC sanctioned an extension of their licenses to the end of the year, whereafter they would be finally withdrawn.153 The Red Cassia gave up further attempts, and the building was demolished in June 1930. 154 The Heavenly Toad kept on protesting. According to the Commissioner of Public Works, however, the landlord and the entrepreneur gradually changed their position from requesting a license extension to expecting the SMC’s compensation for closing the theater.155 Learning that the entrepreneur had arranged to lease another theater, the authorities, after some bargaining, succeeded in persuading him to shut down the theater at the end of September, three months earlier than already agreed, for which a sum of 100,000 taels of silver was paid by the Council to offset the loss. 156 It was stated that the SMC did that to avoid any disastrous Archives, U1-3-131. 151 Letter to the Secretary from the Red Cassia First Stage, May 11, 1930; Letter to the Secretary from the Heavenly Toad Stage, May 11, 1930, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 152 Letter to the Secretary from Shanghai Chinese Ratepayers’ Association, May 13, 1930, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 153 Shanghaishi Dang’anguan ed., Gongbuju dongshihui huiyilu, Vol. 24, p. 378. 154 Tong ed., Shanghai wenhua yule changsuo zhi, p. 85. 155 “Extract from Watch Committee minutes dated August 6, 1930,” Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 156 Shanghaishi Dang’anguan ed., Gongbuju dongshihui huiyilu, Vol. 24, p. 440. Xitan, “Tianchan Wutai fangwu wenti jiejue” [The building issue of the Heavenly Toad Stage has 73 accident that might occur during the remaining three months or so.157 The colonizers’ cautiousness was not ungrounded. One article published in the North China Daily News in April 1930 pointed out that, although it was no concern of the foreigners whether a calamity occurred in a Chinese theater they rarely attended, “should anything happen, the onus would react on the Municipal Council, which at this moment is not particularly popular with the Chinese public.”158 The SMC’s Legal Adviser even assumed a more difficult outcome: “[A] crisis might well result quite as serious, if not more so, as that which followed the May 30th incident of 1925. Public outcry and diplomatic pressure would be exerted to such an extent that a public enquiry would be almost bound to be held.” 159 Such political considerations, which even outweighed economic interests, pushed the SMC to take a stronger stand than ever before on the architectural administration of local theaters. The test for the Great Stage came in 1932 when its lease expired. After an unsuccessful application for license extension, the owner decided to reconstruct the theater completely.160 New fire-precautionary and hygienic facilities were arranged according to the SMC’s regulations.161 Part of the structural steelwork was built with imported high tensile steel that passed the test of the Public Works Department.162 Frequent correspondences between the engineer and the Public Works Department during the whole process of reconstruction ensured that the new building would meet the SMC’s requirements as far as possible. When the Great Stage reopened in August 1934, it was probably the most advanced theater in Shanghai (Figure 5). The been resolved], Liyuan gongbao, October 12, 1930. 157 Shanghaishi Dang’anguan ed., Gongbuju dongshihui huiyilu, Vol. 24, p. 431. 158 “Extract from the North China Daily News dated April 21, 1930,” Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 159 Geoffrey Herbert Wright, “Opinion,” September 10, 1930, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-3-131. 160 Letter to the Secretary from the Great Stage, January 6, 1932; Letter to the Great Stage from the Secretary, January 11, 1932, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-14-3212. 161 Huzhong Changsheng, “Da Wutai fanzao zaiji” [The Great Stage is about to be reconstructed], Luobinhan, April 28, 1932. 162 Letter to the Commissioner of Public Works from S. E. Paber, September 25, 1933, Shanghai Municipal Archives, U1-14-3212. 74 reconstruction of the Great Stage marked an overall architectural upgrade of local theaters. By then, Shanghai’s first batch of modern theaters established in the late 1900s and 1910s had passed into history, replaced by new ones with more deliberately designed structures and more advanced facilities. Such progress should partially be attributed to the SMC’s reinforcement of its administration. Figure 5. The Great Stage after reconstruction Source: Pictures from “Rongji Da Wutai kaimu” [The opening of the Rong’s Great Stage], Shen bao, September 10, 1934, 1; floor plans from “Shanghai Da Wutai xiyuan xinwu” [The new Building of the Great Stage theater of Shanghai], Jianzhu yuekan [Architecture monthly] (1933), 16. The architectural transformation of commercial theaters in Shanghai was part of the general reorganization of urban space in early twentieth-century China, which constituted, in Joseph Esherick’s words, “a fundamental part of 75 the modernist agenda.”163 It owed much to local socioeconomic development as well as Western material and cultural influences primarily embodied by the colonizers. Meanwhile, as we have seen, its trajectory was considerably shaped by the political situation in Shanghai and beyond during the period under study. Drastically remodeling the physical environments of operatic activities, the theaters’ architectural transformation caused significant changes in both the production and consumption of Peking opera performances, which will be illustrated throughout this dissertation. 163 Joseph Esherick, “Modernity and Nation in the Chinese City,” in Remaking the Chinese City, ed. Esherick, p. 9. 76 [...]... a Chinese theater because the site was “entirely unsuitable for the purpose of a theatre.” 11 9 In the late 19 10s, some entrepreneurs of other kinds of recreational places, such as cinemas and teashops, intended to convert their premises into theaters Many of them were stopped by the SMC because of architectural inadequacy .12 0 A more difficult job, however, was maintaining and updating existing theaters’... of the International Settlement, the theater had a capacity of 2,800.88 The entrepreneur, Tong Ziqing 童子卿, was a Chinese detective serving in the police station of the Settlement who was also running a teahouse -theater In a letter to the SMC dated July 26, 19 23, Tong recounted the origin of the project: In 19 08, the entrepreneurs of three Chinese theaters in the International Settlement changed their... Xiaoqing’s opinion on the reform of the Shanghai Stage], Luobinhan [Robinhood], August 8, 19 29 The Great New Stage was renamed as the Shanghai Stage in 19 28 11 1 Longchang, “Shanghai juchang gailiang tan” (On the reform of theaters in Shanghai), Shen bao, May 20, 19 25, supplement (4) 11 2 “Juchang yingxu gailiang zhi yaodian” [Important points for the reform of theaters], eight, Shen bao, July 7, 19 23, 18 ... competitions and negotiations between the colonizers and the colonized.34 Local theaters were of economic significance to the colonial authorities According to resolutions passed by the SMC in 18 70 and 18 71, every commercial theater in the Settlement had to pay a deposit of fifty yuan when it opened and a license tax of five yuan per business day.35 In addition, as a prominent public entertainment space, the theater. .. theaters in contemporary America and Germany, while the width of its auditorium exceeded the Grand Theatre in Shanghai, the largest cinema in the Far East and the third all over the world .10 4 When the theater reopened in April 19 34, it was publicized as the unique great modern theater of the national drama (i.e Peking opera) in Shanghai” with eight architectural advantages: grand structure, modern decoration,... far-reaching acoustics, and concentrated sightlines Besides, a rhetorical “Opening Declaration” was published in Shen bao: “… The Westerners therefore regard the theater as a landmark building that had 10 1 “Sanxing Da Wutai” [The Three Stars Great Stage], Liyuan gongbao [The player], January 11 , 19 30 The theater was initially called Sanxing Da Wutai but renamed as Sanxing Wutai soon after its opening,... during summer These architectural advantages or shortages more or less affected the theaters’ daily business 10 6 Another article in 19 31 points out the significance of architecture to the theater s business more expressly: In terms of architecture, the theater must be grand and splendid If too crude, it has been considered as inferior by ordinary people psychologically, and probably cannot attract their... appointed by the Club to investigate the feasibility of a permanent theater The project was finally deferred due to financial problems Instead, another godown -theater, named the Lyceum Theater, was established in the following year on the Yuanminyuan Road (now the Huqiu Road) in the International Settlement, at a cost of 6,000 taels of silver Though the designer, William Kidner, was a member of the. .. and maintained to the satisfaction of the authorities Meanwhile, the Chinese Building Rules were revised a few times, and more rigorous “Special Rules with Respect to Theatre” were formulated in 19 14 .11 7 By the late 19 20s, architectural regulations regarding Chinese theaters had been fairly comprehensive, and fire precautions remained the primary concern The upgrade of the SMC’s requirements certainly... Impressed by its elaborate architecture, 55 Darwent, Shanghai, p 15 2 In late-Qing Shanghai, the price for the best seats in the finest teahouse-theaters was about one silver dollar In contrast, the prices of the early foreign godown-theaters in the 18 60s were three Mexican silver dollars for the best seats and two for the rest The ticket prices of the Lyceum Theater were by no means cheaper Haishang Shushisheng, . occurred. For instance, two leading theaters in London, the Drury Lane Theater and the Convent Garden, burnt to the ground in 18 09 and 18 56 respectively. 19 A book by a German civil engineer published. tolerated, and sometimes even encouraged, native operatic activities. 15 In 18 66, for instance, when the Magistrate of Shanghai tried to intervene in the business hours of theaters in the International. finally deferred due to financial problems. Instead, another godown -theater, named the Lyceum Theater, was established in the following year on the Yuanminyuan Road (now the Huqiu Road) in