Doanh nghiệp nhà nước việt nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa

DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xn Long ĐẠI HỌC QUỐC GIA THÀNH PHỐ HỒ CHÍ MINH TRƯỜNG ĐẠI HỌC KHXH – NV TPHCM -0 - NCUYỄN XUÂN LONG DOANH NGHIỆP NHÀ NƯỚC VIỆT NAM TỪ GĨC NHÌN VĂN HĨA LUẬN VĂN THẠC SĨ CHUN NGÀNH VĂN HÓA HỌC MÃ SỐ: 60.31.70 Người hướng dẫn khoa học: TS Trần Đình Lâm Tp.Hồ Chí Minh, năm 2014 DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xn Long MỤC LỤC LỜI TỰA……………………….………………………………………………….5 MỞ ĐẦU………………………………….……………………………………….9 CHƯƠNG I: CƠ SỞ LÝ LUẬN CỦA VIỆC NGHIÊN CỨU VĂN HÓA DNNN VIỆT NAM 15 Những khái niệm 15 1.1 Văn hóa cấu trúc văn hóa 15 1.1.1 Khái niệm văn hóa 15 1.1.2 Cấu trúc văn hóa 17 1.2 Con người văn hóa người kinh tế 18 1.2.1 Con người văn hóa 18 1.2.2 Con người kinh tế 19 1.3 Định nghĩa văn hóa kinh tế 21 Một số cách tiếp cận văn hóa kinh tế 24 2.1 Mối quan hệ biện chứng kinh tế văn hóa 24 2.2 Cách tiếp cận số nhà nghiên cứu Việt Nam 25 2.2.1 Quan điểm văn hóa kinh tế Trần Ngọc Thêm 25 2.2.2 Quan điểm kinh tế văn hóa Lê Ngọc Tòng 27 2.3 Cách tiếp cận liên ngành David Throsby 30 2.3.1 Kinh tế có độc lập với văn hóa khơng? Bối cảnh văn hóa kinh tế 32 2.3.2 Văn hóa kinh tế: bối cảnh kinh tế văn hóa 35 2.4 Chủ nghĩa cá nhân chủ nghĩa tập thể 39 Các lý thuyết giá trị 42 DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xn Long 3.1 Lý thuyết giá trị kinh tế học 43 3.1.1 Đánh giá kinh tế hàng hóa dịch vụ văn hóa 47 3.1.2 Tiêu thụ cá nhân hàng hóa văn hóa tư 48 3.1.3 Tiêu thụ tập thể hàng hóa văn hóa cơng 50 3.2 Lý thuyết giá trị văn hóa học 52 3.2.1 Quan điểm Trần Ngọc Thêm 52 3.2.2 Quan điểm liên ngành David Throsby 55 3.3 Giá trị kinh tế bao quát hết giá trị văn hóa hay khơng? 61 Tiểu kết 67 CHƯƠNG II: VĂN HÓA DNNN VIỆT NAM - LỊCH SỬ HÌNH THÀNH VÀ PHÁT TRIỂN 70 Vấn đề tam doanh thủ pháp hai góc nhìn 70 1.1 Vấn đề tam doanh 70 1.1.1 Văn hóa doanh nghiệp 71 1.1.2 Văn hóa kinh doanh 74 1.1.3 Văn hóa doanh nhân 75 1.2 Thủ pháp hai góc nhìn (ngun tắc kép) 76 DNNN từ góc nhìn văn hóa pháp luật 78 2.1 Truyền thống quốc doanh Việt Nam 78 2.1.1 Quốc doanh thời phong kiến 78 2.1.2 Quốc doanh thời Pháp thuộc 81 2.1.3 Quốc doanh thời bao cấp 82 2.1.4 Quốc doanh ngày 83 2.1.5 Phân loại DNNN 84 2.2 Nguồn gốc hiệu DNNN 86 2.2.1 Dẫn đề 86 DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xn Long 2.2.2 Quyền tài sản không rõ ràng 87 2.2.3 Quyền tự chủ kinh doanh không rõ ràng 89 2.2.4 Quan hệ đại diện không rõ ràng 90 2.2.5 Những lực cản chế cũ 91 2.3 Cải cách DNNN nhìn từ góc độ pháp luật tài sản 92 2.3.1 Dẫn đề 92 2.3.2 Đa dạng hóa quyền tài sản 92 2.3.3 Giao, bán, khoán DNNN 93 2.3.4 Quyền tài sản doanh nghiệp cổ phần hóa 93 2.3.5 Minh bạch hóa quyền tài sản doanh nghiệp nhà nước nắm giữ 100% vốn 94 Một số vấn đề xây dựng văn hóa doanh nghiệp 95 3.1 Vai trò kết hợp Tĩnh Động, Đông Tây, Danh Lợi… 95 3.2 Quy luật bảo tồn phát triển doanh nghiệp 96 3.3 Vấn đề “Lợi” “Nghĩa” văn hóa doanh nghiệp 97 3.4 Xây dựng văn hóa doanh nghiệp bối cảnh văn hóa Việt Nam truyền thống 100 Tiểu kết 102 CHƯƠNG III: VĂN HÓA TRONG PHÁT TRIỂN KINH TẾ DNNN VN 104 Văn hóa phát triển kinh tế 104 1.1 Giới thiệu 104 1.2 Văn hóa hoạt động kinh tế 106 1.3 Văn hóa phát triển giới thứ Ba 110 1.4 Văn hóa phát triển bền vững 114 Văn hóa phát triển DNNN 118 DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xn Long 2.1 Di sản văn hóa với phát triển DNNN 118 2.1.1 Di sản gì? 119 2.1.2 Di sản vốn văn hóa 121 2.2 Nghệ thuật sáng tạo với phát triển DNNN 124 2.2.1 Sáng tạo gì? 125 2.2.2 Sáng tạo đổi Việt Nam 127 2.3 Công nghiệp văn hóa với phát triển DNNN 129 2.3.1 Cơng nghiệp văn hóa gì? 129 2.3.2 Cơng nghiệp văn hóa nguồn kích thích đầu tư phát triển 134 Chính sách văn hóa phát triển DNNN 137 3.1 Nhận thức kinh tế sách văn hóa 137 3.2 Văn hóa nhà nước: Kinh tế học sách văn hóa 139 3.3 DNNN tận dụng sách văn hóa bối cảnh tồn cầu hóa 143 Tiểu kết 147 KẾT LUẬN 149 TÀI LIỆU THAM KHẢO 153 PHỤ LỤC……………………………………………………………………….156 DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xn Long LỜI TỰA Vở kịch nói “Tơi Chúng ta” nhà biên kịch tài hoa Lưu Quang Vũ gây xôn xao dư luận thời Sau trao huy chương vàng hội diễn sân khấu năm 1985, tác giả tác phẩm Nhà nước tặng giải thưởng Hồ Chí Minh văn học nghệ thuật năm 2000 Vở diễn kể xí nghiệp quốc doanh Thắng Lợi với giám đốc Hồng Việt đội ngũ cán công nhân viên cố gắng xoay xở tìm hướng phát triển cho xí nghiệp chế quản lý kinh tế quan liêu bao cấp thời Hàng chục năm trôi qua, hành trình “Đổi mới” xóa bỏ chế kinh tế bao cấp, thay vào chế kinh tế thị trường có điều tiết vĩ mơ nhà nước Nhà nước khơng cịn độc quyền mà có nhiều thành phần kinh tế tham gia sản xuất kinh doanh để cung cấp hàng hóa dịch vụ, đáp ứng nhu cầu đa dạng người tiêu dùng, kinh tế nhà nước xem có “vai trị chủ đạo” với kinh tế tập thể phải trở thành “nền tảng vững chắc” kinh tế quốc dân, đảm bảo cho “định hướng xã hội chủ nghĩa” Mặc dù doanh nghiệp Nhà nước (viết tắt DNNN, bao gồm Tập đồn, Tổng cơng ty Nhà nước) trao quyền tự chủ kinh doanh nhiều việc quản lý phát triển DNNN tốn khó cấp quyền thân đơn vị quốc doanh “Những số liệu khả quan năm gần cho thấy khoảng 20% số DNNN làm ăn thực có lãi, 40% tình trạng khơng hiệu quả, bấp bênh lỗ - lãi 40% lại thuộc diện lỗ triền miên”1 Đặc biệt có vụ sai phạm quản lý kinh tế gây chấn động dư luận ngồi nước vụ Vinashine, Vinalines (có thể kể thêm PMU18) Trong bối cảnh tồn cầu hóa hội nhập quốc tế ngày sâu rộng, DNNN phải cạnh tranh với tập đoàn đa quốc gia khổng lồ thị trường giới mà cịn “sân nhà” Do khơng đủ sức tung hoành thị trường quốc tế, Hoàng An Quốc, Kinh nghiệm hội nhập quốc tế, NXB Thống Kê, 2007, tr 162 DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xuân Long DNNN phải mở thêm nhiều ngành nghề xa lạ với ngành nghề kinh doanh chính, đầu tư khơng hiệu ngồi ngành, vừa cạnh tranh lẫn vừa cạnh tranh với doanh nghiệp dân doanh khiến cho thị trường trở nên rối loạn, đẩy kinh tế đất nước rơi vào nguy suy thoái, khủng hoảng Để đưa tàu DNNN Việt Nam khỏi tình trạng bị mắc kẹt bãi đá ngầm tiếp tục vươn biển lớn, cần có giải pháp mang tính chiến lược đột phá Tác giả luận văn khơng có tham vọng giải tất vấn đề đối tượng nghiên cứu này, mà tập trung phân tích lực lượng tác động mạnh đến hành vi ứng xử lựa chọn DNNN, cố gắng gợi mở hướng an toàn chắn Các nghiên cứu DNNN từ trước tới đa phần tiếp cận từ góc độ kinh tế túy với quan niệm DNNN chủ thể kinh tế Nhà nước đầu tư, quản lý1; loại hình doanh nghiệp đối tượng đa dạng phức tạp, hoạt động nhiều lĩnh vực, khơng văn hóa nước nhà mà cịn nhiều văn hóa khác Cách tiếp cận đơn ngành kinh tế tỏ hiệu thiếu sức thuyết phục trước đợt sóng khủng hoảng kinh tế bối cảnh đa văn hóa kỷ XXI Do đó, luận văn chọn cách tiếp cận khác mang tính liên ngành, cách tiếp cận văn hóa kinh tế Văn hóa kinh tế xem ứng dụng chuyên ngành văn hóa học, xem khoa học liên ngành, nghiên cứu phối hợp văn hóa kinh tế (hay kinh tế văn hóa) Khoa học hình thành phát triển mạnh giới, thừa nhận văn hóa kinh tế hai lĩnh vực có vai trò quan trọng nhau, hai hệ thống độc lập, đan xen, tương tác lẫn nhau, vấn đề cần đặt xử lý tốt mối quan hệ chúng để phục vụ cho lợi ích tương liên Trong khn khổ luận văn này, khía cạnh văn hóa kinh tế DNNN tập trung nghiên cứu, phân tích Xem thêm Nghị định 71/2013/NĐ-CP ban hành ngày 11/07/2013 đầu tư vốn nhà nước vào doanh nghiệp quản lý tài doanh nghiệp Nhà nước nắm giữ 100% vốn điều lệ DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xn Long cách khoa học để từ đưa đến đề xuất cho tồn phát triển loại hình doanh nghiệp Trong nỗ lực thực cam kết hội nhập kinh tế quốc tế, Nhà nước Việt Nam loại bỏ thuật ngữ “doanh nghiệp Nhà nước” khỏi văn pháp luật thức Xu hướng phù hợp với nguyên tắc không phân biệt đối xử, tạo sân chơi bình đẳng thành phần kinh tế (quốc doanh, dân doanh nước ngồi); loại hình doanh nghiệp hoạt động mơi trường pháp luật thống nhất, bình đẳng Luật doanh nghiệp Luật đầu tư Do DNNN chuyển đổi, thấy xuất nhiều công ty trách nhiệm hữu hạn thành viên cơng ty cổ phần có vốn chủ sở hữu Nhà nước; Nhà nước trở thành “cơ quan chủ quản” “cổ đông chiến lược” loại hình doanh nghiệp Như vậy, thuật ngữ “DNNN” mà thường gặp báo chí hay văn luật dường mang ý nghĩa tài thơng qua vốn chủ sở hữu Nhà nước Tuy nhiên, vấn đề hai chữ “Nhà nước” Bên cạnh quan niệm “Nhà nước” thực thể phản ánh tồn ý thức “thượng tầng kiến trúc”, Nhà nước có ý nghĩa tài kinh tế mà vài biểu quyền phát hành tiền giấy, quyền điều hành lưu thông tiền tệ quyền quản lý ngoại hối Ngân hàng Nhà nước, “DNNN DNNN” Ngồi ra, “Nhà nước” cịn mang ý nghĩa văn hóa lịch sử Trong tiếng Việt, Nhà nước làng nước mơ hình tổ chức mang tính cộng đồng: Nhà nước có tính bao qt (gồm nhà làng), cịn làng nước có tính truyền thống hơn, gắn với nông nghiệp - nông dân - nông thôn Hiểu cách khác, Nhà nước nhà cộng với nước, nhiều nhà cộng lại thành làng, nhiều làng cộng lại thành nước; vậy, muốn từ nhà đến nước phải thông qua làng xã (commune), tổ chức cộng đồng trung gian truyền thống, nơi quần tụ nhiều nhà Ngồi ra, Nhà nước cịn khái niệm “quốc gia” Trung Hoa cần phải đặt khái niệm tiến trình phát triển tư tưởng DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xn Long người có học thức theo quan niệm truyền thống: tu thân - tề gia - trị quốc - bình thiên hạ Doanh nghiệp nói chung chủ thể kinh tế hoạt động kinh tế để tìm kiếm lợi ích kinh tế Từ góc nhìn văn hóa, doanh nghiệp xem chủ thể văn hóa đặc biệt hoạt động văn hóa để tạo giá trị văn hóa Do đó, bên cạnh việc tạo giá trị kinh tế, mục tiêu động lực doanh nghiệp phải khẳng định tính văn hóa hoạt động sản xuất kinh doanh chủ thể văn hóa Nhờ trang bị kiến thức văn hóa văn hóa kinh tế mà doanh nghiệp nâng cao nhận thức văn hóa, hiệu hoạt động quản lý kinh doanh, chuyển dần từ làm kinh tế túy sang làm kinh tế có văn hóa, làm văn hóa có kinh tế, cuối cùng, làm văn hóa túy để trở thành tài sản chung dân tộc Riêng DNNN, loại hình doanh nghiệp khác, DNNN có sẵn tính văn hóa cấu trúc tổ chức nên cần phải khẳng định chất văn hóa chủ thể văn hóa dân tộc, hấp thụ thêm vốn văn hóa dân tộc nhân loại để trở thành tài sản chung giới Đây xem diễn trình hợp lý cho hành trình xây dựng văn hóa DNNN người dân Việt Nam, với tư cách công dân đất nước “cổ đông” DNNN Việt Nam Nguyễn Xuân Long 12/06/2014 DNNN Việt Nam từ góc nhìn văn hóa Nguyễn Xn Long MỞ ĐẦU Lý chọn đề tài mục đích nghiên cứu “Doanh nghiệp” (hay cơng ty) từ trước tới xem thuật ngữ kinh tế kinh tế doanh nghiệp phân tích nhiều lý thuyết kinh tế Nhưng khơng có nhiều người biết thuật ngữ “doanh nghiệp”, từ điểm nhìn văn hóa cịn phạm trù văn hóa văn hóa doanh nghiệp cịn mổ xẻ lý thuyết văn hóa Doanh nghiệp nói chung DNNN nói riêng tổ chức văn hóa mang tính kinh tế Tổ chức văn hóa kinh tế đóng vai trị chủ thể văn hóa hoạt động sản xuất kinh doanh tác động mơi trường văn hóa định thơng qua mà thể vai trị ảnh hưởng kinh tế Sự nghiệp Đổi nói chung Đổi DNNN nói riêng nước ta tiến hành gần 30 năm đạt nhiều thành tựu đáng kể Tuy nhiên, bối cảnh tồn cầu hóa hội nhập quốc tế nay, cần có nghiên cứu thêm DNNN để giúp tổ chức văn hóa kinh tế hoạt động hiệu hơn, ứng phó với thách thức tận dụng hội toàn cầu hóa để tự thân vận động phát triển, khơng đóng góp xứng đáng vào cơng phát triển kinh tế đất nước mà cịn góp phần xây dựng văn hóa Việt Nam tiên tiến, đậm đà sắc dân tộc Như vậy, mục đích luận văn nâng cao vai trị văn hóa hoạt động kinh tế DNNN Việt Nam, góp phần xây dựng văn hóa doanh nghiệp Ngồi ra, nghiên cứu cịn gợi ý cho chuyên gia kinh tế giải vấn đề lớn lao nan giải tái cấu trúc kinh tế, đổi mơ hình tăng trưởng, xử lý mối quan hệ kinh tế văn hóa để hướng tới tăng trưởng phát triển bền vững Việt Nam Đối tượng phạm vi nghiên cứu Bateman, Ian J and Willis, Kenneth G (eds.) (1999) Valuing Environmental Preferences: Theory and Practice of the Contigent Valuation Method in the U.S., EU and Developing Countries Oxford University Press, Oxford Baumol, William J and Bowen, William G (1966), Performing Arts: The Economic Dilemma Twentieth Century Fund, New York Benedikt, Michael (1997) “Value and Psychological Economics: An Outline”, in Michael Benedikt et al (eds.), Value: Center 10/Architecture and Design in America University of Texas Press, Austin Bille Hansen, Trine (1997) “The Willingness-to-Pay for the Royal Theatre in Copenhagen as a Public Good” Journal of Cultural Economics 21: 1-28 Bille Hansen, Trine, Christofferson, Henrik, and Wanhill, Stephen (1998) “The Economic Evaluation of Cultural and Heritage Projects: Conflicting Methodologies” Tourism, Culture and Communication 1: 27-48 Clark, Charles M.A (1995), “From Natural Value to Social Value”, in Charles M.A Clark (ed.), Institutional Economics and the Theory of Social Value: Essays in Honour of Marc R Tool Kluwer, Boston Connor, Steven (1992) Theory and Cultural Value Blackwell, Oxford Cuccia, Tiziana and Signorello, Giovanni (2000) “Contingent Valuation Study of Willingness to Pay for Visiting a City of Art: The Case Study of Noto (Italy)” Paper presented at Conference of the Association for Cultural Economics International, Minneapolis 28-31 May De La Torre, Marta (ed.) (2002) Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles Di Maggio, Paul (2003), “Book Review of Throsby (2001)” Journal of Cultural Economics 27: 73-75 Etlin, Richard A (1996) In Defense of Humanism: Value in the Arts and Letters Cambridge University Press, New York Gérard-Varet, Louis-André, Kolm, Serge-Christophe, and Mercier-Ythier, Jean (eds.) (2000) The Economics of Reciprocity, Giving and Altruism St Martin’s Press, New York Hammond, Peter J (1987) “Altruism”, in John Eatwell et al (eds.), The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics Macmillan, London, pp 85-87 Hausman, Jerry A (ed.) (1993) Contingent Valuation: A Critical Assesment North-Holland, Amsterdam Head, John G (1990) “On Merit Wants: Reflections on the Evolution, Normative Status and Policy Relevance of a Controversial Public Finance Policy”, in Geoffrey Brennan and Cliff Walsh (eds.) 46 Rationality, Individualism and Public Policy Centre for Research on Federal Financial Relations, Australian National University, Canberra Klamer, Arjo (2002) “ Social, Cultural and Economic Values of Cultural Goods” Paper presented at Conference of the Association for Cultural Economics International, Rotterdam, 13-15 June Kling, Robert, Revier, Charles, and Sable, Karin (2000) “Estimating the Public-Good Value of Preserving a Local Historic Lanmark: The Role of Non-Substitutability and Information in Contingent Valuation” Paper presented at Conference of the Association for Cultural Economics International, Minneapolis, 28-31 May Koerner, Joseph Leo and Koerner, Lisbet (1996) “Value”, in Robert S Nelson and Richard Shiff (eds.), Critical Terms for Art History University of Chicago Press, Chicago Martin, Fernand (1994) “Determining the Size of Museum Subsidies” Journal of Cultural Economics 18: 255-270 McCain, Roger A (1981) “Cultivation of Taste, Catastrope Theory and the Demand for Works of Art” American Economic Review 71: 332-334 Reprinted in Ruth Towse (ed.) (1997) Cultural Economics: The Arts, the Heritage and the Media Industries, Vol I, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, pp 148-150 Mirowsky, Philip (1990) “Learning the Meaning of a Dollar: Conservation Principles and the Social Theory of Value in the Economic Theory” Social Research 57: 689-717 Mitchell, Robert C and Carson, Richard T (1989) Using Surveys to Value Public Good: The Contingent Valuation Method Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore Morrison, William G and West, Edwin G (1986) “Subsidies for the Performing Arts: Evidence on Voter Preference” Journal of Behavioral Economics 15: 57-72 Reprinted in Ruth Towse (ed.) (1997) Cultural Economics: The Arts, the Heritage and the Media Industries, Vol II, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, pp 647-662 Mourato, Susana, Kontoleon, Andreas and, Danchev, Alexi (2002) “Preserving Cultural Heritage in Transition Economies: A Contingent Valuation Study of Bulgarian Monasteries”, in Stale Navrud and Richard C Ready (eds.), Valuing Cultural Heritage: Applying Environmental Valuation Techniques to Historic Buildings, Monuments and Artefacts Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, pp 68-86 Navrud, Stale and Ready, Richard C (2002) Valuing Cultural Heritage: Applying Environmental Valuation Techniques to Historic Buildings, Monuments and Artefacts Edward Elgar, Cheltenham Noonan, Doug (2003) “Contigent Valuation of Cultural Resources: A Meta-Analytic Review of the Literature” Journal of Cultural Economics 27: 159-176 Nijkamp, Peter (1995) “Quantity and Quality: Evaluation Indicators for our Cultural-Architectural Heritage”, in Harry Coccossis and Peter Nijkamp (eds.) Planning for Our Cultural Heritage Avebury, Aldershot 47 Pagiola, Stefano (1996) “Economic Analysis of Investment in Cultural Heritage: Insights from Environmental Economics” World Bank, Washington Mimeo Papandrea, Franco (1999) “Willingness to Pay for Domestic Television Programming” Journal of Cultural Economics 23: 149-166 Peacock, Alan (1969) “Welfare Economics and Public Subsidies to the Arts” The Manchester School of Economic and Social Studies 37: 323-335 Reprinted in Ruth Towse (ed.) (1997) Cultural Economics: The Arts, the Heritage and the Media Industries, Vol II, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, pp 501-513 Pollicino, Marilena and Maddison, David (2001) “Valuing the Benefits of Cleaning Lincoln Cathedral” Journal of Cultural Economics 25: 131-148 Santagata, Walter and Signorello, Giovanni (2000) “Contingent Valuation of a Cultural Public Good and Policy Design: The Case of ‘Napoli Musei Aperti’” Journal of Cultural Economics 24: 181-204 Throsby, David (2000) “Economic and Cultural Value in the Work of Creative Artists” in Erica Avrami, Randall Mason and Marta De La Torre (eds.), Values and Heritage Conservation Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles, pp 26-31 Throsby, David (2001) Economics and Culture Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Throsby, David and Withers, Glenn (1983) “Measuring the Demand for the Arts as a Public Good: Theory and Empirical Results” in W.S Hendon and J.L Shanahan (eds.), Economics of Cultural Decisions Abt Books, Cambridge, Mass Throsby, David and Withers, Glenn (1984) What Price Culture? Australia Council, Sydney Reprinted in Ruth Towse (ed.) (1997) Cultural Economics: The Arts, the Heritage and the Media Industries, Vol II, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, pp 577-610 Throsby, David and Withers, Glenn (1986) “Strategic Bias and Demand for Public Goods: Theory and an Application to the Arts” Journal of Public Economics 31: 307-327 Reprinted in Ruth Towse (ed.) (1997) Cultural Economics: The Arts, the Heritage and the Media Industries, Vol II, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, pp 611-631 Towse, Ruth (ed.) (1997) Cultural Economics: The Arts, the Heritage and the Media Industries, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham Thông tin người dịch NGUYỄN XUÂN LONG – Giới tính: nam; sinh năm: 1972 - Địa chỉ: 160/19 Gị Dưa, KP3, P Tam Bình, Q Thủ Đức, TP HCM 48 - Giảng viên Kinh tế Đại học Văn Hiến - Cao học Kinh tế Chính trị trường Đại học Kinh tế TP HCM (UEH) - Cao học Văn hóa học trường Đại học KHXH-NV TP HCM (USSH) - Email: longtourism72@gmail.com - Cell phone: 0908881979 49 Determining the Value of Cultural Goods: How Much (or How Little) Does Contingent Valuation Tell Us? DAVID THROSBY Department of Economics, Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW 2109, Australia Abstract Contingent valuation methods (CVM) are now well established as a means of measuring the nonmarket demand for cultural goods and services When combined with valuations provided through market processes (where relevant), an overall assessment of the economic value of cultural commodities can be obtained Within a neoclassical framework, such assessments are thought to provide a complete picture of the value of cultural goods But are there aspects of the value of cultural goods which are not fully captured, or not captured at all, within such a model? This paper argues that CVM provides an incomplete view of the nonmarket value of cultural goods, and that alternative measures need to be developed to provide a fuller account Key words: contingent valuation, cultural goods, cultural value, economic value Introduction About twenty years ago – in 1983 to be exact – Glenn Withers and I undertook what we understand to be the first ever application of contingent valuation methods (CVM) to the arts.1 We carried out a random-sample survey of the adult inhabitants of Sydney which sought to measure the community’s willingness to pay (WTP) for the perceived public-good benefits of the arts Around 825 respondents were questioned about the nature and extent of the nonmarket benefits they enjoyed from the existence of the subsidised arts in Australia – literature, visual arts, music, theatre, dance, etc – and they were asked to nominate the dollar amounts they would be willing to pay out of their taxes to support the arts, under conditions of both liability and nonliability for actual payment With appropriate caveats, we concluded from our research that aggregate WTP for the public-good benefits of the arts in Australia at that time exceeded the then-prevailing tax-price of cultural subsidy What did we think we were measuring in this study and what did we actually measure? As far as the arts were concerned, our work was predicated on two principal motivations, one theoretical and one practical The theoretical drive came from a desire to test the longstanding proposition that the arts were a case of market failure This hypothesis, first articulated in the 1960s (Baumol and Bowen, 1966; Peacock, 1969) and elaborated at length in our own book of 1979 (Throsby and 50 Withers, 1979), remains to this day a cornerstone of efficiency-based arguments for public support for the arts, yet at the time of our early 1980s study it had remained empirically unexplored The practical motivation for our work sprang from the political and economic trends affecting Australian cultural policy at the time: a sense that the arts needed to demonstrate their economic importance, and the fact that public expenditure programs were coming under sharper scrutiny in times of increased budgetary stringency We used the rhetorical question “What Price Culture?” as the title for the report on our study that was written for a popular audience (Throsby and Withers, 1984), reflecting our belief that we had indeed been able to place an economic value on the nonmarket output of the arts We argued that art has its price: for those producing it, for those consuming it for their private enjoyment, for those making voluntary donations to support it, and for those required to contribute to it by way of compulsory taxation The prices received or paid by the first three groups could be readily observed; our work, we suggested, rounded out the picture by placing a value on those benefits not captured in market transactions Nevertheless, despite any satisfaction we might have felt at having brought art so decisively into the economic calculus for the purposes of formulating cultural policy, some doubts have lingered True, our work did seem to help make some sense of arts support programs in Australia in the years that followed, and our study was replicated in at least one other country.2 But the view has continued to be expressed by politicians, artists, cultural theorists and others, whenever economists try to estimate the worth of cultural goods, that ultimately the value of art cannot be expressed in monetary terms Are these doubters simply ignorant of the power of economic analysis, are they trying to impose their own preferences on the rest of us, or are they expressing something that we as economists would rather not con- template? These are fundamental questions which I have raised here in reference to one particular study, but which could equally be asked in connection with any of the multitude of CVM applications to culture which have appeared over the last decade or so.3 This paper explores some of these issues What does CVM tell us about the value of cultural goods and services, and what does it leave out? Strengths and Limitations of CVM It is important at the outset to remember that CVM is predicated on a model of an economy comprised of individual decision makers who behave rationally in striving to maximise their own utility in the face of known constraints It is assumed that preference systems between goods are well behaved, that individuals are the best judges of their own welfare, that each individual carries equal weight in the aggregation of preferences, and that the social welfare function contains no argu- ments other than the welfare of the individuals of which society is composed In this model the distinction between private goods, over which property rights can be 51 asserted, and public goods (or external effects) where property rights are illdefined or non-existent, is fundamental, as is the assertion that exchanging rights through market processes is the appropriate way to lead towards a welfare-maximising allocation of resources I rehearse these well-known propositions because they provide the context within which the assignment of value to commodities in the economy is assumed to operate CVM accepts that consumers have welldefined preferences for public goods and that this demand can be measured by the amount of other goods they are prepared to give up in order to acquire a unit of the good in question Quite a lot of progress has been made in refining CVM techniques to overcome the formidable difficulties in its application Biases affecting WTP studies such as free-riding, the embedding problem, starting-point bias, mixed-good bias, etc can now be effec- tively controlled for, or at least their effects on estimated WTP can be understood and acknowledged in particular applications.4 Nevertheless, even if we accept the standard economic model in its entirety, there is one problem with CVM that takes on a specific significance when WTP techniques are applied to cultural goods, namely the problem of information, or more especially its converse, ignorance It is well known that the amount of in- formation provided to respondents in CVM has a critical effect on their WTP judgements,5 with the general assumption being that better-informed judgements are more useful that illinformed ones In a CVM study of an “ordinary” public good such as street lighting or national defence or even environmental amenity, it is presumably possible, at least in principle, to provide enough information for an informed response to be generated But it has long been asserted that a distinguish- ing feature of cultural goods is that acquiring a taste for them takes time, i.e they are classed as experiential or addictive goods, where demand is cumulative, and hence dynamically unstable.6 If these demand conditions indeed obtain, it can be suggested that CVM will not be able to provide fully-informed WTP estimates for cultural goods.7 Two observations arise from this First, it may be that, as in many CVM applications, we should distinguish between well-informed and fullyinformed preferences, where the former might be regarded as sufficient for policy-making purposes In other words, all consumers may not need to become art connoisseurs or experts in order to express valid WTP judgements for cultural goods Perhaps in particular cases there can be a level of information provided that is not “complete” but enough to reduce the cumulative-taste problem which arises with cultural goods to manageable proportions Second, if that line of argument is not accepted – that is, if appreciation of art and culture is so arcane and refined a taste that there is no possibility of its being acquired instantaneously – a persuasive argument might be made for appeal to expert appraisal For example, it might be considered reasonable to accept the opinions of art historians as to how much a public art gallery should pay to acquire some historic painting (where the assessment might be construed as their estimate of the aggregate WTP judgements of members of the public, were 52 they to be fully informed) Such cases, where the preferences of experts were being allowed to override those of the general community, might be seen not so much as instances of preference imposition (as with merit goods) but rather as correction of information failure.8 But suppose that none of the above problems arises, such that CVM could be regarded as providing a fully accurate measure of individual WTP for the nonmar- ket component of cultural goods Does it provide us with a complete picture of the public-good value for such goods? One way in which it could be wrong would be if value were somehow absolute or intrinsic to goods, such that their worth existed independently of any evaluation by consumers This is a view with a long provenance in the history of art.9 If it were true, individual WTP judgements, and indeed market prices, would be irrelevant in the determination of the real value of a cultural good, and indeed these judgements and these prices could give a quite misleading picture of the good’s value Nevertheless, despite the lengthy debate about absolute value not only in art history but also in economics, it is appropriate for present purposes to leave intrinsic value aside, and to regard value as something which is socially constructed, i.e., formed only by the instinctive and/or deliberate thoughts and actions of human beings.10 Let us return to the model of a world comprised of individuals whose assess- ments of value are what matters The question now is: accepting this model, does individual WTP provide a complete view of the nonmarket value of a cultural good? The answer will be in the negative if there exist categories of value which an individual may recognise but cannot express in terms of WTP Let us consider some possibilities First, I may acknowledge that a good has value to me, but I cannot trade this benefit for other goods – in other words I cannot meaningfully represent the benefit I gain from this good in monetary terms For example, I may experience some pleasure at my sense of identity as a human being (sharing a common humanity with my fellow citizens), but neither I nor they are likely to be able to express the value of this identity in monetary terms, since it is not exchangeable for other goods Second, I may recognise the value of a good where that value is external to myself, i.e., the value accrues to others Two possibilities might arise here: (a) On the one hand the value may accrue to others as individuals In such a situ- ation, if I express a positive WTP for their consumption, it is the well-known case of interdependent utility functions reflecting consumption externalities (and leading to “non-participant” or “disinterested” demand); this situation is consistent with overall utility maximisation if the interdependence is Pareto- relevant and is compensated for.11 If I am not willing to pay for the benefit enjoyed by others, at least they can express WTP on their own behalf, such that the value would eventually be taken into account in any assessment of demand for the good 53 (b) On the other hand, the value that I recognise may not accrue to others as indi- viduals, but rather to others as a group, e.g., to “society” or to “humankind” This is an important case When I say, for example, that Bach’s music has value, I refer not just to my own consumption benefits but to the sense of what Bach’s music has contributed, and will continue to contribute, to human under- standing and enlightenment This is a reflection not so much of the universality of the benefit (although this is undoubtedly relevant in the example I have used – how could one aggregate the benefits over so vast a time and space?) but rather of the nature of the value being expressed, and as such relevant to all types and sizes of cultural goods, from Bach’s music to the humblest art- work This category of value, perceived by individuals in what could be called “disembodied” terms, could be argued to be peculiar to cultural goods Why? Because it derives from the nature of culture and the nature of art Culture can be defined as the set of beliefs, traditions, customs, etc which identify a group and bind its members together; art is a particular manifestation of these shared experiences which expresses something about the human condition interpreted by artists So the value of cultural goods that I am discussing here is a value identifiable in relation to the group rather than to the isolated characteristics of individuals It is apparent that the perception of this sort of value is not going to be captured by an expression of individual WTP We can illustrate this latter type of value by reference to some randomly chosen examples of cultural goods Consider the value to indigenous Australians of the rock paintings of Kakadu, which contain material sacred to Aboriginal culture Consider the value of T.S Eliot’s The Waste Land in illuminating our understand- ing of industrial capitalism Consider the value of the French language as symbolic of the cultural inheritance of France These elements of the value of these goods can be clearly recognised and appreciated by individuals (whether or not they have travelled to Northern Australia, read Eliot, or speak French) But these aspects of the value of these cultural goods cannot, even in principle, be sensibly aggregated from the WTP judgements of individuals, and indeed they cannot be plausibly represented in monetary terms, no matter how they might be assessed On Economic and Cultural Value Recently, the terms “economic value” and “cultural value” have been used in an effort to capture the distinction between the sorts of value for a cultural good that are measured within the standard economic model and those which reflect the worth of the good when assessed in cultural terms.12 Thus economic value – which is not synonymous with financial or commercial value, although it is ultimately expressible in terms of either a numeraire good or (preferably) money – comprises any direct use values of the cultural good or service in question, plus whatever non- market values it may give rise to (which may perhaps be amenable to evaluation by CVM) Cultural value on the other hand is multi-dimensional, unstable, contested, 54 lacks a common unit of account, and may contain elements that cannot be easily expressed according to any quantitative or qualitative scale The characteristics of cultural goods which give rise to their cultural value might include their aesthetic properties, their spiritual significance, their role as purveyors of symbolic meaning, their historic importance, their significance in influencing artistic trends, their authenticity, their integrity, their uniqueness, and so on These are also the characteristics of such goods that we might identify as economists if we were to adopt a Lancastrian approach to depicting their demand In other words the preferences of individuals for a cultural good are likely to be formed by many of the same attributes of the good as contribute to its cultural value, suggesting that the economic value of the good as defined above is likely to be closely related to its cultural value in many cases But if, as we have argued, CVM and other weapons in the economist’s tool kit should fail to capture some sources or types of value in evaluating cultural goods, the relationship will not be perfect Although there are aspects of cultural value that cannot be expressed in mone- tary terms, this does not imply that the implicit cultural value assigned to a cultural good in an economic study is zero Rather it is to say that we are talking about different metrics, and although there is likely to be a broad correlation between them across a range of cultural goods, it is quite possible in specific cases for low economic value to be associated with high cultural value and vice versa Nev- ertheless, as the examples mentioned earlier make clear, even a state-of-the-art CVM study will tend systematically to undervalue a cultural good to the extent that there exist significant positive elements in the good’s value that are incapable of expression as individual WTP A disjunction between an economic approach to the value of art and a broader social or cultural approach has been recognised in recent writings in the cultural arena Joseph and Lisbet Koerner, for example, suggest that current critical theories of the art object as a source of value are united in their attempt to account for the irrationality of art value in opposition to the abstracting rationalism of the assess- ment of art within neoclassical economics (Koerner and Koerner, 1996, p 300) Michael Benedikt distinguishes between aesthetic, moral and economic values, and argues that they have to be made commensurable, “if only because real life asks us so often to compare and choose amongst them in the name of some ‘larger’ value” (Benedikt, 1997, p 54) Contributors to Avrami et al (2000) speculate about economic and cultural values as contrasting imperatives in the assessment of cultural heritage projects These and many other writings suggest that the standard neoclassical model, despite its considerable theoretical and empirical power, will be unable on its own to provide a fully satisfying account of the value of cultural goods In concluding this section, it is useful to ask how cultural value might be determined This is a critical question for a number of disciplines interested in art, culture and society.13 If we were to adopt the mind-set of the neoclassical economist, we might suggest that the cultural worth of an artistic good could 55 be interpreted as being formed by a negotiated process akin to a simple market exchange When a cultural good such as a painting or a novel is made available to the public, consumers absorb, interpret and evaluate the ideas contained in the work, discussing and exchanging their assessments with others In the end, if a consensus is reached, the assessed artistic value of the work could be interpreted as something like a cultural price – an exchange value reached by negotiation amongst parties to a market transaction, where the “market” is that for the cultural content of the work In a recent paper (Throsby, 2000), I have argued that creative artists in fact supply a dual market – a physical market for the good, which determines its economic price, and a market for ideas, which determines the good’s cultural price In the goods market, there is a single price at any one time, because of the private- good nature of the physical work; in the ideas market, there are always multiple valuations, as befits the pure public-good properties of artistic ideas Prices in both markets are not independent of each other, and are subject to change over time as reassessments of the work’s economic and cultural worth occur.14 Of course such a theory provides little joy for the empirical analyst, and some- thing more practical will be required if the notion of cultural value is to be made operational so that it can be incorporated into actual decisionmaking in more than just intuitive terms One possibility is to deconstruct the idea of cultural value into some components and to seek simple scales to represent judgements based on defined criteria (see, for instance, Nijkamp, 1995) Conclusion In this paper I have used the terms “WTP study” and “CVM study” interchange- ably Of course at a practical level expressions of WTP for nonmarket goods are made all the time without their being couched in the complex apparatus of CVM So, for example, citizens may be asked in political referenda how much they would hypothetically be prepared to pay for this or that budgetary measure, and in re- sponding they may well account for a range of intangible effects in expressing their trade-offs My purpose has not been to suggest that such measures are a waste of time, or that well-conducted CVM studies of cultural goods tell us nothing about consumer preferences Rather it has been to argue that if we go beyond the day-to-day world of practical politics or empirical number-crunching, there are fundamental issues at stake concerning the true value of cultural goods and how that value should be constructed Even so, there is a legitimate question to ask at the end of all this, namely: So what? Suppose there are other sources of value that are not captured by CVM or any other methods in the economist’s assessment of the value of cultural goods Do they matter for economic decision making? Since both public and private decisions in the cultural sphere ultimately come down to questions of resource allocation, where the resources have opportunity costs, isn’t a realistic assessment of the economic value of cultural goods all that counts? 56 This question could be addressed by putting it in a more concrete form Suppose a cultural policy-maker has a choice between two projects involving the renovation of two different heritage sites, each project having a capital cost of $10 million Only one of the projects can be undertaken because the budget constraint is exactly this amount and neither project is divisible The benefit-cost ratio of project A, counting in all market and nonmarket effects correctly measured, is 1.1, that of project B is 0.9 By some means an independent assessment of the cultural value of the projects is obtained, which shows unambiguously that the cultural value of project A is low and that of project B is high Accepting the validity of these measurements, which project is the policy-maker to choose? An economic criterion would suggest project A, a cultural one would indicate B The tradeoff between the two sources of value can be framed either as indicating the economic price that would have to be paid to achieve a culturally desired outcome, or conversely the cultural price that would have to be paid to achieve an economically desired outcome, in choosing either project over the other The point of this illustration is not just to make the fairly trivial point that trade- offs are inevitable in this life, but rather to advance the more significant argument that cultural value, for all its ephemeral, shifting, incoherent and even irrational properties, is likely to influence peoples’ decision-making in regard to cultural goods and might therefore affect desirable patterns of resource allocation in this area in ways that cannot be fully captured by standard economic analysis If this is so, there is a challenging task ahead, namely to work out whether methods such as CVM and other approaches can be extended to account for these wider dimensions in their application to art and culture, or whether entirely new techniques of measurement, perhaps adapted from other fields, need to be developed Acknowledgements This paper is a revised version of one originally presented at a Conference on The Contingent Valuation of Culture, held at the Cultural Policy Center, University of Chicago, 1–2 February, 2002 With the usual caveat, I am grateful to participants at that workshop, and to Paul Di Maggio, for illuminating discussions about the subject matter of this paper I also wish to acknowledge with thanks the constructive comments of two anonymous referees Notes See Throsby and Withers (1983, 1986) We may not be able to claim, however, that our study was the first ever application of CVM to cultural goods; during the 1970s there had been several studies involving items such as television programs, though these goods were probably used in these studies more on account of their public-good properties than their cultural characteristics Namely in Canada, by Morrison and West (1986); it is a matter of continuing surprise, given the durability of the public-good case for arts support, that no further national-level CVM studies of nonmarket demand for the arts appear to have been undertaken since then 57 These applications have included studies of the demand for the public-good benefits of cultural institutions such as theatres (Bille Hansen, 1997) and museums (Martin, 1994; Santagata and Signorello, 2000), and of projects to restore or preserve cultural heritage buildings and sites (e.g Mourato et al., 2002; Cuccia and Signorello, 2000; Pollicino and Maddison, 2001) They also extend to assessments of WTP for pure public goods in the cultural domain such as free-to-air television programs (Papandrea, 1999) For some overviews see, for example, Pagiola (1996), Bille Hansen et al (1998), Navrud and Ready (2002) and Noonan (2003) See standard reference works on CVM such as Mitchell and Carson (1989), Hausman (1993), etc.; for some recent critical reassessments, see contributions to Bateman and Willis (1999) For a recent empirical illustration, see Kling et al., (2000) See, for example, McCain (1981) It should be noted that the experiential characteristic of cultural goods affects the valuation of such goods across the board, including their pricing in private as well as contingent markets An acknowledgement by an individual that others know better on particular issues and can therefore be trusted to make decisions on those issues on the individual’s behalf has been termed the “voluntary surrendering of authority” and is consistent with individual utility maximisation There has been much discussion of this and related matters in the literature on merit goods; see, for example, Head (1990) See, for example, Etlin (1996) 10 The effect of social processes on the formation of value has been of particular interest in institutional economics; see, for example, Mirowski (1990), Clark (1995) 11 The phenomenon of altruism is relevant here, i.e the willingness to make sacrifices on behalf of others without any apparent gain to oneself It is not clear whether altruistic behaviour is truly disinterested, or whether it generates utility for the individual through the thought that she is behaving well or doing good See further in Hammond (1987), Gérard-Varet et al (2000) 12 See, for example, Throsby (2001, Chs 2, 3, 5), De La Torre (2002), Klamer (2002) 13 For an extensive account of cultural value in critical theory, see Connor (1992) 14 The model of cultural valuation suggested here could provide a basis for responding to Di Maggio’s (2003, p 74) challenge that the articulation of cultural value in the terms I have been suggesting “would require a well-developed (normative and positive) model of cultural deliberation within cultural democracy.” References Avrami, Erica, Mason, Randall, and De La Torre, Marta (eds.) (2000) Values and Heritage Conservation Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles Bateman, Ian J and Willis, Kenneth G (eds.) 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