The Culture of Surveillance

At least since Michel Foucaults Surveiller et Punir: Naissance de la prison, the way in which surveillance functions as a mechanism of social regulation and discipline has been central to the study of cultural representations. 1) Foucaults resurrection of Benthams panopticon was in large part also a reelaboration of Max Webers “iron cage” thesis about bureaucratic, capitalist society, this time for an increasingly mediasaturated age. 2) To be sure, the power of surveillance was presented by Foucault as both coercive and productive where social relations were concerned―he famously claimed to refuse any normative approach to the topic―but it would be fair to say that it was surveillance as morally and even epistemologically regulative authority that became the dominant issue for the majority of Foucaults readers, who applied it equally to the unseen enforcement of good social order in the 19 century novel (see, for example, D. A. Millers The Novel and the Police) and the unacknowledged workings of political and economic control in the modern metropolis (as in Mike Daviss City of Quartz).

새한영어영문학 제44권 1호 (2002) 279～298 The Culture of Surveillance* Vincent P Pecora At least since Michel Foucault's Surveiller et Punir: Naissance de la prison, the way in which surveillance functions as a mechanism of social regulation and discipline has been central to the study of cultural representations.1) Foucault's resurrection of Bentham's panopticon was in large part also a re-elaboration of Max Weber's “iron cage” thesis about bureaucratic, capitalist society, this time for an increasingly media-saturated age.2) To be sure, the power of surveillance was presented by Foucault as both coercive concerned―he and productive famously where claimed to social refuse relations any were normative approach to the topic―but it would be fair to say that it was surveillance as morally and even epistemologically regulative authority that became the dominant issue for the majority of Foucault's readers, who applied it equally to the unseen enforcement of good social order in the 19　　-century novel (see, for example, D A Miller's The Novel and the Police) and the unacknowledged workings of political and economic control in the modern metropolis (as in Mike Davis's City of Quartz).3) In *This paper was presented at the biennial conference of the New Korean Association of English Language and Literature, held on October 27, 2001 1) Michel Foucault, Surveiller et Punir: Naissance de la prison (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1975) 2) Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans Talcott Parsons (New York：Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958), 181 3) D A Miller, The Nover and the Police (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988); Vincent P Pecora these and countless other examples, surveillance emerged as an instrument by which authoritative social institutions shaped reality, either for the benefit of such institutions and the classes they served or for some more general tyrannous purpose Foucault's thesis resonated in profound ways with a Western intelligentsia that had been reminded constantly of the evils of surveillance in communist Eastern Europe, especially through novels like George Orwell's 1984； that watched both the Zapruder home movie of John Kennedy's assassination and the live broadcast of Lee Harvey Oswald's subsequent murder; that had been educated in the ways of the media by films like Medium Cool and Blow Up； and that had witnessed full-scale televised war in Vietnam from their living rooms At the same time, with commentators like Guy Debord, Jean Baudrillard, and Jean- Francois Lyotard, the truth of contemporary (or post-modern) culture began to take shape in the idea that reality itself was already a theatrical spectacle or hyper-real simulation― a thesis that would have seemed utterly inane were it not for the power of film and television technologies to make fictional worlds appear indistinguishable from real ones.4) In one of his famous dicta, Baudrillard insisted that Disneyland functioned not as a fantasy escape from the harsh reality of Los Angeles, but rather as a ruse to make us think that Los Angeles and the rest of an equally fantastic Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the future in Los Angeles (London: Verso, 1990) 4) Guy Debord, La societe du spectacle (Paris: Editions Buchet-Chastel, 1967); Jean Baudrillard, Pour une critique de l'economie politique du signe (Paris: Gallimard, 1972) and Le mirror de la production (Paris: Gallimard, 1973); and Jean-Francois Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: a Report on Knowledge, trans Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984) The Culture of Surveillance America were in fact real.5) Such a wonderfully Parisian bon mot depended on the perception that Los Angeles is reducible to Hollywood, and that Hollywood itself is further reducible to studio lots (even if not all in Hollywood) filled with false building facades arranged in imitation neighborhoods The trompe-l'œil of the studio lot was indeed the material basis of Walt Disney's quite profitable good idea, one that has been further elaborated by projects like Universal City Walk― for many visitors, a virtual urban scene preferable to the real thing just outside Baudrillard saw correctly that the preference for Disney's simulated village square was related to similar simulations across America (and the rest of the world), from theme parks to nostalgic urban renewal projects― but he continued to link this “hyperreality”to the “carceral” nature of modern society, thus repeating Foucault's basic premise Even so, neither Foucault nor Baudrillard explicitly clarified the link between surveillance and simulated reality, and it is in part the implicit connection between them that I will be talking about in what follows While some contemporary popular entertainment would seem to be following in Foucault's footsteps― the recent film The Truman Show is, precisely, about the tyranny of surveillance as a manipulative, god-like control of individual and society alike, all set in what could be called a carceral “small town” version 5) Jean Baudrillard, Simulations, trans Paul Foss, Paul Patton and Philip Beitehman (New York: Semiotext(e), 1983): “Disneyland is there to conceal the fact that it is the ‘real’ country, all of ‘real’ America, which is Disneyland (just as prisons are there to conceal the fact that it is the social in its entirety, in its banal omnipresence, which is carceral) Disneyland is presented as imaginary in order to make us believe that the rest is real, when in fact all of Los Angeles and the America surrounding it are no longer real, but of the order of the hyperreal and of simulation” (25; Baudrillard's italics) Vincent P Pecora of Universal City Walk― recent trends like “reality TV” have made it obvious that a very different, far more embracing, attitude toward surveillance has been evolving at the same time, especially in fin-de-siecle society Some of the shift in attitude about surveillance is due simply to a shift in the primary object and purpose of surveillance Most Americans, for example, saw a surveillance-obsessed East Germany where every sixth person was a political informant for the secret police, or Stasi, as a frightening threat to liberty and privacy, one worth the risk of a nuclear arms race But Americans today react very differently when the television program America's Most Wanted, increasingly celebrated as a tool of law enforcement, mobilizes its viewing public as bounty hunter's apprentices (A “real-life” police program like Cops is a related phenomenon: though not interactive, Cops in its own way also functions as a law-enforcement tool, making viewers virtually complicit with the police actions filmed.) In the same vein, high school students after the Columbine shootings (and others similar to it ) now seem far more willing than formerly to agree that “snitching” to authorities about the privately voiced violent fantasies of their friends is the right thing to Perhaps most striking of all, in becoming a common household appliance, the small video-camera transformed surveillance into a practice in which average citizens could control, rather than be controlled by, a recording gaze A bystander's videotaping of the police beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles transformed the nature of surveillance, turning back the eye of authority upon itself Some police forces have responded to the proliferation of video-cameras by policing their officers with The Culture of Surveillance self-surveillance video recordings that might also provide evidence against subsequent charges of police brutality In what could be taken as a kind of practical, if perhaps terribly ironic, refutation of Foucault's work on the modern prison as disciplinary panopticon, San Francisco's newest prison facility has won rave reviews from its inmates (to the extent that such a thins is measurable), precisely because the prison's explicitly panoptical architecture undermines the culture of rape that has plagued other facilities of years In this prison, as in America's Most Wanted, the suburban high school, the airport, the stadium, the government building, the queue of the ATM machine, the local convenience store, and especially in cases like that of Rodney King, video surveillance is now often embraced as an undeniable good One might also mention the more passively accepted (if often unwanted) sort of electronic surveillance that goes on unnoticed as we browse the internet, or purchase products on-line: the “cookies” that merchandisers attach to our electronic identities track our consumer preferences in ways that are almost as revealing as a hidden camera in our homes Undoubtedly, the destruction of the World Trade Towers in New York on September 11, 2001 by terrorists in hijacked airliners will make surveillance, at least for the purposes of law enforcement, all the more acceptable At Universal City, a voice on the public address system now repeatedly declares, “You are being watched,” and visitors report that they are comforted by the message Still, I want to suggest that the new trend toward “reality TV,” by which I mean largely un-scripted, though heavily edited, programs peopled by programs like Big Brother, Survivor, Boot Camp, and many other, seems to be tapping into Vincent P Pecora something quite apart from America's continuing fear of crime, terrorism, and senseless adolescent mayhem, and distinct from the ever deeper penetration of market research into our lives Reality TV― a development that began almost a decade ago with MTV's Real World (1992) and has evolved considerably since then in Europe and the United States― elaborates surveillance as a sublime object of desire, and it is the nature of that desire that we should try to understand When we add to this the growth of self-surveillance in cyberspace― the 24-hour video feed of one's routine activities on a computer web-site that Big Brother incorporated into its format― the possibility arises that, for a growing number of people in contemporary Western society, surveillance has become less a regulative mechanism of authority (either feared as tyrannous or welcomed as protection) than a populist path to self-affirmation and a ready-made source of insight into the current norms of group behavior (even, as I hope to show, for the academic social psychologists among us) Last year, Apple introduced a computer that would allow you to edit and provide musical accompaniment to digital home movies The Truman Show, that is, only got it half right: we are now the subjects of media-shaped, even virtual, realities, but we are also being encouraged to become the producers― and the ethnographers― of these virtual lives, to edit them on our iMACs even as we live them Already, whole families document the trivialities of their existence on web-pages designed to celebrate intimacy as a public performance I am almost daily bombarded with news The Culture of Surveillance (and worse: vacation pictures !) from cousins a continent away, and I feel technologically slow because I not (yet) display my personal life on a constantly up-dated web-site While these forms of surveillance are surely less oppressive than the one that Orwell foretold, they embody to an astonishing degree the idea that modern culture has become dominated by the practice of testing reality Advanced capitalist society at the dawn of the new millennium is less about truth versus fiction, or authenticity versus simulation It is instead about a quest for real life that requires surveillance for its― for our― verification ＊＊＊ The relatively recent flourishing of reality television is in many ways the culmination of developments in modern culture since 1945 (to which I will return at the end of this paper), some dependent on new media technology and some quite independent of it, in which fiction and truth are blurred in new, but also not so new, ways There are obviously much older precedents: from the 17 　 　 century on, the bird's-eye (or God's-eye) view elaborated by the European novel's omniscient narrator turned a given segment of society into a believable reproduction through the fiction of anonymous surveillance Nineteenth-century romancers like Nathaniel Hawthorne reveled in the role of unseen social observer, naturalists like Emile Zola explicitly referred to their practice as a kind of sociological experiment in observation and recording, and Henry James finally codified the entire relationship of the novel to surveillance by embodying the recording consciousness of his narrative perspective in a nosy, Vincent P Pecora spying, character (consider Fanny Assingham in The Golden Bowl) Benedict Anderson's notion that the nation-state could only have arisen in the context of a “print-capitalism” that provided the medium for a collective sense of simultaneity among distant strangers must be mentioned as well For what Anderson implies in the coming of mass-consumed print is the point of view of virtual, quasi-divine surveillance that any citizen could assume when imagining the “simultaneity” of the national community.6) That point of view is for me the perspective of “the social” itself, the nascent idea of “society” that would be elevated by early 20 　 　 -century sociologists into an all-encompassing super-subject watching over all “The collective consciousness,” wrote Emile Durkheim in 1912, “is the highest form of the psychic life, since it is the consciousness of the consciousnesses Being placed contingencies, outside it sees of and things above only in individual their and permanent local and essential aspects, which it crystallizes into communicable ideas As the same time that it sees from above, it sees farther; at every moment of time, it embraces all known reality; that is why it alone cam furnish the mind with the moulds which are applicable to the totality of things and which make it possible to think of them.”7) Durkheim's hypostatization of the social, remarkable in its own time, is a prescient forecast of a social mind far more materially embedded in today's proliferation of collectively approved and encourage surveillance and surveil6) See Benedict anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edition (London: Verso, 1983; revised 1991), 24-26 7) Emile Durkheim, Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trans Joseph Ward Swain (New York: Free Press, 1915), 492 The Culture of Surveillance lance-oriented television Early photography suggested at the more totalizing surveillance to come: it was said that Atget photographed the streets of Paris, Walter Benjamin remarked, as if they were the scene of a crime.8) The moving picture of cinema made it possible to reproduce human action, which for Aristotle had been the primary object of all poetic mimesis, with a previously unknown verisimilitude that even captured war in newsreel footage And the hand-held camera eventually allowed cinema and television to achieve, or fabricate, a sometimes starling immediacy and intimacy It is this new combination of surveillance and putative immediacy that marks the present moment in cultural representation, as we in Los Angeles routinely watch televised automobile police pursuits on our nightly newscasts, unfolding in real time and perhaps right outside our doors, led by individuals who know they are being observed constantly from hovering news helicopters but who choose to play out to its inevitable end a scenario that appears to have been scripted for them in advance These automobile chases are primarily the effect of two decisions: first, the LAPD abandoned reckless pursuits that produced unacceptable amounts of “collateral damage” whenever police attempted to run down and apprehend the fleeing suspect as quickly as possible; and second, O J Simpson embarked in the wake of his ex-wife's murder on what we might call a simulated “run for the border,” which became the most widely observed police pursuit of the ear This television genre―for that 8) Walter Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” Illuminations, trans harry Zohn (New York: Schocken, 1969), 226 Vincent P Pecora is what is has become, a genre― has since taken on a life of its own, complete with bizarre “color commentary” provided by local newscasters who during the chase say things like, “Ok, now that's something new,” or “Well, we've never seen that before.” There are web-sites devoted to the genre Here is what can be read at the home page of one such site: “How you find out when a chase is being broadcast live on TV? And how many have you missed because you didn't know about it? Some people rely on their friends to tell them about a chase, but with PursuitAlert　 　 service, you'll be alerted by pager, phone, or cell-phone of every live high speed chase broadcast in your region When you get the page, you'll know a chase can be seen on you TV as it happens Sing up now for a FREE, no-obligation month trial Nothing to cancel！”9) These car chases are at heart reproductions of one of the oldest Hollywood film genres: the Keystone Cops helped lay the foundation for American cinema itself, and a long history of LAPD chiefs have unwittingly found themselves haunted by the bumbling Keystone legacy If we could ever fully understand the meaning of the live, televised, car chase, I am suggesting, we might also understand the complicated relationship between truth and fiction in contemporary culture ＊＊＊ The underlying strategy at work in shows like Survivor and Big Brother (a title now conjuring up ironically for the post cold-war views what had been depicted with such horror in 9) See the website at http://www.pursuitwatch.com Relative that as a wh-operator words acts to modify the subject NP the man, which is a very different operation Given the choice,' it would be preferable to capture the close similarity between the examples in (1), rather than the lesser similarity between the examples in (2-3) Thus, the wh-that analysis is preferable on these grounds With respect to this core data, the wh-that analysis is more straightforward The c-that analysis is more complicated with respect to relative clauses (since the CP heading a relative clause may have an overt specifier or an overt head, but not both and not neither), but has the ability to capture the apparent similarities seen in the examples in (2) and (3) In the next section, however, I demonstrate that considering more data makes it apparent that the patterns expressed in (2) and (3) are not robust, and that the c-that analysis is therefore both more complex and not more insightful than the wh-that analysis Ⅲ Reconsidering the arguments for c-that This section discusses the main arguments that have been made in favor of c-that Section 3.1 shows that a number of these arguments are fatally flawed Section 3.2 discusses an argument for c-that that is truly sound and requires explanation, an issue I return to in section IV 3.1 Flawed arguments for c-that Arguments for the c-that analysis point out that if relative that is a complementizer, then we should expect its distribution to be different from that of wh-operators such as who and which These analyses proceed to demonstrate, and indeed crucially rely on, the fact that that does indeed have a different distribution Kim, Jae-yoon from who and which However, implicit in this argument is the prediction that the different wh-operators should have the same (or very similar) distribution; if it turned out that different wh-operators had significantly different distributions, then the fact that that also had a significantly different distribution would no longer imply that it was not a wh-operator Indeed, this is what we see if we consider a range of data beyond that considered by c-that analyses Even words that are uncontroversially wh-operators have distributions which are quite different from each other; if relative that is a wh-operator, then it is not surprising that it also has a distinct distribution Section 3.1.1 discusses pied-piping; section 3.1.2 discusses possessive relative clauses; section 3.1.3 discusses interrogative and relative clauses, and section 3.1.4 discusses infinitival relatives 3.1.1 Pied-piping in relative clauses The most common argument for the c-that analysis involves pied-piping: (4) a The box [on which I put my hat t] was made of wood b *The man [to that I spoke t yesterday] was ill That may not appear as the object of a preposition If this is because that is not an NP, then that cannot be a wh-operator (since under the wh-that analysis, who, which, and that are all NPs) But consider further examples: (5) a *The man [to who I spoke t yesterday] was ill b The man [to whom I spoke t yesterday] was ill Relative that as a wh-operator (5a) shows that neither can who appear as the object of a preposition, even though it is clearly an NP Rather, in registers of English that make use of pied-piping, the object of a preposition must have oblique Case: whom has oblique Case, but who does not With this in mind, the ungrammaticality of (4b) is explained by the fact that that simply does not have oblique Case 3.1.2 Possessive relative clauses That may not appear in the possessive form of a relative clause in standard English: (6) a The man [whose cat I saw t yesterday] was ill b *The man [that's cat I saw t yesterday] was ill.3 However, nor can which; (7) a The box [whose lid t was opened] was empty b *The box [which's lid t was opened) was empty Just as the distribution of that and who are similar with respect to pied-piping, the distribution of that and which are similar with respect to possessive relatives Who has a possessive form whose (which, incidentally, is [±animate], like relative that), but which and that not These distribution facts clearly contradict the predictions made by the c-that analysis discussed above 3.1.3 Embedded interrogative clauses Who may appear in embedded interrogative clauses as well as relative clauses, but that may not: Kim, Jae-yoon (8) a I wonder [who I saw t yesterday] b *1 wonder [that I saw t yesterday] However, NP which (not to be confused with determiner which) may appear in relative clauses but not in embedded interrogative clauses, while what may only appear in interrogatives: (9) a The box [which I saw t yesterday] fell b *I wonder [which I saw t yesterday] c I wonder [what I saw t yesterday] d *The man/box [what I saw t yesterday] fell There must be two lexical entries for which; one as a determiner for use in interrogative clauses, and one as an NP for use with relative clauses Furthermore, we must be able to prevent determiner which, as well as what, from appearing in relative clauses There must, therefore, be some feature, such as [±rel] (Rizzi (1990) suggests [±pred]), where what and determiner which are [-rel] and NP which and that are [+rel] Since who can appear in both types of clauses, we can assume that it is unspecified for [±rel] This fact is detrimental to the c-that analysis, since one of its advantages is to minimize lexical specification, explaining relative clauses through the properties they share with interrogative and complement clauses The examples in (9) demonstrate that even under the c-that analysis, relative operators must be specified as such, resulting in no "savings" in lexical specification over the wh-that analysis (which must posit that as a [+rel] wh-operator in order to avoid it being used in interrogative clauses) Relative that as a wh-operator 3.1.4 That and infinitival relative clauses Radford (1988) claims that relative wh-operators may be used in infinitival relative clauses, based on the following example: (10) I know a man [with whom to play chess t] Since that may not appear in infinitival relative clauses (see section 2.2), Radford argues that this is an example of a distributional difference between that and the uncontroversial wh-operators However, section 2.1.1 explains why that does not occur in pied-piping constructions; furthermore, in infinitival examples that not involve pied-piping, no wh-operator may occur: (11) a *1 know a man [who(m) to play chess with t] b *1 have a board [which to play chess with t] The examples in (11) make it clear that it is the pied-piping (perhaps with governing whom in (10)) that licenses the PP with whom as a [-finite] wh-operator, rather than any property of whom itself In fact, the distribution in (11) extends to other relative wh-operators: (12) a b c d e *The man [who you to see t] is my brother *The time [when you to go t] is in the afternoon *The place [where you to be t] is Paris on New Year's Eve The man [who you should see t] is my brother The time [when you should go t] is in the afternoon f The place [where you should be t] is Paris on New Year's Eve Kim, Jae-yoon The observation that wh-operators are not licensed in infinite relative clauses is quite robust Thus, the fact that relative that also may not appear in infinite relative clauses actually supports, rather than argues against, the wh-that analysis While the irregular distributions of that and the uncontroversial relative wh-operators argue strongly against c-that, they not in themselves explicitly argue for wh-that What the examples in this section primarily demonstrate is that distributional properties often must be lexically specified (via Case properties, for example), and cannot be captured simply through general classes such as "wh-operators" and "complementizers" In particular, the need for a feature [±rel] demonstrates that relative clauses are not merely a hybrid of interrogative clauses and complement properties, but have unique properties of their own Thus, the idea of a relative interrogative wh-operator wh-operator that, that, where there is no and where there is a complementizer that, cannot be ruled out purely on principled or aesthetic grounds 3.2 A true argument for c-that There is another generalization that the c-that analysis offers, as the following examples show (again referring to non-NP relativization): (13) a The man [for/*that you to see t] is my brother b The time [for/*that you to go t] is in the afternoon c The place [forl*that you to be t] is Paris on New Year's eve d The man [that/*for you should see t] is my brother e The time [that/*for you should go t] is in the afternoon f The place [that/*for you should be t] is Paris on New Year's Relative that as a wh-operator eve These infinitival relative clauses must be introduced by for, and the corresponding finite relative clauses must be introduced by that Thus, with respect to finiteness, the distribution of that and for in relative clauses is the same as in complement clauses The c-that analysis predicts this distribution, while the wh-that analysis has to maintain that there are simply two thats and two fors, with one a wh-operator and the other a complementizer Thus, these examples, unlike the data considered in section 3.1, actually argue for the c-that analysis (in fact, they are the only true evidence in favor of c-that that I am aware of) In section IV, I propose that the similarities between relative wh-operator and complementizers that and for can be explained diachronically, by looking at their status in an earlier stage of English Ⅳ That-trace effects in relative clauses In English extraction out of embedded clauses exhibits what are known as that-trace effects: (14) a Who did you say [that John saw t]? b Who did you say [John saw t]? c Who did you say [t saw John]? d *Who did you say [that t saw John]? Generally, in a CP, if the C contains that, then Spec-IP may not contain a trace This is analyzed as an ECP violation: traces must be lexically governed, and in (14d) that blocks government Kim, Jae-yoon by the matrix verb of the trace in Spec-IP If we assume the c-that analysis, then a significant problem is that that-trace combinations are not ruled out in subject relative clauses, but rather are required, as the ungrammaticality of (15b) shows: (15) a The man [ øi e that ti saw me] was ill b *The man [ øi e ti saw me] was ill Rizzi (1990) suggests that in (15a), that is licensed as a lexical governor of the trace because it is the "subject of predication" of the "predicative" relative clause, and that thus it must agree with the "head of predication", in this case saw This proposal is suspiciously complex That it requires complementizers to be allowed to agree is highly ironic, since the fact that that does not show overt agreement has been used by Gregg(1972) and others as an argument for the c-that analysis As for (15a), it is unclear how such a construction could be ruled out in a principled way Under the wh-that analysis, the problem disappears immediately, since in (15a) that is the operator binding the trace, not a complementizer, and therefore it is fully licensed The ungrammaticality of (15b) is explained if an accusative null relative wh-operator appears in the lexicon, but not a nominative one Ⅴ Completing the wh-that analysis Given that the wh-that analysis is superior to the c-that analysis, how does it account for the range of data encountered Relative that as a wh-operator in this paper? Section 5.1 proposes that those similarities which truly exist between relative and complement that can be captured diachronically, while section 5.2 provides an inventory of the relative wh-operators discussed in this paper that captures their distributions 5.1 Diachronically explaining relative that In Middle English (as well as in modern languages such as Canadian French (Lefebvre 1979) and Dutch (den Besten 1978)), we see examples of wh-words co-occurring with (the equivalent of) that in relative clauses: (16) a doghter which that called was Sophie 'a daughter wholthatl*who that was called Sophie' (Traugott 1972) In Middle English, if that is a wh-operator, then what is which? Here, the most obvious analysis is that which is a wh-operator, and that a complementizer These historical facts suggest a simple explanation, following Van der Auwera (1985), among others: that (and for) was a complementizer in Middle English relative clauses, but at some point was reanalyzed as a relative wh-operator (this also explains why there are no interrogative wh-operators that and for) Thus, the similarities we see in Modern English between the two thats are explained as evidence from the status of that in Middle English This being the case, we no longer need a synchronic analysis capturing these similarities, since they can be explained in a plausible, diachronic manner Kim, Jae-yoon 5.2 The distribution of relative wh-operators Under the wh-that analysis, we can rely on lexical specification to properly account for the restrictive relative clauses in English The following is a complete table of restrictive, finite relative wh-operators in standard English: (17) Table of restrictive wh-operators [+wh, +rel, +finite] [+animate] [-animate] (unspecified) Nominative Accusative who who which which that that ø Possessive whose Oblique whom which - Note that the homophony and the "gaps" in with respect to specification of animacy in this chart are quite common In English third-person pronouns, for example, the accusative and genitive share the phonetic form her And in French, gender is specified in the singular possessive determiners ma and mon 'my', but not in the plural possessive determiner mes Complementizer that is [-wh, -rel], which explains, along with Spec-Head agreement, why we never see sentences with both a relative operator and a complementizer in Modem English (Rizzi (1990) also makes use of this mechanism): (18) a *The man who[+wh] that[-wh,-rel] I saw was ill b *The man which[+wh,+rel] that[-wh,-rell I opened was empty c *The box that[+wh,+rel] that[-wh,-rel] I opened was empty With these lexical specifications, the wh-that analysis explains the data in a straightforward way Relative that as a wh-operator Ⅵ Conclusion We have seen that although some evidence exists to suggest that relative that and complementizer that are the same, this analysis must be rejected when the full weight of the evidence is brought to bear on the issue The generalizations that the c-that analysis attempts to make are not confirmed beyond a basic subset of relative clause constructions, and are thus false generalizations Furthermore, when attempting to explain that-trace effects, even the descriptive adequacy of the c-that analysis is questionable The wh-that analysis presented above is simple and empirically sound, and captures the generalization that the sentences in (1) are essentially identical The wh-that analysis automatically explains that-trace effects and "doubly- filled Comp" effects Finally, the sentences in (2) and (3) are not essentially identical, and thus not call as strongly for synchronic generalization However, those similarities between wh-operator that and complementizer that can nonetheless be captured by referring to diachronic explanation ≪Pusan National University≫ Kim, Jae-yoon Works Cited Bresnan, Joan (1970) "On complementizers: towards a syntactic theory of complement types", Foundations of Language, 6:297-321 Chomsky, Noam (1981) Lectures on Government and Binding Dordrecht: Foris den Besten, Hans (1978) "On the Presence and Absence of Wh-Elements in Dutch Comparatives", Linguistic Inquiry, 9:641-71 Gregg, Alvin (1972) "Is that ever a relative pronoun?" In Battle, J.H and Schweitzer, John, eds., Mid-America Linguistics Conference Oklahoma State University Hudson, Richard (1990) English Word Grammar Cambridge, Mass: Basil Blackwell Lefebvre, Claire (1979) "Reanalyse de Que/Qui, Inversion Stylistique et Mouvement de WH en Franqais", Montreal Working Papers in Linguistics, 13:73-90 Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik, (1985) A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language London: Longman Radford, Andrew(1988) Transformational Grammar: A First Course Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Rizzi, Luigi (1990) Relativized Minimality Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press Romaine, Suzanne (1980) "The relative clause marker in Scots English: Diffusion, complexity, and style as dimensions of syntactic change", Language in Society, 9:221-247 Sag, Ivan A (1997) English relative clause constructions", Relative that as a wh-operator Journal of Linguistics 33:431-83 Traugott, Elizabeth C (1972) A History of English Syntax New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston Van der Auwera, Johan (1985) "Relative that - a centennial dispute", Journal of Linguistics 21:149-79 Kim, Jae-yoon 국문요약 WH-운용자로서의 관계사 That 김 재 윤 영어의 관계사 that은 전통적으로 (Quirk et al 1985), 또한 HPSG (Sag 1997), Word Grammar (Hudson 1990), 기능주의 접근 방법 (Van der Auwera 1985)에 있어서도 who, which와 더불어 관계대 명사로 분류되어 (Chomsky 왔다 1981)에서는 그러나 Government-Binding(GB)이론 보문자(complementizer)로서 (Bresnan 1970, Gregg 1972) 관계사 that을 재분석해 왔다 하지만 본 논문에 서는 보문자로서 재분석을 할 만한 그렇게 큰 이유가 없으며 관계 사 that은 who와 which처럼 wh-운용자로서 정의하고자 한다 이를 위해 2장에서는 관계사 that을 wh-운용자로 분석 (wh-that analysis) 하는 것이 보문자로서 분석하는 것보다 더 명료하다는 것 을 제시한다 3장에서는 관계사 that을 보문자로서 재분석하는데는 문제가 있음을 제기하고, 4장은 관계사절에 있어서 that-흔적 결과 의 문제점이 관계사 that을 wh-운용자로서 분석함으로써 해결됨을 나타낸다 마지막으로 5장에서는 관계사 wh-운용자의 분포와 관계 사 that과 보문자 that의 그 통시적 관계를 살펴본다 주제어: relative that, complementizer, wh-operator 이름: 김 재 윤 소속: 부산대학교 언어교육원 주소: 부산시 금정구 장전동 산 30번지 Relative that as a wh-operator Tel: 011-598-4986 E-mail: jykim4986@pusan.ac.kr 원고접수일: 2002년 3월 31일 게재판정일: 2002년 5월 17일 ... illustrations of the sacred forces embedded in the notion of the group.14) The collective's dissolution becomes the surest way of demonstrating the social magic that was holding it together in the first... the proliferation of video-cameras by policing their officers with The Culture of Surveillance self -surveillance video recordings that might also provide evidence against subsequent charges of. .. that bad taste, rather than private property, is the true of the people, stormed the M6 studios waving copies of 1984 to “liberate” the show's participants.17)) From the vantage of the present moment,