Fostering learner autonomy in language learning in tertiary education - an intervention study of university students in Hochiminh city, Vietnam

1.1 Introduction This chapter provides the background to this research, which I conducted at a Vietnamese private university in Hochiminh city between September 2010 and January 2011. The research is an interventionist case study adopting mixed methods from a constructivist-interpretive approach. It investigated the effectiveness and implications of a learner-training programme for promoting learner autonomy in English language learning at the university. In this chapter I shall begin with a brief introduction to learner autonomy as an important educational goal of tertiary education in Vietnam. This introduction is followed by a historical account of the periods of the country’s education and language policy. Then, I shall link the language education history to the discussion of the Confucian Heritage Culture in Vietnam and its influence on Vietnamese education and language classrooms. Within this socio-cultural context, I shall give a detailed description of the university where this research was conducted to set the background for the case study presented in this thesis. I shall also express my motivation for undertaking this study and discuss my role as a researcher/teacher in this research context. Finally, I shall highlight the significance of this study and present the structure of this thesis. 1.2 Learner autonomy in Vietnamese education Learner autonomy has been a popular theme in educational research since the 1980s with a rapidly growing amount of literature (Holec, 1981; Dickinson, 1987; Pemberton et al., 1996). In Vietnam, it is currently a buzzword that has been receiving increasing attention in a nationwide effort to improve the quality of tertiary education in the country. Developing the capacity for greater learner autonomy is believed by policy makers and educationalists to be one of the main targets of the educational reform (National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, 2005). This mission is especially important given Vietnam’s ambition to boost economic growth and become an economically strong nation. It is hoped that if young Vietnamese are educated and trained to be autonomous in learning, they will contribute to an active workforce that is able to embark on lifelong learning and adapt to new developments and changes in the world (Q.K. Nguyen and Q.C. Nguyen, 2008). This study examines the possibilities of fostering learner autonomy in tertiary education in Vietnam. It focuses on investigating learners’ variables in relation to the educational context, including the curriculum, teaching practice, and learner training. A model for promoting learner autonomy will also be proposed, carried out and tested for its appropriateness and effectiveness. Data obtained through this intervention process will be used to provide insights into teachers’ and learners’ perceptions of autonomy and shed light on the issue of promoting learner autonomy in non-western contexts, such as Vietnam. 1.3 History of education and foreign language education policy in Vietnam “Vietnam’s linguistic history reflects its political history” (Denham, 1992: 61) This statement virtually summarises and highlights the complicated nature of language issues in the history of Vietnam. In the discourse of Critical Theory, language is not only a means of communication but also a political tool that can be used to exercise power, especially colonial and imperialist, to control and dominate people (Pennycook, 1998). This has been illustrated vividly in the history of 2

Le, Quynh X (2013) Fostering learner autonomy in

language learning in tertiary education: an intervention study of university students in Hochiminh City, Vietnam PhD thesis, University of Nottingham

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FOSTERING LEARNER AUTONOMY IN LANGUAGE LEARNING IN TERTIARY EDUCATION: AN INTERVENTION STUDY OF UNIVERSITY STUDENTS IN

HOCHIMINH CITY, VIETNAM

QUYNH XUAN LE, MA

Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

JUNE 2013

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS iv

LIST OF TABLES xi

LIST OF FIGURES xiv

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xv

CHAPTER 1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY 1

1.1 Introduction 1

1.2 Learner autonomy in Vietnamese education 1

1.3 History of education and foreign language education policy in Vietnam 2

1.3.1 The Mandarin legacy 3

1.3.2 The French colonial period 4

1.3.3 The French War (1945-1954) and the American War (1955-1975) 7

1.3.4 From Reunification to 1986 9

1.3.5 From 1986 to present 10

1.4 Confucian Heritage Culture and its influence on education and learner autonomy in Vietnam 13

1.4.1 Power distance 14

1.4.2 Individualism – Collectivism 16

1.4.3 Masculinity – Femininity 17

1.4.4 Uncertainty avoidance 17

1.4.5 Long and short-term orientation 19

1.5 Research context 21

1.6 The role of the researcher in the research context 22

1.7 Significance of the research 25

1.8 Structure of the thesis 25

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 27

2.1 Introduction 27

2.2 What is autonomy and why is it important? 27

2.2.1 The concept of autonomy 27

2.2.2 Why is learner autonomy important? 29

2.3 Definitions of learner autonomy in language education 30

2.3.1 Learner Autonomy as a capacity 31

2.3.2 Willingness for Learner Autonomy 35

2.3.3 Learner Autonomy as a complex construct 36

2.3.4 Learner Autonomy in this study 38

2.4 Versions of learner autonomy 39

2.4.1 Technical 40

2.4.2 Psychological 42

2.4.3 Sociocultural 43

2.4.4 Political-critical 44

2.5 Levels of autonomy 45

2.6 Learner autonomy and motivation 47

2.7 Learner autonomy in context 49

2.7.1 The East-West dichotomy 49

2.7.2 Seeds of autonomy in the West and the East 49

2.7.3 Cultural issues in learner autonomy 50

2.7.4 Learner Autonomy in the EFL classroom 54

2.8 Learner training 58

2.8.1 Learner training for the development of learner autonomy 58

2.8.2 Learner development vs learner training 59

2.8.3 Learning strategies in learner training 61

2.8.4 Previous studies on learner training for autonomy 64

2.9 Assessing learner autonomy in language learning 70

2.9.1 The need to assess learner autonomy and its difficulties 70

2.9.2 Readiness for learner autonomy 72

2.9.3 Assessing learners’ level of learner autonomy 76

2.10 My view of learner autonomy 80

2.11 Conclusion 83

CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 85

3.1 Introduction 85

3.2 Research questions 85

3.3 Research and knowledge 86

3.4 Paradigms and research traditions 88

3.5 My research position 90

3.6 Research design: case study using mixed methods 93

3.6.1 Case study 93

3.6.2 Mixed methods 94

3.7 Scope and limitations of this study 98

3.7.1 Generalisability 98

3.7.2 Researcher bias 99

3.8 Research participants 99

3.8.1 Students 99

3.8.2 Teachers 101

3.9 Ethical considerations 101

3.10 Data collection instruments 102

3.10.1 “Readiness for autonomy” questionnaire 104

3.10.2 “Perspectives on learner autonomy” questionnaire 111

3.10.3 Focus groups 116

3.10.4 Semi-structured interviews 118

3.10.5 Learning contract and learning diaries 120

3.11 Research procedures and data collection process 122

3.11.1 Instrument piloting 122

3.11.2 Trust worthiness and authenticity 125

3.11.3 Data collection plan 127

3.11.4 Instrument administration 129

3.11.5 Summary of collected data 133

3.12 Conclusion 134

CHAPTER 4 FOSTERING LEARNER AUTONOMY - AN INTEGRATED LEARNER TRAINING PROGRAMME 136

4.1 Introduction 136

4.2 Approaches to Learner Training 136

4.3 Models of learner training 139

4.3.1 Dickinson and Carver (1980) 139

4.3.2 Ellis and Sinclair (1989) 140

4.3.3 Knowles (1986) 142

4.4 Implementing Learner Training at the University 144

4.4.1 Overview 144

4.4.2 The main language course: Listening and Speaking 3 145

4.4.3 The Integrated Learner Training Programme 146

4.5 Components of the Integrated Learner Training Programme 149

4.5.1 Learner Awareness 149

4.5.2 Plans and contracts 149

4.5.3 Skill support groups 151

4.5.4 Counselling 151

4.5.5 Record keeping and evaluation 152

4.6 Principles for learner training for learner autonomy 152

4.6.1 Explicitness 153

4.6.2 Reflection 154

4.6.3 Empowerment 155

4.6.4 Contextualisation 156

4.7 Conclusion 157

CHAPTER 5 PHASE ONE - QUANTITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS 159

5.1 Introduction 159

5.2 Data management and coding 159

5.3 Descriptive demographic information 161

5.3.1 RFAQ 161

5.3.2 PLAQ 163

5.4 Reliability 164

5.4.1 All items 164

5.4.2 Teachers’ responsibility (TR) 165

5.4.3 Acceptance and Desire for Responsibility (ADR) 165

5.4.4 Metacognitive knowledge (MKKS and MKLP) 167

5.4.5 Metacognitive knowledge (MKLA and MKLC) 167

5.5 Findings from RFAQ 168

5.5.1 Students’ learning habits 168

5.5.2 Teacher’s responsibility 172

5.5.3 Acceptance and desire for responsibility 178

5.5.4 Metacognitive knowledge (self and learning process) 182

5.5.5 Metacognitive knowledge (learning context and language awareness) 187

5.5.6 Statistical tests 188

5.6 Findings from PLAQ 193

5.6.1 Teachers’ responsibility 194

5.6.2 Students’ responsibility 195

5.6.3 Students’ ability 198

5.6.4 Statistical tests 199

5.6.5 Teachers’ perspectives on promoting learner autonomy 205

5.7 Conclusion 212

5.7.1 General perceptions of the responsibilities of teachers and students in English language teaching and learning 212

5.7.2 Students’ characteristics in relation to learner autonomy 214

5.7.3 Students’ learning habits 215

5.7.4 Teachers’ perceptions of promoting learner autonomy 216

CHAPTER 6 PHASE TWO: QUALITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS 217

6.1 Introduction 217

6.2 Students’ perceptions 217

6.2.1 Data management and coding 218

6.2.2 Data analysis 219

6.2.3 Overview of emerging themes 220

6.2.4 Discussion and Comments 221

6.2.5 Conclusions on students’ perception of their roles in promoting learner autonomy 251

6.3 Teachers’ perceptions 252

6.3.1 Data management and coding 253

6.3.2 Data analysis 254

6.3.3 Overview of emerging themes 254

6.3.4 Discussion and Comments 255

6.3.5 Conclusions on teachers’ perception of their roles in promoting learner autonomy 274

6.4 Conclusion 274

6.4.1 Students’ motivation and expectations vs teachers’ perceptions of their own roles in language teaching 275

6.4.2 Students’ and teachers’ awareness of learner autonomy and their perceptions of promoting learner autonomy 277

6.4.3 Challenges to promoting learner autonomy in a Vietnamese university 278

CHAPTER 7 PHASE THREE - QUALITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS 281

7.1 Introduction 281

7.2 Learning contracts and learning diaries 281

7.2.1 Data management and coding 282

7.2.2 Data analysis 282

7.2.3 Discussion and Comments 284

7.3 Students’ interviews 294

7.3.1 Data management and coding 295

7.3.2 Data analysis 295

7.3.3 Overview of emerging themes 296

7.3.4 Discussion and Comments 297

7.4 Evaluation of the ILTP 322

7.4.1 Benefits of using learning contract and learning diary 323

7.4.2 Learning strategies 324

7.4.3 Language improvement 325

7.4.4 Challenges and future use of learning contract and learning diary 325

7.5 Conclusion 325

CHAPTER 8 SUMMARY OF RESULTS FROM THE STUDY 329

8.1 Introduction 329

8.2 Question 1 - How ready are students of the University for autonomous learning? 329

8.2.1 Q1a: What are the learning preferences of the University’s students with regard to learner autonomy? 329

8.2.2 Q1b: What do the University’s students perceive of their ability and confidence in learning? 330

8.2.3 Conclusion 332

8.3 Question 2 - How motivated are the University’s students to learn English? 333

8.3.1 Q2a: What kind of motivation do the students have? 334

8.3.2 Q2b: What is the role of autonomy and self-efficacy in motivating the students? 334

8.3.3 Conclusion 335

8.4 Question 3 - How is learner autonomy perceived and practised by teachers and students in the context of tertiary education in Vietnam? 336

8.4.1 Q3a: What roles do the students perceive that they play as learners (in relation with the teacher)? 336

8.4.2 Q3b What roles do teachers perceive that they play in relation

with the students? 337

8.4.3 Q3c What autonomous learning strategies do students use in English language learning? 339

8.4.4 Q3d What do English language teachers do to promote autonomous learning? 340

8.4.5 Q3e What difficulties do teachers and students perceive of when promoting autonomous learning? 341

8.4.6 Conclusion 342

8.5 Question 4 - What are the perceived effects of the learner training programme on the intervention students? 343

8.5.1 Q4a What are the perceived effects of the programme on the intervention students’ motivation and use of strategies, especially metacognitive and cognitive strategies? 343

8.5.2 Q4b What are the perceived effects of the programme on the intervention students’ beliefs, attitudes and performance? 345

8.5.3 Conclusion 346

8.6 Question 5 - To what extent is culture perceived to play a role in the development and manifestations of learner autonomy in Vietnam? 347

8.7 Conclusion 349

CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSION 352

9.1 Introduction 352

9.2 Significance 352

9.2.1 Theoretical contributions 352

9.2.2 Methodological contributions 357

9.2.3 Pedagogical contributions and implications for the future of TESOL in Vietnam 358

9.3 Limitations of the study 359

9.4 Suggestions for further research 360

REFERENCES 362

APPENDICES 377

LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1: Number of B.A in English students 100

Table 3.2: Research questions and instruments 103

Table 3.3: Items excluded from the shortened RFAQ 108

Table 3.4: Mapping the PLAQ against the RFAQ 114

Table 3.5: Changes to the RFAQ as a result of feedbacks from pilot teachers 123

Table 3.6: Data collection plan 129

Table 3.7 Summary of collected data 134

Table 5.1: Coding table for questionnaire sheets 160

Table 5.3: Summary of Cronbach’s alpha coefficients 167

Table 5.4: Students’ learning habits across 3 groups 168

Figure 5.1: Students’ learning habits 171

171

Table 5.5: TR scale (Non-intervention cohort vs intervention group) 172

Table 5.6: TR scale (Pre-intervention vs Post-intervention) 176

Table 5.7: ADR scale (Non-intervention cohort vs intervention group) 178

Table 5.8: ADR scale (Pre-intervention vs Post-intervention) 180

Table 5.10: MKKS and MKLP scales (Pre-intervention vs Post-intervention) 185

Table 5.11: MKLA and MKLC scales (Pre-intervention vs Post-intervention) 187

Table 5.12: Mann-Whitney U significance test (cohort vs pre-intervention) 189

Table 5.13: Mann-Whitney U significance test (cohort vs post-intervention) 190

Table 5.14: Wilcoxon Signed Ranks Test (pre vs post intervention) 192

Table 5.15: Teachers’ responsibility 194

Table 5.16: Students’ responsibility 196

Table 5.17: Students’ ability 198

Table 5.18: Group Statistics 200

Table 5.19: Students’ perspective on the allocation of responsibility 202

Table 5.20: Teachers’ perspective on the allocation of responsibility 203

Table 5.21: Responsibility as allocated by students 204

Table 5.22: Responsibility as allocated by teachers 204

Table 5.23: Teachers’ view on promoting learner autonomy 206

Table 5.24: Teaching activities for autonomous learning (N=55) 207

Table 5.24: Teaching activities for autonomous learning (Cont.) 208

Table 5.25: Learning activities for autonomous learning (N=44) 210

Table 5.25: Learning activities for autonomous learning (Cont.) 211

Table 6.1: Emerging themes from student focus groups (N=18) 220

Table 6.2: Motivation for learning English (N=18) 221

Table 6.3: Motivating learning experiences (N=14) 224

Table 6.4: Teachers’ control (N=18) 226

Table 6.5: Perceptions of teachers’ responsibilities (N=18) 231

Table 6.6: Students’ awareness of learner autonomy (N=18) 239

Table 6.7: Preference for autonomous learning (N=18) 242

Table 6.8: Autonomy in Vietnamese tertiary education context (N=18) 249

Table 6.9: Emerging themes from teacher interviews (N=6) 254

Table 6.10: Teachers’ views of their roles and responsibilities (N=6) 255

Table 6.11: Teachers’ perceptions of students’ expectation and ability (N=6) 258

Table 6.12: Teachers' awareness of learner autonomy (N=6) 260

Table 6.13: Teachers’ view of learner autonomy in Vietnam (N=6) 264

Table 6.14: Teachers’ practice in promoting learner autonomy (N=6) 269

Table 6.15: Teachers’ perceptions of control in the classroom (N=6) 272

Table 7.1: Rating of students’ learning contracts (N=25) 284

Table 7.2: Rating of students’ learning diaries (N=25) 289

Table 7.3: Emerging themes from student interviews (N=25) 296

Table 7.4: Students’ learning objectives (N=25) 297

Table 7.5: Assessment of the effectiveness of using learning contract and learning diary (N=25) 298

Table 7.6: Students’ self-assessment of language improvement (N=25) 307

Table 7.7: Students’ use of learning strategies (N=25) 311

Table 7.8: Self-direction in students’ application learning strategies (N=25) 312

Table 7.9: Challenges in implementing the learning contract and writing the learning diary (N=25) 318

Table 7.10: Future use of learning contract and learning diary (N=25) 320

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1: Metacognitive knowledge for autonomy in language learning 82Figure 5.1: Students’ learning habits 148

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

CHAPTER 1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

1.1 Introduction

This chapter provides the background to this research, which I conducted at a Vietnamese private university in Hochiminh city between September 2010 and January 2011 The research is an interventionist case study adopting mixed methods from a constructivist-interpretive approach It investigated the effectiveness and implications of a learner-training programme for promoting learner autonomy in English language learning at the university In this chapter I shall begin with a brief introduction to learner autonomy as an important educational goal of tertiary education in Vietnam This introduction is followed by a historical account of the periods of the country’s education and language policy Then, I shall link the language education history to the discussion of the Confucian Heritage Culture in Vietnam and its influence on Vietnamese education and language classrooms Within this socio-cultural context, I shall give a detailed description of the university where this research was conducted to set the background for the case study presented in this thesis I shall also express my motivation for undertaking this study and discuss my role as a researcher/teacher in this research context Finally, I shall highlight the significance of this study and present the structure of this thesis

1.2 Learner autonomy in Vietnamese education

Learner autonomy has been a popular theme in educational research since the 1980s with a rapidly growing amount of literature (Holec, 1981; Dickinson, 1987;

Pemberton et al., 1996) In Vietnam, it is currently a buzzword that has been

receiving increasing attention in a nationwide effort to improve the quality of tertiary education in the country Developing the capacity for greater learner autonomy is

believed by policy makers and educationalists to be one of the main targets of the educational reform (National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, 2005) This mission is especially important given Vietnam’s ambition to boost economic growth and become an economically strong nation It is hoped that if young Vietnamese are educated and trained to be autonomous in learning, they will contribute to an active workforce that is able to embark on lifelong learning and adapt

to new developments and changes in the world (Q.K Nguyen and Q.C Nguyen, 2008)

This study examines the possibilities of fostering learner autonomy in tertiary education in Vietnam It focuses on investigating learners’ variables in relation to the educational context, including the curriculum, teaching practice, and learner training

A model for promoting learner autonomy will also be proposed, carried out and tested for its appropriateness and effectiveness Data obtained through this intervention process will be used to provide insights into teachers’ and learners’ perceptions of autonomy and shed light on the issue of promoting learner autonomy in non-western contexts, such as Vietnam

1.3 History of education and foreign language education policy in Vietnam

“Vietnam’s linguistic history reflects its political history” (Denham, 1992: 61)

This statement virtually summarises and highlights the complicated nature of language issues in the history of Vietnam In the discourse of Critical Theory, language is not only a means of communication but also a political tool that can be used to exercise power, especially colonial and imperialist, to control and dominate people (Pennycook, 1998) This has been illustrated vividly in the history of

education and foreign language teaching and learning in Vietnam, which is the focus

of this section

Learning a foreign language and learning in a foreign language are by no means recent phenomena for the Vietnamese people For the most part of its long history, Vietnam struggled to maintain its indigenous language against linguistic and cultural assimilation from foreign invaders The history of Vietnamese education can be dated back to Mandarin (Chinese) domination, from 111 BC to 938 AD – a period of over

1000 years During this centuries-long period, Chinese, with its idiographic Han script, was used as the official language in Vietnam (M.H Pham, 1994) Education was in Chinese medium and followed the Chinese models with a system of schools set up to train the children, mainly sons, of Chinese rulers and of Vietnamese aristocracy to staff the state bureaucracy The competitive examination system, i.e., the imperial examination (Hsu, 2005), which was introduced under the Tang dynasty (618-907) in China, was also implemented in Vietnam (Wright, 2002)

Chinese influence remained strong in Vietnam even after the country became independent in 939 For example, Quoc Tu Giam, the first institution of higher education of Vietnam, was established in Hanoi in 1076 to prepare students for the imperial examination to enter the Mandarinate (Wright, 2002) The school was first reserved to teach the royal family but was later open to the public, consisting mostly

of male students Chinese continued to be the language of state and the teaching medium with Chinese textbooks (Lo Bianco, 1993, cited in Wright, 2002) Chinese influence was also reflected in the Van Mieu, the Temple of Literature, which was considered to be an important centre of Taoist-Confucian thought (M.H Pham,

1998) In this feudal era, only children from landlords and rich families could afford formal schooling However, middle-class and poorer families could send their children to study in small classes run by village teachers As the society generally had respect for learned individuals and social mobility was made possible by the imperial exam system, being literate and well-versed in Chinese classical works was considered a virtue This fondness for learning has remained a Vietnamese cultural trait until the present day (L.H Pham and Fry, 2004)

Not until the thirteenth century was the early writing system, Chu Nom, developed for the Vietnamese language, which had been a vernacular language for millennia Chu

language but unintelligible to the Chinese, became the symbol of national identity (N.Q Nguyen, 1993, cited in Do, 2006) However, as one had to be competent in Chinese before being able to learn Chu Nom, it was used by a limited number of well-educated people for literature and culture, while written Chinese was still the prevalent language for law and government (P.P Nguyen, 1995, cited in Wright, 2002) As a result of the long period of Chinese occupation and influence, as much as 60% of the modern Vietnamese vocabulary has Chinese roots, especially words that denote abstract ideas relating to science (through translation into Chinese then to Vietnamese) and politics (Alves, 2001) However, phonetically, morphologically and

syntactically, Vietnamese remains a distinct language from Chinese (ibid.)

The French presence in Vietnam began soon after the arrival of European merchants and missionaries in the sixteenth century (Wright, 2002) Their interest in Vietnam increased by the end of the eighteenth century when France was in the race for

colonies with the British They gained more influence in the country when French Bishop Pigneau helped Nguyen Anh to quell the Tay Son Rebellion and to found the

Nguyen dynasty in 1802 (ibid.) However, after coming to power, Nguyen Anh, who

then changed his name to Gia Long, reneged on his promises to give the French commercial privileges and protection to Catholic missionaries After Gia Long, successive kings, brought up in the Confucian tradition, had similar views and even imprisoned missionaries and persecuted indigenous people who converted to

Catholicism (ibid.) This gave the French government an excuse to make a military

intervention to protect their missionaries in September 1858 After several fierce battles across the country, France gradually gained control of various areas in Vietnam and forced the feudal government to sign treaties which turned the occupied territories into French protectorates (Wright, 2002)

The presence of European missionaries in Vietnam not only brought about religious and political but also linguistic and cultural changes A system of Romanised writing

of Vietnamese called Quoc Ngu, which uses the Roman letters to transcribe the

indigenous spoken language, was developed in the seventeenth century by the Portuguese and other European missionaries (Lo Bianco, 1993, cited in Do, 2006) About the importance of the introduction of Quoc Ngu, L.H Pham and Fry (2004: 202) comment,

[t]his innovation was to have profound and unanticipated consequences on the evolution of education in Vietnam This new writing system made Vietnamese language far more accessible to ordinary Vietnamese, with great implications for raising mass consciousness to foster both political and social change

In fact, this was possible because colonial policy made Quoc Ngu and French the

languages of official documents in 1878, with the aim of using the Romanised script

as a first step to an eventual shift to French (Osborne, 1997, cited in Wright, 2002)

In 1887 the Indo-Chinese Union (Union Indochinoise), which consists of Vietnam,

Cambodia, and Laos, was created under the government of France (Wright, 2002) Similar to the Chinese feudalism, French colonialism subscribed to the theory of assimilation and the policy of direct rule They wholeheartedly believed that “their

colonialism was a mission civilisatrice which could be made to benefit the colonised

as well as the colonisers” (Wright, 2002: 228) Therefore, a system of French education was established alongside the existing Confucian schools to provide western schooling to the social elite class, most of whom were the children of the landlords and aristocrats from the previous feudal era (Ngo, 1973, cited in L.H Pham and Fry, 2004) Not only was this educational system elitist, it was also irrelevant to the social context of Vietnam because the curricula were identical to those in France (Thompson, 1968, cited in L.H Pham and Fry, 2004) The French assimilation and civilisation of the Vietnamese people was notoriously summarised by the saying,

“Nos ancêtres sont les Gaulois” (Our ancestors are the Gauls), which the Vietnamese

students had to learn by heart

French medium education, however, only received scant enthusiasm among the Vietnamese and was available to only a tiny proportion of the Vietnamese population

It was estimated that only about 3% of the population of 22 million people were in school in 1941-1942 (Wright, 2002: 231) The vast majority of the population was

peasants or workers on plantations and in mines and received no schooling (ibid.)

Besides, there were strong movements against the use of French A few Confucian

schools which used Chinese still operated and were still valued by the bourgeois class, though the last of their kind was closed in 1919 (M.H Pham, 1994) More prominently, private Vietnamese schools were founded by patriotic teachers to

promote Quoc Ngu One of these schools, the Dong Kinh Nghia Thuc (Tonkin Free

School) established in Hanoi in 1907, is considered to be “in the broadest sense a popular educational and cultural movement of real significance to subsequent

Vietnamese history” (Marr, 1971: 164, cited in L.H Pham and Fry, 2004: 204) This movement added to the growing popularity of Quoc Ngu as it was used as a medium

for the publication and dissemination of the writings of western reformists and progressive thinkers, such as Montesquieu (1689-1755) and Rousseau (1712-1778) (L.H Pham and Fry, 2004) As L.H Pham and Fry (2004: 204) comment, this movement “provided a progressive example of relevant and practical education oriented to social and political change”

After seven decades of colonising Vietnam, the French governor had to accept the Japanese occupation of Indo-China in 1940, following the seizure of Paris by the Germans in World War II During this time, Vietnam was under both the governance

of France and the occupation of Japan In March 1945, when the Allied forces advanced in the West, the Japanese demanded to control the French troops in Vietnam When this was refused, they overthrew the French colonial government in Indochina and declared the country independent under the rule of Bao Dai, who acted

Japan by the Allies in battles around the world, Ho Chi Minh, the leader of the resistant force Viet Minh, led an insurgency to oust the Japanese-backed government and declared the independence of Vietnam

After the victory of the Allies, the French returned to Vietnam to reclaim their colony The newly established Vietnamese government led by Ho Chi Minh was only able to control the north of Vietnam for one year before being forced to retreat to the highland and rural areas near China border The French offered to recognise the independence of Vietnam if it agreed to become part of the French Union, a form of commonwealth (Wright, 2002) However, both sides could not come to an agreement because France wanted to retain their control in the south while Ho Chi Minh wanted

a unified country (ibid.) This led the French to wage a war to retake the north by

force which lasted from 1945 to 1954

The independence of Vietnam in 1945 had marked the new status of Vietnamese and

its modern writing system, Quoc Ngu, as the national language of the state and

education, although this was fully achieved only after the French were defeated completely at the Dien Bien Phu battle in 1954 (Do, 2006) As for foreign languages, foreign language policy in Vietnam has become “a barometer of Vietnam’s relations with other countries” since its independence (Wright, 2002: 226) During the French war, knowledge of French was “obviously not an asset” in the revolutionary areas (Wright, 2002: 233) Instead, young Vietnamese people were encouraged to learn to speak Chinese because of the military and civilian support from the People’s

Republic of China (ibid.)

The Dien Bien Phu victory resulted in the Geneva Agreement of 1954 stipulating the withdrawal of the French troops from Vietnam and the division of the country along

Minister in the South refused to participate in the national elections and took power in

a coup d’état (Wright, 2002) The halves of the country became two politically

different regimes This division led to the involvement of the U.S and its Cold War rival, the USSR, in Vietnam from 1964 and brought English and Russian into the linguistic equation In the communist North, education was organised following the Soviet model (L.H Pham and Fry, 2004) Russian became the most important foreign language to learn With support from the USSR, tens of thousands of Vietnamese students gained first degrees in the Soviet Union (Wright, 2002) In the capitalist South, which received strong financial and military support from America and France, English and French became the main foreign languages While the demand for English was obvious because of the need to acquire some competence to work with the Americans, the existence of French as the second popular foreign language was attributed to the fact that French-educated people held strategic posts in the government of the South (Do, 2006) With the increasing involvement of the Americans, the elitist colonial education system in the South was also gradually replaced by one that provided greater access to facilitate economic development (Nguyen, 2007b)

The divergence in foreign language policy in the two parts of Vietnam came to an end

in 1975 with the fall of Saigon, which marked the reunification of the country, and the end of the ‘American War’, as it is known in Vietnam The unification also allowed the whole country to adopt a unified Soviet-styled educational system that had been in place in the North after the French war As a result of the ‘American war’, Vietnam was isolated from the Western capitalist world by the US-led trade embargo The situation was worsened because of the sour relations with China after a war broke out at the Sino-Vietnamese borders in 1979 and with other neighbours due

to Vietnam’s military involvement in fighting the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia

between 1975 and 1989 (Wright, 2002) The USSR became the main supporter, trading partner, and sole provider of technical assistance and training to Vietnam The political, economic and educational alliances with the USSR therefore made Russian the main foreign language at all levels of the Vietnamese education system (Do, 2006; Wright, 2002) In the south of Vietnam, Russian departments were founded in universities and colleges with staff coming from the north Good students were encouraged to choose to learn Russian with the prospect of pursuing higher education

in the Soviet Union (Do, 2006) As English and French were at that time generally regarded as ‘the languages of the enemies’, their use and dissemination were inevitably restricted (Phan, 2008) However, although there were quotas for foreign language education at high school, which were set by the government and were in favour of Russian, there was no overt obligation to eradicate these languages altogether and English and French were still offered to a very small proportion of students (Denham, 1992; Do, 2006)

The dominance of Russian as the main foreign language in Vietnam, supported by national education policy for political and economic reasons, continued until the early

‘90s However, as a result of the dramatic socio-economic changes in Vietnam after

1986, this dominance gradually died out before coming to an end with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 (L.H Pham and Fry, 2004; Do, 2006)

liberalised to become market-oriented in order to attract foreign investment Together with the influx of foreign investment, English began to be more in demand in Vietnam, with a variety of jobs offered in foreign invested companies (Do, 2006) However, not until the early ‘90s did English start to undergo the explosive growth which led to an official acknowledgement of its role and status in economy and education (Denham, 1992; Do, 2006) It was estimated that 85% of foreign-language learners in Vietnam chose English in the early ‘90s (N.Q Nguyen, 1993, cited in Do,

2006) With the growing importance of English as a lingua franca, thanks to

globalisation and the increasing number of Vietnamese learners who choose English for instrumental reasons, it can be argued that it is the socio-economic demand for English in this period that has driven the national foreign language education policy (Denham, 1992; Phan, 2008)

In the past fifteen years, the spread of English has developed at an unprecedented speed in Vietnam English is currently taught as a subject in the national curriculum from secondary level (from Grades 6 to 12, 12-18 year-old pupils) (Denham, 1992;

Do, 2006) Other foreign languages are Russian and French, but some schools no longer offer these languages due to the low demand In big cities where the standard

of living is higher and English language teachers are more readily available, English can be offered in primary schools to pupils as young as 6 years old (Nunan, 2003) At tertiary level, English has gradually become the main foreign language offered to students of all non-language majors (Do, 2006, L.H Pham and Fry, 2004) Realising the importance of English competence for employability, some universities even set

for International Communication) that students are required to attain if they are to graduate However, as the amount of time devoted to English in the curriculum at all

levels of state education remains relatively modest (Nunan 2003), private English language centres have mushroomed to cater for the needs of young learners, teenagers and adults who, or whose parents, strongly believe that fluency in this language is a necessity for their future career (Do, 2006) Moreover, economic development also means that more people can afford to study in overseas institutions where English is the major language of instruction Admission to these institutions often requires a

International English Language Testing System) score

Although English has gained an important status in the national strategy for foreign language teaching and learning throughout all levels of education, as stipulated by the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET) of Vietnam, its rapid but poorly regulated development has revealed various problems, both in terms of management and quality assurance (Do, 2006) These problems can be summarised in the following points:

The current English syllabi in secondary and tertiary levels, despite several major amendments, remain obsolete, unsystematic and examination-oriented with a heavy focus on vocabulary, reading and grammar (Nguyen, 2007a) There is discrepancy in teacher and teaching quality between urban and rural areas (Nguyen, 2007a)

In all levels of education, there is a lack of English language teachers with good qualifications due to past foreign language policy, poor training, and excessive demand (Do, 2006)

This section has discussed the history of education and its connection with foreign language policy in Vietnam The next section will provide more insights into the

cultural context of education, especially Confucian Heritage Culture and its influence

on learner autonomy in Vietnam

1.4 Confucian Heritage Culture and its influence on education and learner autonomy in Vietnam

The long period under Chinese domination has bequeathed enduring legacies to the Vietnamese society The most influential of them is perhaps Confucianism Despite the introduction of western ideology into Vietnam when the French came and the communists’ effort to eradicate Confucianism as a symbol of the backward feudalist ideology, its influence can still be felt in every aspect of the superstructure of the

society (P.M Nguyen et al., 2005) Confucian moral philosophy remains the guiding

principle that regulates people’s attitudes and behaviours and social relationships Therefore, Vietnam is considered one of the countries within the Confucian Heritage Culture (CHC), which includes Chinese speaking countries, such as China, Chinese Taiwan, Chinese Hong Kong, Singapore and some East Asian countries, like Japan and Korea (Hsu, 2005)

In order to examine the ways in which culture influences thought and behaviour, which are directly related to education, a wide range of perspectives for conceptualising these influences have been put forward in recent publications (e.g., Brislin, 1993; Gallois and Callan, 1997; Triandis, 1995; Littlewood, 2001; Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005) Littlewood (2001: 4-6), for example, outlines three perspectives: collectivism and individualism, attitudes to authority, and motivational orientation as the basis for his cross-cultural study of East Asian and European students’ attitudes towards classroom English learning In an earlier study, Hofstede (1991: 14), using data from a large scale survey of IBM employees in over fifty

countries around the world, found four dimensions of cultures which he named

‘power distance’, ‘individualism - collectivism’, ‘masculinity - femininity’, and

‘uncertainty avoidance’ According to him, these dimensions form a four-dimensional (4-D) model of differences among national cultures, which can be used to explain

why people from different countries do things differently (ibid.) As these dimensions

were generated in a ‘Western’ study conducted by a Westerner with Western questions, Hofstede and Hofstede (2005: 30) found them ‘Western-biased’ and therefore added a fifth dimension, namely ‘long-term versus short-term orientation’, which was the result of a study whose questionnaire was designed by Chinese scientists from Hong Kong and Taiwan Laden with Confucian values as it is, this dimension is treated as a fifth universal dimension along with the four mentioned

above (ibid.) Although Hofstede’s model of national culture has been subject to

significant criticism and provoked heated debates (see McCoy, 2003 for a summary; McSweeney, 2002-b; Hofstede, 2002), his work has proved to have value in

determining or predicting cultural traits (Mohammed et al., 2008) Moreover,

according to P.M Nguyen et al (2005), the impact of Confucianism on Vietnamese

culture can be found in all dimensions of Hofstede’s model Therefore, I find it useful

to describe the influence of Confucianism on education in terms of educational ideology, the roles of teachers and learners and their beliefs and attitudes, along these dimensions

This dimension has been discussed by several researchers (e.g., Littlewood, 1999,

2001; P.M Nguyen et al., 2006) and can be used to explain the stereotypical image of

the ‘obedient’ East Asian learner According to Hofstede (1991: 28) power distance is

“the extent to which less powerful members of institutions expect and accept that

power is distributed unequally” CHC countries generally score high on the Power Distance Index, which suggests that there is a high degree of inequality in society in these countries (Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005) In CHC countries, the inequality of power is manifested in Confucian belief in unequal relationships which people have

to accept as a basis of societal stability These are translated into social dyads, such as teacher - student, the old - the young, parent - child, husband - wife etc., with the former having more power and receiving respect and obedience from the latter In Vietnam, learners are supposed to ‘respect’ the teacher This means that teachers are not only models of correct behaviour for learners to look up to but also subject experts whose knowledge should not be doubted Therefore, ‘good’ learners are just required to sit back and listen to what the teacher is saying without the need of asking questions As a result, the question ‘Are there any questions?’ will fall into silence as soon as it is raised

The inequalities of authority and power between teacher and student, which are criticised for being accepted as “a normal fact of life” in some, especially East Asian, cultures (Littlewood, 2001: 5), has facilitated the maintenance of the teacher-centred pedagogy As teachers are at the centre of authority in terms of knowledge and power,

they are expected to make all decisions related to learning (P.M Nguyen et al., 2005)

Teachers are considered and consider themselves as keepers of knowledge which is to

be conveyed to learners (Wang, 2003) Although there is a common saying in Vietnam which goes, “One can actually learn more from their classmates than from their teacher”, few learners would take it as the truth This power distance affects not only learners but also teachers On the one hand, learners are reluctant and do not know how to question when offered to do so On the other hand, teachers may not be willing or lack tactful skills to encourage and handle learners’ questions

1.4.2 Individualism – Collectivism

Hofstede (1991: 51) defines individualism and collectivism as follows:

Individualism pertains to societies in which the ties between individuals are loose: everyone is expected to look after himself or herself and his or her immediate family Collectivism as its opposite pertains to societies in which people from birth onwards are integrated into strong, cohesive ingroups, which throughout people’s lifetime continue to protect them in exchange for unquestioning loyalty.

Like power distance, collectivism is also regarded as the manifestation of Confucianism in the operations of East Asian societies Central to the ideas of collectivism and Confucianism is the maintenance of social harmony and avoidance

of confrontations and conflicts among people (ibid.) In this respect, it is important to

protect one’s and others’ ‘face’ which can be defined as the concern for “how one is evaluated by others” (Hinze, 2002: 269, cited in Ramsay, 2005: 264) Ramsay (2005: 264) contends that “‘[f]ace’ lies at the heart of Confucian teachings on social and interpersonal relationships and, as such, maintains a high degree of salience in social behaviour and practice in Confucian-heritage cultures” This leads to various ‘face’

acts, such as protecting face, gaining face, and giving face (ibid.)

In collectivist classrooms like in Vietnam, learners feel safe and comfortable when they know that they belong to the group which, in this case, is the class To this end, they try to be modest and avoid being different from others This means they are not willing to risk their face by volunteering their ideas and, at the same time, try to protect others’ by not criticising or offering conflicting opinions so as not to make them “to look bad/worse in public” (Haugh and Hinze, 2003: 1594, cited in Ramsay, 2005: 264) Hence, a common typical complaint about learners in East Asian classrooms is their reticence as there is a “disinclination to express views and

reluctance to contribute to discussions” (Ramsay, 2005: 264-5) According to P.M

Nguyen et al (2005: 7), Vietnamese learners appreciate the ‘one-for-all mentality’ as

for the sake of group harmony they prefer not to voice differences of opinion or explore fallacies in the thinking of others

Whereas CHC countries’ scores are consistently clustered to one side in the power distance and individualism – collectivism dimensions, their scores scatter on both sides of the masculinity – femininity continuum In this dimension, Vietnam is categorised as a having a feminine society where “emotional gender roles overlap: both men and women are supposed to be modest, tender, and concerned with the

quality of life” (Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005: 120) However, P.M Nguyen et al

(2005) argue that Confucian values can be found in the key features of education in both masculinity and femininity dimensions in Hofstede and Hofstede’s model Therefore, Vietnam has some of the masculine characteristics in education, which are deemed to be in line with Confucian values, although it is found to have a feminine society These characteristics are ‘praise for excellent students’, ‘competition in class, trying to excel’, and ‘failing in school is a disaster’ (Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005: 142) I would argue these characteristics are related to the competitive nature of educational tradition dated back to the time of the imperial exam and the strong belief that education is the best way to attain a higher socio-economic status I shall discuss this phenomenon in relation to the notion of perseverance presented in the later section about long-term orientation (see section 1.4.5)

Uncertainty avoidance is defined as “the extent to which the members of a culture feel threatened by ambiguous or unknown situations” (Hofstede, 1991: 113) This dimension is where Hofstede’s model and CHC cultures become incompatible,

especially with respect to predicting learners’ attitude and behaviour According to Hofstede and Hofstede’s (2005) findings, CHC countries differ considerably in the level of uncertainty avoidance, with Japan and Korea in the top twenty-five, Taiwan

in the middle and China, Vietnam, Hong Kong, and Singapore at the bottom of the list of seventy-six countries Hofstede and Hofstede (2005: 179) observe that students from strong uncertainty avoidance countries, e.g., Japan, Korea, or Taiwan, “expect their teachers to be the experts who have all the answers” However, it has been widely accepted that this is also true for Chinese or Vietnamese students (Wang,

2003; P.M Nguyen et al., 2005) At the same time, Hofstede and Hofstede’s (2005:

179) descriptions of weak uncertainty avoidance students who “despise[d] too much structure”, “like[d] open-ended learning situations with vague objectives, broad assignments, and no timetables at all” cannot hold true for Vietnamese learners It flies in the face of Hofstede and Hofstede’s (2005) later findings that CHC learners are generally seen to be detail- and precision-oriented and possess a low tolerance of ambiguity (Oxford and Burry-Stock, 1995, Ramsay, 2005)

Vietnamese learners share the features of students from strong uncertainty avoidance countries; they are ‘concerned with the right answers’ and expect these to come from the teachers (cf Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005: 181) As they subscribe to the teacher’s status as the keeper of knowledge, they lack the confidence and desire to discover things for themselves Even if they are motivated to do so, they still rely on

teachers for the ‘final answer’ As found by P.M Nguyen et al (2005), Vietnamese

students prefer a detailed introduction and step-by-step guidelines from the teachers for their learning activities

1.4.5 Long and short-term orientation

Obtained from data generated by a questionnaire designed by Chinese researchers, this dimension is also referred to as Confucian dynamism because it groups values based on the teachings of Confucius As such, Confucian values can be found on both poles of this dimension While the positive pole represents “a dynamic orientation toward the future”, the negative pole expresses “a static orientation toward the past and the present” (Hofstede and Hofstede, 2005: 210) According to Hofstede and

Hofstede (ibid.), Vietnam is in the top five countries that score the highest towards

long-term orientation This orientation is defined as “the fostering of virtues oriented toward future rewards – in particular, perseverance and thrift”

With regard to education, students from short-term orientation cultures tend to attribute success and failure to luck On the contrary, those from long-term orientation countries tend to attribute success and failure to the presence or lack of

effort (ibid.) This thinking is popular among not only students but also parents in

CHC countries In Taiwan, for example, parents expect children to succeed studying

to ‘bring glory to the family’ If one fails in school, it is because he/she has not tried hard enough (Hsu, 2005) In Vietnam, entering the university is the desire of the vast majority of high school students, be they from rich urban cities or agricultural rural areas, because higher education is widely believed to pave the way for ‘future rewards’, i.e., a socially and economically better life in the future Therefore, the National University Entrance Exam held annually in July becomes the focus of the whole society with national information campaigns and media cover Although there

is a saying: ‘while performance in studying is the result of one’s ability, passing the exams depends on one’s luck’, this only provides an excuse for people who fail to enter the university To many parents, students and even teachers, academic failure is

ascribed to the lack of effort Stories of students who succeed academically despite their harsh living-condition and lack of supplementary resources and extra-curriculum evening classes are often told in the news as examples of will-power and perseverance which is seen to be one of the crucial virtues towards ‘future rewards’ in

a long-term orientation culture

In summary, this section has examined the extent to which the influence of Confucian values on the Vietnamese culture is reflected in education Using Hofstede and Hofstede’s (2005) framework, I have demonstrated the way in which Confucianism exerts impacts on learners’ attitudes and behaviour in CHC countries in general and

in Vietnam in particular Although there is criticism about the viability of the framework and the validity of the generalisation of country culture, this discussion may be useful in providing an initial image of the Vietnamese students which can be revisited and challenged along the way The following points summarise the main characteristics of Vietnamese students as discussed above, and as encountered in my own learning and teaching in Vietnam:

Students tend to respect teachers as the role model, the keeper of knowledge, and the one who should decide what to learn

Students seem to expect teachers to be an expert in the field and know all the answers

Students tend to rely on teachers for clear, precise guidance

Students are generally reluctant to contribute personal opinions in front of the class for fear of ‘appearing bad’ in public and being different from others There are great social and family expectations placed on students with regard

to successful performance, which is attributed to perseverance

Considering the viability of fostering learner autonomy in the Vietnamese education context, one may find these observations a mix of advantages and disadvantages, with the latter greater than the former However, it has been argued that East Asian learners, including Vietnamese, are not inherently passive learners but, rather, they are confined by the “educational traditions and contexts that have influenced them” (Littlewood, 2001: 19) This argument is also supported by the findings of studies into learners’ readiness for autonomy in East Asian contexts, such as Hong Kong and Malaysia, which conclude that students are ready to take more responsibility for their own learning (Chan, 2001, Thang and Alias, 2007) The characteristics listed above also imply that a step-by-step approach towards fostering greater learner autonomy in which the teacher takes the initiative and gradually hands over the control of learning

to learners may be appropriate for learner training in the Vietnamese context

it had approximately 7600 students in all programmes, of which around 4500 were students taking four-year bachelor programmes The University has four main faculties, namely the Faculty of Science and Technology, the Faculty of Economics and Business, the Faculty of Languages and Culture Studies, and the Polytechnic Faculty Unlike the long-established state-funded universities, the researched University is a relatively young, cutting-edge, private, urban university which seeks

to prepare students to integrate and work in an international environment in its mission to train new generations of talent for Vietnam in the 21st century

The University distinguishes itself from state-funded and other private institutions in Vietnam by offering a learner-centred educational environment to students of affluent background It operates a credit-based training system to encourage students to create their own learning programme Students are enabled to choose the number of elective subjects to learn in addition to the prescribed core subjects for each semester and select subject teachers and class hours The quality of teaching at the University is maintained by small class-size and students’ feedback on teacher’s performance These features enable students to be active in learning as they can collaborate with each other as well as interact with the teacher Despite the CHC educational tradition

as discussed above, the learning environment provided by the University is conducive

to promoting autonomous learning as it provides the conditions for students to take greater responsibility for their learning However, this is by no means an easy process due to challenges from the wider socio-cultural context and the learning tradition which has influenced both teachers’ and students’ learning experience prior to entering the University As this research was conducted in a university with unique characteristics as described above, it qualifies as a case study (Hamilton, 2011) This research design will be discussed further in Chapter 3

1.6 The role of the researcher in the research context

This study is my attempt to tackle theoretical and practical issues that I have encountered in my career as an English language teacher in Vietnam I started teaching English in an evening centre after I graduated from university with a BA in English Language and Literature During the two years teaching English to young

adult learners, I found that my students were keen to learn English (hence they paid high tuition for evening classes) but lacked learning skills A question that they often raised to me was, ‘What should I do to learn English effectively?’ At that time, as a novice teacher, I did not know how to answer, other than using my intuition and my own learning experience After two years, I went to the UK and enrolled in the MA ELTD programme at the University of Nottingham in 2004 This course equipped me with fundamental knowledge of language acquisition, language learning theories and language teaching pedagogy This is the period when I developed my interests in research on ‘the good language learner’ and language learning strategies (e.g., O'Malley and Chamot, 1990, Oxford, 1990) Armed with state-of-the-art knowledge about foreign language teaching and learning, I returned to Vietnam to work as a university English language teacher I thought that if I taught my students language learning strategies, they would be able to succeed in mastering English However, I was faced with harsh reality I could tell my students the books they could read, the website they could use for listening or the places they could go to practise speaking English, but only a few of them could benefit from what I offered The students still lacked something else besides learning strategies It has come to my notice that my university students tend to rely too much on the teacher’s instructions and lack the ability to direct their own learning As a result, they are only concerned with learning what they are taught by the teacher and fail to further improve their knowledge and skills based on what they have learned

This study is my quest to answer the above question about how to help students learn English more effectively by using an interventionist case-study research with mixed-methods approach, taking a constructivist-interpretive stance to investigate the possibility of using learner training to promote learner autonomy at the University As

a researcher, teacher, and employer of the University, I had both advantages and disadvantages in this research context

In terms of advantages, I can consider myself to be an “insider” in this specific case (Burke and Kirton, 2006; Breen, 2007) Having been brought up and educated in the CHC educational context, I understand teacher’s and students’ beliefs about learning

As an English language learner and teacher, I share with them opinions about challenges to learning the language effectively in an EFL context Being an employee

of the University, I appreciate and support its effort to establish a learner-centred learning environment with the aim to provide quality education and enable students to become the ‘architect’ of their learning and succeed in life

My role in this context, however, does entail some limitations which I needed to take into account As I played the roles of both a researcher and a teacher, this dual role did have an effect on my relationship with the student participants The students might have looked up to me as their teacher and tried to please me by providing me with the information they thought I was looking for Also, due to the large ‘power distance’ – a term used by Hofstede (1991: 28) to describe “the extent to which less powerful members of institutions expect and accept that power is distributed unequally” – in the Vietnamese culture (see section 1.4.1), the students might have chosen to make only positive comments with regard to the learner training programme I implemented These limitations were addressed by ensuring validity and trustworthiness in data collection and analysis This issue will be discussed further in Chapter 3

1.7 Significance of the research

The study is of significant importance to the effort to enhance the quality of tertiary education in Vietnam through the development of learner capacity for greater autonomy Its results are expected to introduce a systematic pedagogical approach to the question of developing effective learners who are able to identify their own needs, define their own study programme, and pursue life-long learning The research is also significant in that it provides insights into how the Vietnamese students develop autonomy in the language learning process, especially in terms of metacognitive knowledge and responsibility awareness development It is also anticipated that data pertaining to the defining characteristics of learner autonomy in a Vietnamese university context can serve as a comparative base from which future research on learner autonomy in a Vietnamese or other contexts can be explored

1.8 Structure of the thesis

This thesis consists of nine chapters Chapter 1 introduces the focus of the research and provides an overview of the historical context of language education and language policy in Vietnam The purpose of this study and its significance are also highlighted in this chapter Chapter 2 reviews relevant literature on learner autonomy

in education and its application in language teaching and learning This chapter discusses the reasons why learner autonomy should be considered a desirable educational goal It also highlights theoretical aspects of learner autonomy by examining different definitions, levels, and versions that have been proposed by researchers The chapter also discusses how learner autonomy is related to motivation and different cultural contexts Chapter 3 provides arguments for methodological choices and detailed description of the research design, including the research paradigm, data collecting methods, the research questions, the context and