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Chapter One Introduction: Reexamining Vajiravudh’s Literary Works and Hopes At the turn of the twentieth century, the question of sexual propriety and roles of modern woman-‐modern man were debated in the West and the rest of the world The discussion ranged from British women’s role in the domestic and public spheres and their interaction with men, the fight by Burmese men to avoid being emasculated by colonialists and their condemnation on Burmese women marrying British men, and to the alteration of the familial practice of the late imperial China Through the nation-‐ building project, both colonial and non-‐colonial states alike reconsidered their cultural identity and re-‐defined gender roles and sexual mores following the Western concept of civilization Ann Stoler and Partha Chatterjee have shown how sexual propriety became an essential part of national identity through Bengali’s nationalist movement and the colonial policy in the Dutch East Indies, respectively.1 Although the direct connection between ones’ sexual lifestyle and his or her patriotism became an axiom, each state developed different forms of modernity to suit the deep-‐rooted traditional practices The cultural policies of the Siamese monarch, Vajiravudh (Rama VI, 1910-‐1925) tended to follow Western modernity Having been educated in England, Rama VI followed a Victorian lifestyle and promoted Siamese official nationalism borrowing the British court’s concept of “God, King and Country” to emphasize “Nation, Religion (Buddhism), and King” in his project Scholars have examined his nationalist discourse and its linkages to his definition of masculinity, personal relationship with males and the concept of family and wifedom However, Vajiravudh’s construction of the ideal modern woman -‐ modern man, and his standard of sexual propriety warrant deeper examination through the large pool of his literary works, official documents as well as personal records and letters Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and postcolonial histories (New Delhi, India: Oxford University Press, 199), Ann Stoler, “Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Gender and morality in the making of race”, in Women in Asia: Critical concepts in Asian studies, ed Louise Edwards and Mina Roces (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009), pp 1-‐33 Placing the Sixth Reign in the context when both national and colonial states debated the constitution of the modern woman -‐ modern man, this thesis examines Vajiravudh’s discursive connection of “Thainess”, “civilization” and “sexual propriety” and “ideal gender roles” as articulated in his writings By doing so, this thesis seeks to understand his personal and political conflicts with different groups of people as well as his relationship with women While Rama VI persevered to make his subjects “progress” towards Western sexual mores and gender roles, he concurrently attempted to maintain social and gender boundaries to serve his political ends This thesis attempts to shed light on the compromises he made and the predicaments he faced in the process of articulating Thai modernity 1.1 Literature Review Vajiravudh’s literary works on gender roles including, essays, speeches, short stories and verse dramas demonstrate how the throne attached significance towards identifying cultural identity as much as national political identity of the absolute monarchy While his writings show the attempt to balance Western and traditional practices, various heroic characters also reflect how he westernized certain practices and deliberately branded them as “Thainess” Such pursuits mirror the King’s struggle to figure out how his subjects should behave in the modern world leading by Western civilization Arguments he made in this transitional period therefore demonstrate changes of ideas and contradictions in sensitive issues including polygamy versus monogamy, modern versus good women and men Primary sources consequently show us how Vajiravudh’s construction of cultural identity was a work in progress during the fifteen years as ruling monarch Historians pay attentions to Rama VI’s literary works to balance with their studies on laws, policies and writings of Vajiravudh’s contemporaries They succeed in critiquing how Siam’s asymmetrical relationship with the western imperialists influenced Vajiravudh’s notion of gender and sexuality However, political struggles and personal conflicts, which significantly impacted his ideas, have been left unexplored Scholars and postgraduate students focusing mainly on examining Rama VI’s works have also quoted some of his celebrated plays and essays to praise how the King promoted “gender equality” Nevertheless, these excerpts in no way represent the whole but simply one part of his attitude during a particular period of his reign While various genres of Rama VI’s works provided a number of narratives on modern woman – modern man, different purposes and functions of these works have also been left unexamined Rather, historians’ arguments are based on three sets of questionable assumptions, as outlined below Assumption 1 Rama VI followed his predecessors’ approach of separating Thai traditions from Western social norms across the board, including gender and sexual issues The Thai/Western dichotomy set in place in the Fourth and Fifth Reign has been explored by Thongchai Winichakul, Tamara Loos, Thamora Fishel, and recently, Surachet Suklarpkit Their analyses echo Partha Chatterjee’s arguments on the Bengali nationalists’ logical reasoning to place Hindu culture in the spiritual realm and Western values in the material sphere Likewise, Thongchai argues that the Fifth Reign separated Thainess and Buddhism from Western knowledge and Christianity Examining questions of gender and sexuality, Loos, Fishel and Surachet explore the Sixth Reign’s construction of sexual propriety and familial practice Based on well-‐known royal writings, they assume that Rama VI’s nationalism opposed what the King called the “Western path” to Thai traditions Loos argues for the Fifth Reign’s ‘alternative modernity’ with reference to King Chulalongkorn’s view of polygamy as a Thai tradition Partha Chatterjee, The Nation…, pp 116-‐135 Thongchai Winichakul, “Coming to Terms with the West: Intellectual strategies of bifurcation and post-‐westernism in Siam”, in The Ambiguous Allure of the West: Traces of the colonial in Thailand, ed Rachel V Harrison and Peter A Jackson (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010), pp 135-‐142 and rejection of monogamy.4 By examining law codes, Loos sees Vajiravudh’s familial practices and sexual propriety as following this binary opposition Accordingly, she finds that “Officials and Kings concerned themselves with defending polygyny as a Buddhist and Siamese customary practice”,5 while Vajiravudh’s attacks were focused on modern men who were susceptible to “all things western” and being sexually promiscuous.6 Following Thongchai and Loos, Surachet argues that monogamy was impossible to enforce in the law code by the absolute monarchy, which considered polygamy as Thainess.7 In reading the court document, Surachet is also convinced that Rama VI advocated polygamy as part of the Thai identity.8 He thus claims that enacting the law of monogamy was only possible in the 1930s because the constitutional government did not consider monogamy as exclusively Western practice.9 Fishel, however, realized the dilemma of Vajiravudh in coping with both Thai identity and the civilized practices of the West as will be explained in detail below Nevertheless, in her analysis of Vajiravudh’s 1921 verse drama, “Huachai-‐chainum” (The heart of a young man, หวั ใจชายหนุ่ม), she concludes that Vajiravudh interpreted “westernized” or “modern” women as a threat, unsuitable to Thainess.10 The rejection of the modern woman by Vajiravudh, Fishel argues, was to protect Thainess.11 These historians therefore argue for a binary conceptual opposition underlying Rama VI’s definition of sexual propriety and gender roles Assumption Vajiravudh’s homoeroticism led him to regard women as outsiders Placing women’s role in the domestic area and prioritizing men’s role in the public sphere, the King ignored men’s role as a husband Tamara Loos, Subject Siam: Family, law, and colonial modernity in Thailand (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), pp 110-‐111,122-‐123 Ibid., p.124 Ibid., pp 170-‐171 7Surachet Suklarpkit, “Monogamy in Modern Thai Society, 1870s-‐1940s”, M.A Thesis, Chulalongkorn University, 2013, pp 22-‐82 Ibid., pp 79-‐82,103-‐106 Ibid., pp 154-‐155 10 Tamora Fishel, “Romances of the Sixth Reign: Gender, sexuality, and Siamese nationalism”, in Genders and Sexualities in Modern Thailand, ed Peter A Jackson and Nerida M Cook (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1999), pp 158-‐162 11 Ibid., pp 158-‐163 When discussing Rama VI’s nationalism, scholars tend to emphasize the monarch’s regulation of men’s sexual propriety and their duty towards the throne However, a number of literary works, which demonstrate Vajiravudh’s concerns on women’s roles and his association with women in his late years have been largely ignored This neglect might be due to the fact that the King’s relationships with each woman were quite brief, and thus seems justified to see such unions as “a rather functional affair”.12 Instead, it is the King’s homoeroticism and relations with young men that attract most academic attention As Rama VI’s homosexual inclination has been accepted by many historians, the main question is to what extent did Rama VI’s homosexuality influence, if at all, his administration? Benedict Anderson maintains Vajiravudh’s homosexuality had a direct connection to his “policies, style, mistakes and problems”.13 Anderson elaborates that male favorites had different functions and impacts from female royal courtiers, who no matter how powerful they might be behind the stage, could not compete with male aristocrats and princely ranked officials.14 Taking this analysis into account, Loos further explores Vajiravudh’s nationalist policies but reluctant to affirm the impact of the King’s sexual preferences on his policies Instead, Loos suggests that to evaluate such connection, a study comparing his policies with Rama VI’s other works and with other monarchs’ sexuality is necessary.15 Building up on these arguments, Fishel, Chanan Yodhong and Craig Reynolds read Vajiravudh’s literary works as well as writings of the King’s contemporaries and perceive the direct linkage between Vajiravudh’s sexual orientation and state policies While Fishel explores the ideological level by equating Rama VI’s homoeroticism to the Craig Reynolds, “Homosociality in Modern Thai Political Culture”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 45,2 (June, 2014), p 266 13 Benedict Anderson, "Studies of the Thai State: The state of Thai studies", in The Study of Thailand: Analyses of knowledge, approaches and prospects in anthropology, art history, economics, history, and political science, ed Eliezer B Ayal (Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies, Southeast Asia Program, 1978.), p 208 14 Ibid 15 Tamara Loos, Subject…, p 171 12 re-‐channeling of male passion towards the throne, 16 Chanan and Reynolds see the influence that spurred him to establish the homosocial community as originating from his education in England.17 Scholars affirm masculinity as a priority in Rama VI’s nationalist project, and therefore disconnect it from femininity They accordingly pay less attention to the aspect of his relationship with women and his discussion on modern women On this topic, Loos briefly discusses how Rama VI’s idea on women’s roles was shaped by the impact from the regulation of males’ sexuality and construction of “modern” family.18 In other words, Loos argues that these two processes invoked an ideal woman image that stranded two poles as being either honorable or undignified according to the criteria of sexual propriety.19 The recent book of Chanan has delved into various types of secondary sources to demonstrate the King’s homosexuality and homoeroticism shared among royal courtiers and male favorites, whom he calls nai nai (นายใน) Depicting Vajiravudh as a misogynist in one section entitled “Stay away from women”,20 Chanan is selective on sources and intentionally ignores the monarch’s notion of women’s rights and their position as mother of the nation articulated in a number of his writings Instead, referring mainly to Rama VI’s attacks on promiscuous women and prostitutes, Chanan generalizes such hostile comments as Rama VI’s main attitude on women.21 Reviewing this thesis, Craig Reynolds praises Chanan for pointing out the inseparable connection between the throne’s personal life and politics.22 While such linkage proves true the throne’s close relationship with males, it is far-‐fetched for Reynolds, who is presumably not familiar with Vajiravudh’s literary works, to confirm Chanan’s claims that “women were kept out Tamora Fishel, “Romances…”, pp 162-‐165 Chanan Yodhong, ‘Nai-‐nai’ Samai-‐ratchakan Thi-‐hok (Male royal courtiers of the Sixth Reign) (Bangkok: Matichon, 2013), pp 202-‐218 Craig Reynolds, “Homosociality in Modern Thai Political Culture”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 45,2 (June, 2014), pp 271-‐272 18 Tamara Loos, Subject…, pp 153-‐154 19 Ibid., pp.153-‐154, 172 20 Chanan Yodhong, ‘Nai-‐nai’, pp 148-‐154 21 Ibid 22 Craig Reynolds, “Homosociality ”, p 277 16 17 of his life”,23 that “there was hardly any male-‐female love in his script”,24 and that “only-‐ male-‐to-‐male friendships could be found”.25 Thai postgraduate students working on Vajiravudh’s definition of femininity and exploring a wider range of primary sources would disagree with such claims However, these scholars’ focus has been on women’s role without connecting it to the King’s epistemology of national identity, his policies on homoerotic nationalism and male’s sexuality Reading Vajiravudh’s writings to examine his attitudes towards the female’s socializing practice26 and his redefinition of “wife”, 27 students of history tend to claim Vajiravudh cultural policies as simply to promote status of women Fishel considers the dilemma of preserving Thainess or imitating the West by analysing Vajiravudh’s notion of Siamese sexual identity Reading “Hauchai-‐chainum”, she comes to the conclusion that homoerotic sentiment was the central aspect “in the construction of love of nation, for the despite all the uses of familial and conjugal metaphors such as ’motherland,’ ‘fatherland,’ or ‘wife,’ love of nation is exposed as fundamentally homosocial, consisting of deep erotic bonds between men” 28 Thus women, she concludes, only had adjunct roles in Rama VI’s ideological framework.29 Penny Esterik and Peter Jackson also suggest that Vajiravudh’s policy on women was superficial and dictated only women’s appearance, public image and socialized activity.30 Esterik further argues that Rama VI excluded women from his nationalism and positioned them only in the domestic sphere.31 Moreover, as masculinity was linked to men’s loyalty to the throne, historians agree that the Victorian model of the family man was also absent from Vajiravudh’s Ibid., p 261 Ibid., p 266 25 Ibid., p 272 26 Pechsupa Tasanapan, “The Idea of “Socializing” and its Impact on Thai women, 1918-‐1932” M.A thesis, Chulalongkorn University, 1999, pp 54-‐66 27 Irapatra Suriyapan “Concepts of “Mia” in Thai Society (1851-‐1935)” M.A Thesis, 2009, Chulalongkorn university, p 101 28 Tamora Fishel, “Romances…”, p 164 29 Ibid., p 158 30 Penny Esterik, Materializing Thailand (New York: Berg, 2000), pp 98-‐99 Peter Jackson, “Performative Genders, Perverse Desires: A bio-‐history of Thailand's same-‐sex and transgender cultures”, Intersections: Gender, history and culture in the Asian context, 9( August 2003), 15 31 Penny Esterik, Materializing, p 100 23 24 policies Loos claims that “…the discourse of national identity defined men less in terms of their familial position as husbands and fathers than in terms of their loyalty to the monarch” 32 Reading Chanan, Reynolds elaborates that Rama VI’s patriarchy was different from Victorian patriarchy in that Vajiravudh “did not involve authority over the nuclear family The nai nai were his family and he thought of them as his children”.33 Chanan himself explains how Vajiravudh’s policies were different from Victorian culture as his definition of masculinity disdained marriage and the association with women.34 Thus, men’s role in the family has not been sufficiently explored by historians, even by Thai scholars who could easily gain access to primary sources discussing about this issue Assumption 3 King Vajiravudh’s perspectives on gender roles and sexual mores were static and remained unchanged over the course of his reign Being a prolific writer, Rama VI has left us numerous writings for analysis By selecting some of his works over others, scholars propose different arguments Some praise the monarch’s unequivocal support for gender equality and view his nationalist discourse as the tool to educate his band of young men to treat women with respect Others point to sources that express his homosexual tendency coupled with his unflattering attitude towards women What historians agree, however, is how the King formulated his ideas Education and Victorian culture he learned from London are taken to have been the main factor contributing to his model of sexual mores since the beginning through the end of his reign Loos maintains that the sexual morality the throne adopted had developed during his childhood growing up in turn-‐of-‐ the-‐century London 35 Pechsupa also stresses the influence of the education in London and experiences in Europe on his notions of gender roles, proper manners and modern Tamara Loos, Subject…, p 154 Craig Reynolds, “Homosociality ”, p 275 34 Chanan Yodhong, ‘Nai-‐nai’, pp 247-‐253 35 Ibid., p 171 32 33 lifestyle 36 Fishel proposes that the British boarding school system cultivated Vajiravudh’s mindset of having “homosocial and sexual bonds among men”37 as the style of leadership and relationship with men in his circle.38 Fishel elaborates on how the King channeled such sentiment in the service of the nation by adopting Mosse’s analysis of European nationalism and respectability.39 Chanan, agrees with Fishel, and compares Rama VI’s homosocial community of nai nai to male homosocial student circles in Eton and Harrow.40 Nonetheless, Reynolds rightly argues against Fishel and Chanan that Vajiravudh did not attend any boarding school in England, but was tutored privately in his early years in London.41 The influence came from his last years at Oxford University, where the cultural revival of Hellenism could have shaped his perspective of male friendship.42 Although the western influence during his reign is well taken, Western and Thai historians tend to ignore shifting politics and personal conflicts that also contributed to his attitudes Primary sources subsequently have not been examined through the political and personal life situations of the monarch Scholars, instead, perceive Vajiravudh’s ideas as static and consider his policies as pursued consistently More importantly, when applying this Western model to understand his concept of sexual mores and gender roles, Vajiravudh’s different approaches, as shown in his literary works, contradict each other While Western historians have not paid much attention to such contradiction, some Thai scholars attempt to make sense of these sources by tracing the King’s changing ideas Unfortunately, their analyses cover only a small section of the chapter with confusing dating of the writing’s composition Thus, they fail to provide thoroughly critiques on Rama VI’s shifting ideas Pechsupa Tasanapan “The Idea…”, pp 33-‐35 Tamora Fishel, “Romances…”, pp 164-‐165 38 Ibid 39 Ibid., pp 165-‐166 40 Chanan Yodhong, ‘Nai-‐nai’, pp 113-‐116 41 Craig Reynolds, “Homosociality ”, p 271 42 Ibid., p 272 36 37 Therefore, scholars have not elaborated in detail about Vajiravudh’s shifting ideas, whose causes have therefore never been truly examined These small numbers of literary works, they explored, consequently need to be compared with other works and to be looked through the lens of the political and personal conflicts developing around Rama VI as well as the immediate predicaments he encountered 2 Conceptual Framework and Outline Reading Rama VI’s essays, speeches and dramaturgical works, scholars consider Vajiravudh as a monarch who expressed ideas and pursue certain policies with a clear sense of direction However, a re-‐examination of his writings according to the date of composition sheds lights on the shifts in the King’s articulation of Thainess, civilization, sexual morality and gender roles This articulation was influenced by Siam’s asymmetrical relationship with the West since the mid-‐nineteenth century Although Siam escaped direct colonization, Vajiravudh viewed Western imperialism as a threat and more importantly, as a model Against this backdrop, Rama VI also experienced personal and political conflicts with different groups of people ranging from his parents, uncles and siblings who opposed his lifestyle and notion of familial practice Another social group the throne considered a threat was “modern men” consisting of elite commoners and the young generation of officials, clerks and professionals These young men were receptive to western ideas, which led them to contest official nationalism.43 Writings, stage performances and speeches were therefore Vajiravudh’s space to express his political point of view responding to both Western imperial modernity and internal political conflicts While his literary works demonstrate his aims to gradually move away from traditional familial practice of polygamy and adopt Western model of monogamy, the For the discussion about popular nationalist movements, see, Nakarin Mektrairat, “An Intellectual History of Siam's Political Transformation During 2470-‐2480 B.E.”, M.A Thesis, Chulalongkorn University, 1985 Matthew Copeland, “Contested Nationalism and the 1932 Overthrow of the Absolute Monarchy in Siam” Ph.d Dissertation, Australian National University, 1993 43 10 order As an artist, Vajiravudh’s dramatic productions reveal how his creativity brought him to inconsistently highlight and blur the line of Thai and West dichotomy These attempts reflect not only his personal condition of reigning under constant internal conflict but also his hope to justify his precarious 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Vajiravudh exploited the Western model of sexual propriety to attack those who challenged his authority The thesis examines his construction of sexual propriety by discussing these responses according to the two directives outlined below 1) The Response to Western Models of Familial Practice and Femininity Although Siam was not directly... a divine King or devaraja Moreover, the consecrated image of the King was also represented in the concept of chakkravattin or the position of the King as the universal monarch The King’s divine power showed in many aspects, such as titles, cosmic palace structures, sacred rituals and numbers of queens... Reigns’ responses to the Western worldview regarding gender roles and familial practice 2.2 The Alternative Modernity of King Mongkut and King Chulalongkorn Throughout the nineteenth century, Western imperialism dominated the definition of civilization-‐barbarianism around the globe Since the mid nineteenth century, the Siamese... colonial states Thongchai and Loos examine how the Fifth Reign wielded absolute power to modernize the state and simultaneously bore the burden of the extraterritoriality They subsequently maintain that the state authority of the Fifth Reign was both the colonial aggressor and the colonized.112 The ruling elites of this period were consequently... Dilemma of Redefining Women’s Position Historians have conducted a number of studies on the changes in gender roles in Siam during the modern era Thai scholars positively view the modern roles of upper class women in several aspects Their arguments emphasize various state policies in the Fifth Reign concerning the ... examined by Junko Koizumi.120 Koizumi elaborates on how the rights of the high-‐ranking females became more limited since Rama IV tried to develop a patriarchal practice By reducing the importance of the maternal line, fathers possessed the final decision on their daughters’ family life 121 Reducing the maternal line of. .. Reign. 59 The thesis therefore aims to explore how Rama VI branded these particular notions of women’s role and sexual propriety as “true civilization” of Siam 2) Responses to Internal Conflicts Although Vajiravudh’s notions of sexual propriety, femininity and masculinity might be attributed to his formative years in. .. character was opposite to these three groups mentioned above In doing so, the thesis follows Tamora Fishel’s argument on the construction of Thai identity through the relationship with “others”; the Chineseness and the West Fishel argues that while the Chinese was “ the excluded, rejected ‘other’”,61 the West was “a model... (and) sexual norms,” 62 However, the throne eventually rejected the West to maintain the ‘unique Thai identity.’ ” 63 This thesis therefore explores Vajiravudh’s varying attitude on the triangular relationship of the Western practice, the “Chineseness” and the “traditional Thainess” through the characters of ... created the essence of Thainess” The following section elaborates on how the gender boundaries of this period were still in their infancy, as the monarchs had not yet firmly demarcated ideal gender roles Although they adopted a binary opposition concept, they faced a dilemma in placing women’s roles in an undefined ... mirrors the civilizing project with the goal of maintaining the gender hierarchy In the Inner palace, female courtiers were encouraged to take up training in various... of these sources by tracing the King’s changing ideas Unfortunately, their analyses cover only a small section of the chapter with confusing dating of the. .. the Western model of sexual propriety to attack those who challenged his authority The thesis examines his construction of sexual propriety by discussing these
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