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Building citiizens for nationalist china municipal parks and parkways in wuhan (wuchang, hankou and hanyang), 1927 1937

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BUILDING CITIZENS FOR NATIONALIST CHINA: MUNICIPAL PARKS AND PARKWAYS IN WUHAN (WUCHANG, HANKOU AND HANYANG), 1927-1937 ZHANG TIANJIE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2008 BUILDING CITIZENS FOR NATIONALIST CHINA: MUNICIPAL PARKS AND PARKWAYS IN WUHAN (WUCHANG, HANKOU AND HANYANG), 1927-1937 ZHANG TIANJIE (M.Arch, Wuhan University) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2008 Acknowledgements I owe my deepest debt of gratitude to my supervisor, Prof Li Shiqiao, for his years of effort in guiding me through many challenges, academic, professional, and personal. His enlightening supervision, intellectual guidance, valuable advice, continuous encouragement made my 5-year study enjoyable and memorable. I also owe much of my work to my cosupervisor, Prof Bobby Wong, for giving me much-desired knowledge and critical insights into theoretical issues on modern architecture. For assistance at various stages of my research, I am indebted to Prof Heng Chye Keng, Prof Wong Yunn Chii, Dr Johannes Widodo, Prof Li Xiaodong, Dr Viray Erwin in Department of Architecture, National University of Singapore (NUS), whose simulating comments during my Architectural Research Think Tanks quickened my reframing of thoughts. I am grateful to Prof Liu Hong and Prof Su Jui-Lung in Department of Chinese Studies, NUS, whose seminars broadened my intellectual interests across academic disciplines. I would like to thank Prof Hou Youbin in Beijing, who read early versions of my Chinese papers, and bestowed me lots of books on modern history of Chinese architecture. Many thanks to Prof Zhao Chen at Nanjing University, Prof Zhang Fuhe at Qinghua University and Prof Wu Jiang at Tongji University for their generous suggestions at modern Asia Architecture Network 2004 conference. Particularly, I want to express my deep appreciation to Prof Jeffery Cody at Getty Center in Los Angeles, Dr Lai Delin at University of Louisville, USA, Prof Wong and Dr Widodo in NUS, who spared their precious time to review my dissertation draft, and give me invaluable comments. This dissertation relies on unique materials preserved in archival and library collections in Wuhan, Nanjing, Beijing, Shanghai, Taibei and Singapore. I would like to thank Mr. Liu in Hubei Archives, Ms Xu in Wuhan Archives, Ms Tian in Rare Books Collection of Wuhan University library, who were incredibly helpful in providing access to their valuable collections and reproducing documents and drawings for me. I would also like to thank Yu Gang, Tian Yang, Tan Zhengzhen, Li Ao, Qin Bo and Zhang Jilong, who provided much i needed assistance in navigating the archives and libraries in Nanjing, Shanghai and Beijing. Thanks to Zuo Lingyun, Feng Liang and many other friends in Wuhan University and the Institute of Chinese Modern History in Central China Normal University, who offered generous help during my triple research sojourns in Wuhan. I am also grateful to the dedicated staff at Wuhan Library, Hubei Library, the No.2 National Archives of China, Shanghai Archives, Shanghai Library and the National Library of China. Their scrupulous concern and appreciation for the fragile written remnants make my research possible. Besides, I would like to thank Dr Chen Yu, who kindly brought me much needed documents from the Academia Sinica, Taibei. Especially thanks to Ms Lee Ah Kaw and many other staff at the Chinese Library and Central Library of NUS, who have patiently and timely fulfilled my numerous requests for research materials. The writing of the dissertation has been continuously supported by President’s Graduate Fellowship and Graduate Research Scholarship from NUS. My fieldworks are graciously funded by Asia Research Institute, and Prof Li’s research project of East Asia Modernity in School of Design and Environment, NUS. I would like to thank Department of Architecture, NUS, for offering me favorable research conditions. I would also like to thank all my colleagues at CASA (Center of Advanced Studies in Architecture), for their generous help and intellectual companionship throughout my PhD study. Finally, I owe many personal debts of gratitude to my family. My deepest gratitude goes to my husband, Ze. The dissertation would not have been possible without his patience, his optimism, and his energy. I am also deeply indebted to my parents. I dedicate this work to them; thank you for the constant understanding, continuous support and life long love. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements i Table of Contents iii Abstract v Chapter Introduction 1.1 The Emergence of Municipal Parks in Early Twentieth-Century China 1.2 Wuhan in the Early Twentieth-Century 1.3 Municipal Parks in Wuhan: 1927-1937 1.4 Relative Research, Knowledge Gap and Research Approach 14 20 Past Research Identification of the Knowledge Gap Literature Review and Research Approach 1.5 An Overview of Chapters and Issues Chapter Remaking Wuhan: 1927-1937 41 48 2.1 The Rise of Technocracy 2.2 New City Administration and Construction 2.3 City Planning Ideas and Experiments Conclusion 49 53 56 74 Chapter Parks and Scientific Knowledge 77 3.1 From Confucian Classics to Modern Science 77 Technological Trappings The Tide of Scientism Technocracy and Scientific City Remaking 3.2 Hankou’s Zhongshan Park 3.3 Systematic Park Planning 3.4 Building More Parks and Parkways 3.5 Scientific Facilities and New Intellectual Power 86 100 121 135 Public Libraries Other Facilities Conclusion Chapter The Popularization of Tiyu 4.1 The Rise of Tiyu 153 157 158 New Physical Culture: Body and Nation From Ticao to Tiyu Tiyu under the Government Control 4.2 Public Athletic Grounds (tiyuchang) 165 Wuchang Public Athletic Ground Hankou Public Athletic Ground 4.3 Athletic Facilities for Women 4.4 Playgrounds for Children Conclusion 193 201 208 iii Chapter Political Mobilization and Discipline 5.1 From Subjects (chenmin) to Citizens (guomin) 212 213 From “Loose Sand” to Politically Conscious Nationals Disciplined Citizenry under the Cult of Sun Yat-sen 5.2 Establishing a Park in the Name of Sun Yat-sen 5.3 Concretizing National Humiliations (guochi) 5.4 Building Memorial Structures 218 222 229 Chinese Archways (paifang) Cemeteries and Monuments Bronze Statues 5.5 Constructing Settings for Public Speaking (yanshuo) 271 Outdoor Platforms Lecture Halls Popular Tea Gardens (minzhong chayuan) Conclusion Chapter Negotiations between Progress, Privilege and Tradition 6.1 Hankou’s Riverfront Avenue 6.2 Dragon King Park 6.3 The Green Network under Conflicts and Compromises Conclusion Chapter Conclusion 7.1 The Spatial Construction of Citizens 7.2 Continuities and Changes in Comparative Perspectives 7.3 De-park and Re-park in the Following Years 283 287 287 301 308 313 315 315 321 324 Glossary 330 Bibliography 337 iv Abstract This dissertation examines the conceptualization and materialization of municipal parks and parkways in Wuhan during 1927-1937, a great triple metropolis of central China, and articulates a spatial understanding of them against the background of a worldwide public park movement since late nineteenth century, a wider agenda of urban reform in the tri-cities of Wuhan, and broader efforts to remake Chinese cities in the wake of the foreign encroachment in early twentieth-century China. It construes these parks and parkways as a kind of newlyestablished public open space, and explores their architectural expressions and the social relations which informed their production and use. The empirically-based research intends to articulate the role of these municipal parks and parkways as an explicit spatial manifestation of the body and the mind of the citizen, which was viewed to be essential for constructing a modern nation-state in Nationalist China. Upon the introduction of Western municipal administration and city planning, a group of Wuhan technocrats proposed a park-and-boulevard system in late 1920s as a fundamental part of Wuhan’s urban reconstruction agenda. Based on their professional training and experience in the West, the Wuhan reformers employed new ideas such as efficient land-use zones, diversified and widespread parks, interconnected multi-way parkways, as well as an underground drainage system. The green park system, from one aspect, was a reaction to the urban industrialization in Wuhan and its consequent problems similar to those in the West; it would create purifying lungs and rural oases, order and rationalize city’s development, and transform the city into a healthier environment catering to the needs of the people’s mental and physical well-being. Furthermore, the technocrats in Wuhan regarded public parks essentially as a space for public education. They incorporated a range of scientific facilities into the municipal parks, introducing scientific knowledge and wholesome life styles to the widest masses. The facilities were seen as a way to overcome superstitions and irrational beliefs, to enlighten the citizens and ultimately to revitalize the country. Reacting against the perceived lack of active v life in Chinese tradition, a wide range of athletic facilities was configured in the parks, aiming at building up a new physique for men, women and children as an integral part of nationalism. Besides, Wuhan’s reformers also concretized the national humiliation discourse, deployed a collection of memorial structures, and constructed settings for public speaking, so as to transform imperial subjects “scattered like loose sand” into a politically conscious citizenry. It is worth noting that the process of conceiving and configuring the municipal parks and parkways was neither a simple wholesale transplantation from the West to the East, nor a linear progression of the new replacing the old. Alongside the new elements imported, traditional components remained or were recycled. Furthermore, the municipal park network in Wuhan was largely initiated by the government, emphasizing people’s responsibility to further the development of the nation. Nevertheless, the government’s push to establish a new urban landscape and social order had to be mitigated, to a considerable degree, by residents’ own interests. From this point of view, these parks and parkways were also products of conflicts rather than homogeneous visions, defined, contested and negotiated by a constellation of promoters, designers, elite and ordinary parkgoers, under the pressing demands of state building, social rights and civic ambitions. vi Chapter Introduction Municipal parks are a form of public parks. The public park proper is an open space belonging to the public as of right and provided with a variety of facilities for the enjoyment of leisure.1 “Public” implies free and uninhibited access, but this was not necessarily the case in China. For instance, in some parks only limited areas were accessible to the public; some opened for merely a restricted period; and others charged an admission fee. Generally speaking, the term public park was used very loosely in China with different degrees of accessibility. In comparison, “municipal” means pertaining to the local self-government or corporate government of a city or town. Municipal parks are mainly promoted, funded and administered by certain local government or park committee under its direction, and offer free access to the public. Accordingly, their advantage over all other forms of public parks is that complete control rests with the local authority and the unalienable right of public access for recreation is secured.2 1.1 The Emergence of Municipal Parks in Early TwentiethCentury China For China, the concept of public park (gongyuan), where common people can go for relaxation and recreation, is purely Western and modern.3 Linguistically, although the Chinese characters gongyuan had existed in the classical Chinese lexicon, they actually referred to official gardens or land owned by the emperor, something quite different from the Western notion of the park as a public space. The term gongyuan was a “return graphic loan word”, which refers to classical Chinese-character compounds that were used by the Japanese Spiro Kostof, The City Assembled: The Elements of Urban Form through History (London: Thames and Hudson, 1992), 165. Hazel Conway, People’s Parks: The Design and Development of Victorian Parks in Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 1-8. Jermyn Chi-Hung Lynn, Social life of the Chinese in Peking (Peking-Tientsin: China Booksellers, 1928), 59-60. to translate modern European words and were reintroduced into modern Chinese.4 A gongyuan with the Western concept of a public park, then became very different from yuanlin (garden groves), a term used in both classical and modern Chinese. Historically, especially in the Ming and Qing China, gardens groves were private or imperial ventures for the enjoyment of the owners and their invited guests, and represented a highly Confucian version of conspicuous consumption among the literati.5 While yuanlin meant imperial or private preserves, gongyuan implied public ownership and public access. Public parks were first promoted in industrializing Europe during the mid-nineteenth century. The construction of a public park, useful landscape within the town for the use and enjoyment of the larger public, was essentially a Victorian idea, as a response to problems of sanitation and urban growth in Britain, the forefront of the Industrial Revolution.6 From the 1820s or 1830s, the English towns were at the outset of industrial urbanization, undergoing ever-quickening increases in size. But still under weak administration by outdated authorities, their space pressures visibly intensified as never before. Building could not keep pace with the demand for accommodation, and consequently what houses already existed became more and more dense. Without drains, privies, and water supply, the tenements lacked ventilation and filled with faecal deposits and dirt. 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Wu, his father and brother], edited by Zou Haiqing, 1-283. Wuhan: Xin shiji chubanshe, 1999. 371 [...]... reputation as inland China s most modern city, and three times the city became the center stage of national politics – 1911 Republican Revolution, 1927 Guomindang’s Northern Expedition, and 1938 Anti-Japanese War In many ways, Wuhan became the place for a new and modern Chinese national identity embodied in early twentieth-century China. 45 1.3 Municipal Parks in Wuhan: 1927- 1937 Precursors of Wuhan s parks. .. differences and similarities? What roles did Wuhan s municipal parks actually play in the contexts of Chinese material and intellectual modernization? 1.4 Relative Research, Knowledge Gap and Research Approach Past Research Studies on Public Parks in China Today, public parks in contemporary China, are mostly taken as a kind of designed landscape, and the corresponding studies remain mainly within the realm... the interpretation of cultural form in 71 For instance, Shi Mingzheng deals with the public space to investigate the roles of both the state and society in Beijing’s transformations He argues that the late Qing and early republican reforms transformed urban space, and the interplay of official and private forces – the municipal government and local gentry and merchants – shaped the outcome See Shi Mingzheng,... appended.25 Fig 1.2 The map of China during the republican era (Source: Joseph W Esherick, “Modernity and Nation in the Chinese City,” in Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 19001950, ed Joseph W Esherick, 3) 25 William G Skinner, “Regional Urbanization in Nineteenth-Century China, ” in City in Late Imperial China, ed William G Skinner (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1977),... for the fallen officers and soldiers in the Nationalist revolutions Tortoise Hill in Hanyang was also surveyed and proposed to open as Hanyang Fuxing Park Some riverfront areas in Hankou and Hanyang were planted, and some originally bare and windswept tracts in suburb were reclaimed as nurseries Regarding small-scaled parks, Fuqian Park was completed in front of Hankou s municipal government building, ... Central Park in Chongqing, Zhongshan Park in Xiamen, and so on.22 These municipal parks emerged mostly in treaty ports or cities with foreign enclaves, where the alien autonomy, together with the order and progress presented in the concessions, provided a challenge and a model for Chinese reformers’ modernizing agenda.23 The newly built municipal parks in China began to depart from traditional Chinese gardens,... Restoration, Japan gradually incorporated the Western concept of the public park in Meiji town and city planning, and promoted public parks as a kind of places for displaying modern civilization and civility In Tokyo, for instance, Ueno Park was established in 1873, and four more public parks were opened in the coming years, offering both recreational and educational facilities for people’s enjoyment.14... Zhang pushed the extensive reforms covering communications, finance, heavy industry and education in Wuhan in the wake of Western political and economic encroachment in China, justified by his “ti-yong” thinking.31 He established arsenals, iron mills, coal mines, and other government-sponsored 26 Pi Mingxiu, ed., Jindai Wuhan chengshishi [Urban history of modern Wuhan] (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue... Taiyuan in 1998, seventh in Guangzhou and Macau in 2000, eighth in Ningbo in 2002, ninth in Kaiping in 2004, and tenth at Beihai in 2006 According to the ten volumes of proceedings, there are only two articles taking public parks as a research focus See Li Shiqiao and Zhang Tianjie, “Gonghe de lixiang yu gonggong kongjian: Hankou Zhongshan gongyuan 1928-1938” [Republican Ideals and Public Space: Hankou s... (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1974) 67 Elvin and Skinner, Chinese City, 2 68 Michael Tsin, Nation, Governance, and Modernity in China: Canton, 1900 -1927 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1999); Stapleton, Civilizing Chengdu; Jr Frederic Wakeman, Policing Shanghai, 1927- 1937 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Ruth Rogaski, “From Protecting the Body to Defending . NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2008 BUILDING CITIZENS FOR NATIONALIST CHINA: MUNICIPAL PARKS AND PARKWAYS IN WUHAN (WUCHANG, HANKOU AND HANYANG), 1927-1937 . BUILDING CITIZENS FOR NATIONALIST CHINA: MUNICIPAL PARKS AND PARKWAYS IN WUHAN (WUCHANG, HANKOU AND HANYANG), 1927-1937 ZHANG TIANJIE. 3 public parks were breathing spaces for public health and recreation in the metropolis, and called for building public parks from the threats of enclosure and development. 8 The need for parks in

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