HANDBOOK OF ADOLESCENT PSYCHOLOGY - PART 7 pdf

can be applied to examine whether and how media influence relevant cognitive, attitu- dinal, or behavioral outcomes (see, for example, Comstock, 1991; Comstock et al., 1978; Strasburger & Wilson, 2002). Thus, public perceptions (and empirical evidence) of increases in youth violence, sexual activity, substance use, and so on often raise ques- tions about the media’s role in such behavior, stimulating systematic examination of media content and of how such content affects beliefs and behavior. Hence, many more studies have examined potentially harmful or antisocial behaviors than helpful or prosocial behaviors. For the most part, research on adolescents and media falls under one of three gen- eral headings: content analyses, media use studies, and effects studies. A large number of content analyses are relevant to adolescents and most media. One exception is a dearth of systematic information about content available on the World Wide Web. The most relevant content analyses document the quantity and nature of me- dia messages that are particularly germane to adolescent audiences—that is, studies em- phasizing perceived or real social problems. Such research has documented how much media portray various problem issues and related behaviors and how such portrayals are framed, identifying the prevalence of numerous message-related variables that have been documented to influence learning and acceptance of any kind of message. In addition to content analyses, a large and consistent research literature indicates that adolescents spend a substantial part of their time exposed to media messages. Sur- veys focus on the relationship between various demographic and social variables and media consumption, documenting important age-related and individual differences in the amount, type, and content of media adolescents consume. Two recent trends are important to the understanding of the potential consequences of adolescent media use. First, the preponderance of adolescent media use occurs in solitude, increasing from early to late adolescence. Second, the past decade has witnessed a substantial increase in media channels and content aimed particularly at adolescents, largely due to recog- nition that adolescents constitute a valuable market for advertisers. Finally, effects studies shed light on numerous factors that mediate learning from media exposure. Research has identified an extensive list of message- and audience- related variables that influence reception and interpretation of media messages as well as conditions influencing subsequent display of what has been learned from media con- tent. Many of the findings apply to children, adolescents, and adults alike. However, to the extent that adolescent development influences or is influenced by media content, a great many holes in our knowledge remain. The bulk of media effects research consists of either correlational data obtained from surveys or short-term experiments. Comfort levels with both the external validity of and causal inferences from many of the cited studies would be greatly enhanced by more long-term, longitudinal, and observational research. Unlike effects research concerned with young children, developmental theory has seldom guided research on media effects and adolescents. Indeed, our knowledge about media and adolescence exists because studies of relevant social issues have been conducted with adolescent participants. However, adolescence denotes a much richer concept than the age criterion for research subjects. It is a period of rapid change and attendant uncertainty, during which youth confront an array of developmental tasks that mark the transition to adulthood (e.g., establishing self-identity, sexual identity, 508 Adolescents and Media independence, etc.). One characterization of adolescent development points to a kind of psychological fragmentation, a process by which young people differentiate a public from a private self, and possibly many private selves from each other. During such fragmentation, adolescents confront identity formation by trying on an array of po- tential selves. Moreover, it appears that the disequilibrium inherent in confronting a given developmental task likely triggers a need for information about that task and si- multaneously implicates related schemas or cognitive categories that serve as frame- works within which new information is processed. In such instances, the same media content may be mainly construed in terms of sexual behavior or independence from au- thority, depending on which issue a given adolescent confronts. This view of adolescent development, considered in relation to findings from re- search on media and adolescents, points to the importance of bridging the gap between the two literatures. Psychological fragmentation may, as Larson (1995) argues, occur largely in solitude. However, it is largely solitude from live sources of information— parents, siblings, peers—not from mediated sources. Today’s adolescents withdraw to rooms filled with media offering an array of messages designed to appeal particularly to their age group. To the extent that they confront developmental tasks and explore various potential selves during such private time, media potentially play a central role in adolescent socialization. Media provide content about issues central to development just when adolescents are most likely to be seeking that information. Focus on a given issue increases accessibility to issue-related schemas; these, in turn, influence how me- dia content is interpreted, what view of the world is cultivated, what specific beliefs and behaviors are learned, and to some extent, what view of the emerging self is con- structed. 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References 517 [...]... 1998; Moffitt, 1993) A number of factors predict the likelihood of belonging to the group that Moffitt has labeled “life course persistent offenders,” but differentiating them from more typical adolescent offenders in a cross-sectional sample of same-aged offenders is an uncertain business and prone to error Transfer policies driven by age and offense type can not distinguish serious persistent offenders... neither of these approaches has worked satisfactorily Evolving Portraits of Adolescent Offenders The Era of Wayward Children: The Traditional Juvenile Court At the turn of the 20th century, the establishment of the juvenile court was part of a broader Progressive reform agenda that expanded the boundaries of childhood and dramatically reshaped the relationship between families and the state (Kett, 1 977 ;... complexity of domain-specific variation in the legal view of adolescence Both of these latter issues have generated interest among researchers interested in evaluating the legal standard by comparing adolescent and adult capacities The Age of Majority: The Legal Invisibility of Adolescence The age of majority functions as the threshold to legal adulthood for many purposes Upon attaining the age of 18, adolescents... judgment of when the right should be extended In the 1960s, research suggested that adolescents possess some of the capacities that are important to political participation For example, abstract understanding of rights, a sense of community, and conception of the individual as part of the larger social contract develop throughout adolescence into adulthood (Adelson & O’Neil, 1966; Haste &Torney-Purta,... classifying teens on a case-by-case basis as either children or adults We argue that this costly regulatory scheme harms the interests of pregnant teens and offers little in the way of social benefit Advocates of adolescent self-determination argue that adolescents should be accorded adult status because the decision to terminate a pregnancy differs in many ways from other types of medical treatment Because... Exposure to media-portrayed thin-ideal images adversely affects vulnerable girls: A longitudinal experiment Journal of Social & Clinical Psychology, 20, 270 –288 Strasburger, V C (2002) Alcohol advertising and adolescents Pediatric Clinics of North America, 49, 353– 376 Strasburger, V C., & Wilson, B J (2002) Children, adolescents, & the media Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Strouse, J S., & Buerkel-Rothfuss, N... research indicates are on long-term offending trajectories Many youth engage in some form of delinquency during adolescence (offending rates appear to peak around age 16 or 17) but desist as adulthood approaches (Blumstein & Cohen, 19 87; Farrington, 1986; Jessor & Jessor, 1 977 ) Indeed, most teenage males participate in some delinquent behavior—a fact that has led Terrie Moffitt, a developmental psychologist,... behavior is “a normal part of teen life”(Moffitt, 1993) Thus, Moffitt, basing her conclusions on her research on developmental trajectories, labels most youthful criminal conduct “adolescence-limited” behavior Her research, which is supported by many other studies, identifies a relatively small percentage of youthful offenders with stable long-term offending patterns that might fit the notion of a career criminal... failure of the binary approach This is an arena in which the boundary of childhood shifted dramatically over the course of the 20th century, and strikingly different accounts of young offenders have been deployed in service of the different policy agendas The juvenile justice system was established at the end of the 19th century with the purpose of providing rehabilitation to young offenders instead of. .. psychosocial differences between adolescent offenders and adults, but only a few empirical studies of culpability exist Fried and Reppucci (2001) evaluated the influence of several psychosocial factors on criminal decision making using videotaped vignettes of a series of decisions resulting in a crime Age-based differences in psychosocial capacities followed a U-shaped function with midadolescents (ages 15–16) . life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78 , 77 2 79 0. Arnett, J. J. (1991). Adolescents and heavy metal music: From the mouths of metalheads. Youth & Society, 23(1), 76 –98. Arnett,. integrates theories of adolescent development with theories of media processes and effects is needed. Such integration offers the promise of increasing un- derstanding of how adolescent development. (1995). Adolescents’ uses of media for self-socialization. Journal of Youth and Ado- lescence, 24, 519–533. Atkin, C. K. (1993). Effects of media alcohol messages on adolescent audiences. Adolescent Medicine: