HANDBOOK OF ADOLESCENT PSYCHOLOGY - PART 2 doc

advanced by Byrnes (1998), for example, the role of the anterior cingulate cortex as a conflict monitor and error recognition system becomes of central interest (Bush, Luu, & Posner, 2000; Holroyd & Coles, 2002; Luu et al., 2000, 2003; van Veen & Carter, 2002). When adolescents find themselves in risky situations, perhaps through inadequate ad- vance planning, the importance of knowing that things may be going wrong becomes a critical checking mechanism. Similarly, the interplay of the DLPFC (which may invoke more analytic processing) and the orbitofrontal cortex (which may invoke more gist- like, emotionally valent, heuristic processing) in making decisions where the identifi- cation of the relevant information is not self-evident raises important considerations for the specificity of dual process models (Klaczynski, 2001a, 2001b; Kokis et al., 2002). In a more speculative vein, it may be that significant and specific brain changes are also central to the construction of self during adolescence. Recent theoretical work linking particular neural circuitry to the functioning of the dialogical self (Lewis, 2002) and to awareness of other minds (Frith, 2002) suggests the potential richness of a bio- logical grounding for previously hard-to-specify but crucial developments in higher order thinking and reflection. In seeking common ground, or consilience, across cognitive-behavioral and neuro- developmental approaches, two cautions already noted can be usefully recalled here: Cognition and behavior are not reducible to their neural substrate, and the rapid accu- mulation of evidence arising from new neuroimaging techniques means that the por- trait of the brain, both functionally and structurally, is likely to undergo many rapid it- erations—and this is even more true of developmental neuroimaging, for which the evidence is even more recent and thus provisional. On the other hand, the convergences across several lines of both cognitive and neu- rodevelopmental research on adolescents are striking. The emergence of a more fully conscious cognitive actor is evident from both sets of data and thus is mutually rein- forcing. If this convergence in fact reflects some important homologies, then the neces- sary approach to future research will be interdisciplinary (Wilson, 1998). Of special note is the evidence on synaptic pruning through adolescence, which raises the proba- bility that experience-based brain development also continues through the adolescent period. This implies the crucial importance of the culture and context within which adolescents assemble this potentially powerful tool for conscious control and aware- ness. Donald (2001) argued that consciousness gets assembled only in the cultural con- text and thus is inevitably shaped by that context. The biological embedding of experi- ence (Boyce & Keating, in press; Keating & Hertzman, 1999) in adolescence would thus be a potentially significant sensitive or critical developmental period, in that it would shape the consciousness that individuals carry forward into adulthood. This implies in turn the necessity of developing a more refined conceptual framework for context and culture, especially as they impinge on adolescents’ emerging consciousness. CULTURE INTO BIOLOGY: THE MAKING OF THE ADOLESCENT MIND From the review of adolescent cognitive and brain development, an integrated account has begun to emerge. Based on both lines of evidence, it is clear that adolescence is an Culture Into Biology: The Making of the Adolescent Mind 73 important period for the coordination of a wide array of cognitive and brain systems into a self-aware, self-guided, and self-monitoring system of conscious control. It may in fact be a critical period for such developments (Giedd et al., 1999) in that synaptic pruning guided by developmental experiences may influence how such coordination takes place. An important general rule of brain development, first articulated by Hebb (1949), is that neuronal cells that fire together, wire together (FTWT): “When an axon of cell A is near enough to excite cell B repeatedly or consistently takes part in firing it, some growth or metabolic change takes place in one or both cells such that A’s efficiency, as one of the cells in firing B, is increased.” Bi and Poo (2001) reviewed research that up- dates this classic and important observation, including new evidence on the temporal and spatial specificity of FTWT. It is clear that the general rule continues to be con- firmed but that the more precise the probe, the more complex it becomes to define what constitutes firing together. We have by now a reasonably clear picture of the mechanisms by which this occurs in early development (Boyce & Keating, in press; Cynader & Frost, 1999; Meaney, 2001), at least compared with the clarity of the picture of adolescent development. Moreover, the evolutionary purpose of experiential shaping in early development is rel- atively easy to imagine. For regularly expected features of the environment (e.g., visual input), it makes evolutionary sense to encode a relatively simple program genetically that will be tuned as it encounters that expected environment (Cynader & Frost, 1999). Where environmental variation is probable (e.g., the availability or quality of parental care under conditions of varying hardship), it makes evolutionary sense to have a sys- tem with different levels of set points and regulatory function that are activated by the actual experience of the organism (Meaney, 2001). An equivalent evolutionary story for adolescent consciousness will be far more spec- ulative, largely because the primary features that define the higher levels of conscious- ness have a single example (Homo sapiens sapiens). This can be informed speculation, however, drawing on contemporary comparisons of human and nonhuman primates and on historical and prehistoric evidence (Donald, 2001; Rilling & Insel, 1999). Three possible, nonexclusive bases of evolutionary selection for consciousness have some sup- port and special relevance for the adolescent transition. The first is the long learning curve for the acquisition of expertise, especially when such acquisition requires delib- erate, consciously guided effort (Ericsson, 2002; Walker et al., 2002). The second involves the recruiting function of the prefrontal cortex, pulling together a wide array of cognitive and other systems in the service of conscious goals. This im- plies a level of cognitive flexibility and niche-picking that would afford survival in a wide array of environments. Retaining neural plasticity while allowing more modular systems to develop so that they can be subsequently recruited would be an evolution- ary strategy well suited to maximizing purposeful flexibility. The third is related to the major physical reorganization that is occasioned by pu- berty. As noted earlier, we do not know whether the pubertal and brain changes are re- lated directly, indirectly, or coincidentally. We do know that there are major hormonal shifts, some of which have the effect of heightening some aspects of socioemotional life, especially those with a sexual component. Cognitive-affective interactive systems are thus directly impacted. This combination of emerging consciousness and heightened 74 Cognitive and Brain Development arousal makes it a prime target for socialization experiences that secure the individual’s attachment to the group and ensure that the group’s goals are undertaken by its up- coming members. Initiation rites appear to serve this purpose of capturing the passion of the youthful members of the group. Taken together, given the neural evidence that the adolescent brain is primed for a critical period during which environments and activities will shape function, especially prefrontal functions (Giedd et al., 1999), the cognitive evidence that such metalevel re- organization is occurring in concert with these changes in the brain (see the previous main section), and the evolutionary evidence that consciousness is formed in the inter- section of the individual and the social mind (Donald, 2001), it is reasonable to con- clude that deep attention to the way in which the culture and context operate with re- spect to adolescent development should be a prime concern for anyone interested in their, and our, well-being. Beyond speculation and a proposed consilience of evidence, we may well ask whether evidence of such biological embedding (Boyce & Keating, in press; Keating & Hertz- man, 1999) exists for the adolescent transition. Is there anything comparable to the dra- matic physiological and behavioral effects of stressful early rearing (Meaney, 2001)? Using animals that had experienced a deprived early environment, Francis et al. (2002) explored the potential for reversibility of effect through peripubertal enrichment. Ani- mals in the experimental group were moved at puberty to a more complex and stimu- lating social and physical environment: “Animals in the enrichment condition were housed in groups of eight animals within a series of large 60 × 30 × 60 cm cages inter- connected with a burrow system and filled with toys that were replaced regularly. Stan- dard laboratory conditions were defined as two animals housed in a 20 × 40 × 30 cm clear plastic cage” (Francis et al., 2002, p. 7841). The results provide the first clear evi- dence on fundamental reversibility of behavioral and physiological damage, although the physiological reversibility was only partial. Francis et al. (2002) described the recov- ery as more compensatory in nature, creating a physiological work-around to counter the worst effects of early deprivation. The implications of this research for viewing ado- lescence as a critical period are profound, suggesting that adolescence also provides an opportunity for recovery of function compromised by early experience. Some findings from research with human subjects are consistent with this evidence in that they show covariation between aspects of context and a pattern of individual dif- ferences. In population data on adolescent achievement, there are substantial differ- ences across societies, not only in mean performance but also in the gradient of achieve- ment across socioeconomic status (SES). The replicated finding of interest, termed a gradient effect (Keating & Hertzman, 1999), is that where there are steeper gradients (i.e., larger differences in achievement as one moves along the SES scale), there tend to be lower overall means. Conversely, in societies where the differences in developmental outcomes are less stark across levels of SES, the means tend to be higher. Thus, there is evidence for a context effect (societal or cultural) on developmental outcomes in ado- lescence. Until these gradient effects can be unpacked through (increasingly available) comparative-longitudinal evidence, however, we cannot know whether these contex- tual effects arose in adolescence or earlier. We also need further evidence to identify which aspects of context influence the gradient effect (Boyce & Keating, in press). The substantial role of culture in thinking about identity and decision making is ev- Culture Into Biology: The Making of the Adolescent Mind 75 ident in Chandler’s (2000) contrast of Euro-American and Canadian First Nations adolescents. The essentialist thought of the former is argued as fundamentally differ- ent from the self-referential narrative approach of the latter. The broader issue of how to judge competing knowledge claims has more often been investigated among young adults as epistemic development (Moshman, 1998), but these issues may be later ap- pearances of a recursive pattern that begins earlier in development to shape epistemo- logical beliefs (Chandler, Hallett, & Sokol, 2002). A major difficulty in exploring the ways in which culture and context shape the adolescent mind in this critical period lies in the relative dearth of theory about con- text as it can be used productively in research, although there are some promising de- velopments in this regard (Boyce, Frank, Jensen, Kessler, Nelson, & Steinberg, 1998; Bronfenbrenner, 1999). Productive theories of context will need to incorporate a no- tion of “culture in action” (Swidler, 1986) rather than as a static, exogenous feature. In this regard, the ultimate models are likely to have properties of dynamic systems, with recursive feedback built in (Keating, 1990c). In addition, such approaches will need to include many different methods to account for the variety of the adolescent experience. Significant methodological developments in recent years may afford a rich enough depiction of adolescent experience to enable brain-behavior-context research to pro- ceed. Comparative epidemiological studies can provide a portrait of how adolescents fare in different societies, although as noted we will need to unpack those population patterns in order to get at underlying mechanisms (Keating, 2001b). The construct of social capital may be useful for describing at several levels of detail how the everyday lives of adolescents vary and how that is linked to diverse developmental outcomes. Studies of neighborhood effects using multilevel analyses (Sampson, Morenoff, & Gannon-Rowley, 2002), of social ecologies using ethnographic methods (Anderson, 1998), of adolescents’ participation in civil society using survey data (Flanagan, Bowes, Jonsson, Csapo, & Sheblanova, 1998), and of the everyday activities and feelings of ado- lescents in their families, with their peers, and on their own, using experience sampling methodology (ESM; Larson, 1995; Larson, Richards, Moneta, Holmbeck, & Duckett, 1996), each offer a window onto the features of the adolescent context that may pro- vide multiple opportunities to link differences in context to differences in multiple as- pects of adolescents’ emerging consciousness. Longitudinal studies of the connections between these areas of context and adolescent outcomes will be essential if we are in- terested in understanding their influence. In pursuing these connections, it will be important to view context and culture not as static, exogenous entities that impact on adolescents, but rather as the cognitive and social web that is characterized by the felt connections to one’s group. The core of self- regulation and self-knowledge lies in relationships and thus is closely connected to the social mind (Bell & Calkins, 2000; Swidler, 1986; Tice & Bratslavsky, 2000). In general terms, it seems likely that the route by which culture and context influence cognition and consciousness during the critical adolescent transition will typically be interpersonal and relational, through varying agencies (family, peers, teachers, media, etc.). From a societal perspective, this creates a serious challenge. 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