Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 2 - Oceania - Y docx

388 Yangoru Boiken Yangoru Boiken ETHNONYMS: Nugum, Wianu, Yangoru Orientation Idenification. The Boiken people of the East Sepik Prov- ince, Papua New Guinea, occupy one of the most extensive and ecologically heterogeneous territories in New Guinea. Their boundaries encompass the islands of Walis, Tarawai, and Muschu in the Bismarck Sea and cut a broad swathe inland across the coastal Prince Alexander range before de- scending through fertile foothills into the rolling grassland north of the Sepik River. Coupled with their complex migra- tional prehistory, this ecological heterogeneity has conferred an extreme linguistic and cultural diversity on the Boiken, and consequently only one dialect group, the Yangoru Boiken, is described here. The Yangoru Boiken speak five distinct subdialects, each of which exhibits distinct subcultural variations; the data to follow are most representative of the north central subdialect speakers in the villagers of Sima, Kambelyi, and Kworabri. Boiken" is the name of the coastal village where the first missionaries lived; 'Yangoru" is the local name of the area in which Yangoru Patrol Post was located. Until European contact, the Yangoru Boiken had no conception of themselves as a single unit; local polities re- ferred to themselves only as nina, which means 'we all," or tua, which means 'People." Location. The Yangoru Boiken live between 3°36' and 3045' S and 143°14' and 143°22' E, around Yangoru government station in the southern foothills of the Prince Alexander range. Annual rainfall is about 175 centimeters. Demography. In 1980, the Boiken numbered some 40,000 people. Of these, about 13,300 were Yangoru Boiken, though only about 9,600 were resident in Yangoru; the rest were living elsewhere in Papua New Guinea. This total repre- sents a considerable increase over the 4,000 to 5,000 Yangoru Boiken estimated at the beginning of significant European contact in the 1920s. In 1980, overall density in Yangoru averaged about 51 persons per square kilometer within the main population belt, however, it averaged 66 persons per square kilometer. The population growth rate is about 2.5 to 3 percent. inguistic Affiliation. The Yangoru Boiken have been classified as one of seven dialect groups of the Boiken language, Ndu Family, Middle Sepik Stock, of the Sepik-Ramu Phylum. The Boiken language is perhaps more accurately characterized, however, as two or more linguistically chained languages, with the Yangoru Boiken located toward the middle of the chain. History and Cultural Relations Thousands of years ago, Boiken territory was occupied by speakers of Torricelli Phylum languages. Subsequently, a large body of Ndu speakers from the Koiwat region north of the Sepik River infiltrated what is now southeast Boiken terri tory and spread northward to the offshore islands, linguistically assimilating the Torricelli residents as they moved. In consequence, the Yangoru Boiken appear to have a dual an- cestry, Ndu and Torricelli, which may explain their close cultural affinities to the Torricelli-speaking Mountain Arapesh. First contact occurred around the turn of the century, but it was 1930 before missionaries, labor recruiters, and patrol offi- cers began to have a significant influence on Yangoru Boiken culture. By then, steel had largely displaced stone, and warfare was in decline. By 1980, male initiation, all but the first stage of female initiation, and most traditional arts were defunct, currency had largely displaced shell wealth, and alumi- num utensils had replaced clay pots and wooden plates. Settlement The Yangoru Boiken live in villages of about fifteen to thirty- five hamlets, located mainly on the leveled crests of densely forested ridges. Most villages have between 150 and 400 people. In 1980, Sima village comprised twenty-eight inhabited hamlets-each with an average of three dwelling houses and two food houses-and 275 residents, with another 57 being absent in towns. Each hamlet is home to one or two patrilineagelike units called ring. Each village has several mandawia ("big places"), hamlets that clanlike congeries of related hring claim as the homes of their apical ancestors; here they build their spirit houses, conduct their exchange ceremonies, and hold major moots. There are two basic house structures: the pile house, which is raised a meter or so off the ground on stilts and is particularly common in the higher foothills; and the ground house, which is built directly on the earth and is more common in the lower foothills. Both are thatched with coconut-palm fronds or tiles of sago leaflets; they are walled with sago-bark shingles or sago-frond stems, and floored with limbum palm planks or cane. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The staples of Yangoru Boiken subsistence are yams and taro, cultivated separately under slash-and-bum horticulture, and a feast-or- famine dependence on the sago palm. Supplements include bananas, coconuts, breadfruit, greens, sugarcane, bamboo sprouts, and a wide variety of game, including pigs, cassowar- ies, a range of smaller ground and arboreal mammals, birds, grubs, and fish. During the Japanese occupation in World War II, game and fish supplies were seriously depleted and, following the introduction of shotguns and nylon netting, they remain depressed. In consequence, dependence on game and fish has decreased, while reliance on store-bought meat, fish, and rice has increased. Industrial Arts. In the past, villagers manufactured stone adzes, bamboo knives, carved plates, ceramic pots and bowls, wooden eating utensils, spears, war clubs, shields, slit gongs, and certain items of shell wealth. Nowadays, almost all industrial products are bought in shops. Trade. Traditionally, the high foothill villages of Yangoru were linked in trade to coastal Boiken villages on the far side of the mountains. They exported smoked pork, tobacco, net bags, and clay pots and imported piglets, salt, and Turbo clamshells. Fashions, songs, and dances seem to have passed both ways. From the high foothills, salt, pottery, and Turbo- based shell wealth were traded to the low foothills in exchange for net bags and shell wealth. By the late 1960s, how. ever, these networks were largely defunct. Yangoru Boiken 389 Division of Labor. There is a distinct division of labor by sex. Men hunt and fish, clear and fence gardens, plant and harvest yams and sago, process sago, cook ceremonial foods, and build houses. In earlier days, they also conducted the fighting, made pots and plates, and created most of the art- work. Women rear pigs; plant, weed, and harvest the taro, bananas, and greens; help with weeding and harvesting the yams; do the daily cooking and most of the portering; fetch water, forage for firewood and bush foods; and do most of the child care. Both sexes manufacture ornaments, clothing, bags, and baskets. In modem times, this division has begun to crumble, partly under the influence of Western values and partly because the frequent absence of young men in urban centers forces wives to do their husbands' worLk Land Tenure. Land and domesticated trees are vested in the bring. The most influential man in the ring, its 'father" (yaba), nominally controls the disposal of its resources, but it would be unusual for him to dispute the wishes of his agnates concerning the resources they farm. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. The principal kin groups, known as bring, are patrilineagelike segments averaging about ten to fourteen members. Hring are usually linked by stipulated patrilineal descent into totemic, quasisubclan and quasiclan groups (also known as ringg, and they sustain alliances to yet other ring based on affinal links, legendary connections, friendship, or common political interests. Recruit- ment to a ring is by birth to the wife of a male member or by use of its resources, the latter way being legitimized by assist- ing the group in its wealth, food, and pig exchange obligations. Wives become members of their husbands' hring at marriage. It is not uncommon for a man to belong to two or even three different ring; accordingly, kinship relations are often multiplex. Kinship Terminology. There are two kinship terminolo- gies. The first and more salient is employed principally in public and formal discourse and is essentially of the Omaha type. The second is used in private, informal discourse and, with due regard to age and sex, extends nuclear kin terms bi- laterally, with the exception that maternal brothers are called "mother" and paternal sisters 'father." Marriage and Family Marriage. Although formal betrothal may occur during a girl's initiation at first menses, nowadays it is often omitted. There always has been considerable freedom of choice in marriage partners, and young people typically enter several 'trial" marriages that dissolve before consummation. Once a wife has borne her husband a child, however, divorce is ex- tremely rare Ideally, a man should marry his father's mother's brother's sister's daughter or, failing that, his mother's mother's brother's sister's daughter, but such marriages are uncommon in practice. Marriage is proscribed with members of one's own bring, most more-distant agnates, and close maternal and affinal relatives. Marriage involves bride-wealth and initiates a flow of shell valuables from wife-receiving to wife- giving ring that is reciprocated with food, labor, and protection. The wealth is said to 'buy" the "skins" or "bodies" of the woman's children; the food, labor, and protection reflect the "maternal" obligations of her natal ring toward her children. These exchanges continue until the woman's death. Marriage is usually virilocal, though uxorilocal residence occurs quite frequently. Since the early years of this century, the endogamy rate within Sima village has fluctuated between 38 and 56 percent of all marriages. Polygyny is less common now than in the past: in 1980 only 13 percent of Sima marriages were polygynous. Domestic Unit. The basic domestic unit is a nuclear family, with the common additions of the father's parents and unmarried siblings. It occupies anywhere from one to all of the dwelling houses in a hamlet. Usually, the nuclear family shares a house, but the father and older sons sometimes live in a small dwelling separate from the mother and the other children. Inheritance. As each son comes of age, his father usually confers on him an exchange partner together with land and domesticated trees sufficient to support his future family. Pressure on resources is sufficiently high, however, that the father's holdings commonly are exhausted by the time younger sons reach maturity. Consequently, these young men must seek resources elsewhere-usually from a classificatory brother, a mother's brother, or a wife's brother. Shell wealth, utensils, sacred relics, and ritual knowledge are inherited patrilineally by men and from mothers-in-law by women. Socialization. Children are raised primarily by their mothers. From an early age, girls are taught the virtues of hard work, nurturance, and the care and protection of the ring's children. Boys lead a rather carefree life until their early teens, when their male elders begin to recruit them to men's work and start to inculcate the virtues of energy, strength, calcula- tion, and controlled minacity esteemed in an adult male. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The basic social divisions in Yangoru society are by sex and age. Men command the formal political arena, and middle-aged men are the major political players. By the time a man reaches his sixties, he usually has retired from active political life, but his counsel still may be very influential. Political Organization. The basic political unit is the hiring. The modem village, which comprises between ten and forty hring-Sima had about twenty-seven-constitutes the basic political unit of the nation-state as it impinges on Yan- goru. Nowadays, village boundaries are territorial; in pre- contact days, however, they were more socially and situationally defined. Depending on their location, precon- tact villages also belonged to one or other of Yangoru's two great war confederacies, "Samawung," or "Dark Pig" and "Le- buging," or "Light Pig." The members of most villages are divided between two moieties, also called Samawung and Le- buging. Adult males inherit an exchange partner (urli or gurli) from the opposite moiety with whom they exchange pigs and yams on a competitive basis into their late middle age. In north-central Yangoru, a phratry organization cross- cuts village and moiety lines, organized under the totems "Homung," or "Hawk," and "Sengi," or "Parrot." Groups of ring descended from a common ancestor recognize a hwa- pomia, an elder ideally descended by primogeniture who is their ceremonial leader in pig exchanges and, in earlier days, 390 Yangoru Boiken was the ceremonial master of their military actions. In other respects, however, the Yangoru Boiken represent a typical Melanesian big-man political system: men achieve renown principally by the number and size of the pigs they give to their exchange partners and by the promptness and generosity with which they meet financial obligations to maternal and affinal kin. These capabilities, in turn, stem from the skillful manipulation of social relationships aided by oratori- cal, histrionic, and affective ability. Although women are dis- enfranchised from formal political life, there exist big-women who build influence and reputation among other women by their eminence in small-scale wealth exchanges and their energy and ability in women's tasks-in particular, food production, coo"ing, and child rearing. Through other women and through their male relatives, such women also exert some influence over the community's formal politics. Social Control. The formal means of social control is the moot, in which parties to a dispute meet to talk out their dif- ferences. Frequently, issues remain unsettled through several moots, and a significant number of disputes peter out unre- solved. Informal means of conflict resolution include gossip, sorcery threats, and even flight. Conflict. Until the mid-1930s, warfare was endemic, common causes being land, the abduction of women, and re- venge. War was waged primarily against villages in the opposite confederacy, as either ambushes or confrontations across traditional battlefields located on confederacy frontiers. Nei- ther men, women, nor children were spared. Although fights often broke out within a confederacy, murder was proscribed. By clandestine subterfuge, nonetheless, a rival within a person's confederacy frequently could be delivered into the hands of enemies beyond. In north-central Yangoru, the Homung/Sengi phratry organization complicated matters, and frequently hring from the same village would face one another across the battleground; in these confrontations, however, weapons were used in a manner that would inflict injury but avoid death. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Belief. The constituents of the Yangoru Boiken universe are viewed either as "given" or as the creations of the culture heroes; they are believed to be influenced by ancestral spirits and wala spirits but most of all by magical forces. The principal supernaturals are human fiends that stalk lone villagers at certain seasons, the spirits of the ancestors, and the wala spirits. The last include the great culture heroes of time past, some of them nowadays incarnated as local mountains; the others are male and female spirits of the bush and stream. All wala are believed to be formed by the mystical union of ancestral shades, and each hrng is associated with a male wala of the stream, where the ancestral shades of its male members are believed to congregate and unite as the wala. There is some difference of opinion over whether a woman's spirit goes to her husband's or her brother's wala. Religious Pactitkoners. Knowledge of many magical and ritual practices is diffused widely through the-community so that a bring usually can call on a member or dose relative for most services. Nowadays, the main practitioners hired from beyond this circle are sorcerers, including earth and rain magicians, and those whose magic combats these powers. In traditional times, the hring also would have to cast beyond dose relatives for specialists in carving and various ritual services associated with male initiation. Ceremonies. The main ceremonies are associated with the life cycle, spirit houses, the wala, and the pig exchange. Birth, initiation, marriage, and death are, or were, observed for both sexes, with women also observing a few simple menstrual ta- boos to avoid polluting men. Traditionally, initiations were the most elaborate ceremonies, celebrated around puberty, again in the late twenties, and finally in the early to mid- forties; nowadays, however, only the first stage of female initiation endures. In western Yangoru, initiations were conducted in and around elaborately decorated spirit houses (ka nimbia); in north-central Yangoru, however, ka nimbia were divorced from initiation and constructed instead as a state- ment of political strength. In bygone days, if the wife of an important man insulted the sexuality of her husband, she would be disciplined by 'the wala," a group of men swinging a bullroarer who would destroy her and her husband's belong- ings. Nowadays, the most elaborate ceremonies are the pig exchange festivals in which one moiety en masse confers pigs on exchange partners in the opposite moiety. (In western Yan- goru, some villages recently have adopted the long-yam cult of the Abelam and the Kaboibus or "Plains" Arapesh.) Since contact, the Yangoru Boiken have earned considerable noto- riety for their millenarian movements. Arts. Traditional graphic and plastic art included wooden initiation statues; the painted facades, carved crosspieces, and other ornaments of spirit houses; shell-wealth basketry masks; plaited armlets; ornamented spinning tops; and dogs'- teeth and shell necklaces and headpieces. Items such as bullroarers, weaponry, and cooking and dining utensils were sometimes incised with abstract designs, often said to be the "face of the wala." Some productions, such as spirit dance masks, were only temporary, constructed for a specific cere- mony and then dismantled. The main musical instruments were hand drums and monotone flutes. Nowadays, hardly any of this art is still produced. Songs and oratory were and still are the major ephemeral productions. Medicine. Illness is attributed to ancestral spirits, wala spirits, human fiends, pollution by females or younger adults, infractions of ritual and taboo, protective magic on property, and in particular sorcery. Some epidemic diseases supposedly were decreed by the culture heroes. Death and Afterlife. The deaths of all but the very old are attributed to sorcery. There is considerable doubt about the afterlife, but normatively the spirit of the deceased spends the first days of its existence around its hamlet before departing to its hring's wala pool. Spirits from throughout Yangoru are also said to go to Mount Hurun, the peak overlooking Yan- goru, where they become Walarurun, the great culture hero associated with the mountain. Nowadays, countries such as Australia, America, and England are also variously identified as the place of the dead. At death, relatives are summoned on the slit gong, and the deceased is mourned with funeral dirges for a day or two. In the past, the corpses of eminent men were sliced and placed in trees to decay, others were buried in or under houses. The bones, especially the jawbones, later were retrieved for use in garden magic and occasionally sorcery. Nowadays, the deceased are buried in graveyards adjacent to Yap 3 91 the main ceremonial hamlets, and their bones are no longer retrieved-though graves are still opened after about six months to diagnose the perpetrators of the death. See also Abelam, Mountain Arapesh Linguistic Affiiation. Yapese is an Austronesian language, but it is distinct from the nearby Palauan and the Car- olinian languages. Some linguists regard Yapese as closer to Austronesian languages of Vanuatu (New Hebrides). Bibliography Gesch, Patrick F. (1985). Initiative and Initiation: A Cargo Cult-Type Mov~ement in the Sepik against Its Back~ground in Traditional Village Religion. St. Augustin, Germany: Anthropos-Institut. Roscoe, Paul B. (1988). 'The Far Side of Hurun: The Man- agement of Melanesian Millenarian Movements." Anterican Ethnologist 15:515-529. Roscoe, Paul B. (1 989). -The Pig and the Long Yam: The Ex- pansion of a Sepik Symbol Complex.' Ethnology 28:219-23 1. Roscoe, Paul B. (1989). "The Flight from the Fen: The Pre- historic Migrations of the Boiken of the East Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea.' Oceania 60:139-154. PAUL B. ROSCOE Yap ETHNONYM: Uap Orientation Identification. Yap is one of four states in the Federated States of Micronesia, which were part of the U.S. Trust Terri- tory of the Pacific Islands. The Yap State includes Yap proper, Ulithi, Woleai, and other atolls east of Yap, in what was once the Yap District of the Trust Territory. The Yapese langage, culture, and people are distinct in Yap State from the inhabitants of the atolls (Carolinians). The Yapese people are only those who are born in the Yap Islands and who speak the Yapese language. Locationi. The islands of Yap are located approximately 720 kilometers southwest of Guam and approximately 480 Id lometers northeast of Palau, in the Western Caroline islands. Yap proper is comprised of four contiguous high islad in- side a fringing reef. The land area is approximately 00 square kilometers, much of which is rugged, infertile grassy hills and forest. The climate is tropical, subject to easterly trade winds, typhoons, and a monsoon rainy season from May to October. Dernography. Yap suffered critical depopulation, caused by European diseases and aided by cultural practices of abor- tion. Since World War the use of antibiotics has controlled venereal diseases and the islands are currently experiencing a population explosion. The population has recovered from a low point of 2,582 in 1946 to more than 7,000 people in the 1980s. History and Cultural Relations In the period prior to European contact, the Yapese had extensive relationships with the other island groups in the region. Yapese sailors traveled from Yap to Palau where coura- geous men quarried stones in the Rock Islands to be carted back to Yap and utilized for ceremonial exchanges. People in the eastern villages in Gagil had extensive relationships with Carolinean sailors from Ulithi, Fais and other atolls to the east. These sailors came to Yap particularly during times of food shortage and typhoon crises in the atolls and Yapese often sailed with them back to their home islands. With the entrance of European traders into the area as early as 1526, Yapese continued their exploration of the surrounding islands in the company of European sailors. It was in this early period that European diseases spread from Guam, resulting in devastating epidemics. In 1872, David O'Keefe arrived in a Chinese junk and immediately set up a copra and trepang trade. He transported large Yapese stones from Palau in exchange for payment in copra and trepang. Yap was officially colonized by both Spain and Germany in 1885. Carrying their dispute to the pope, Germany achieved sovereignty over the island, and the Spanish were allowed to continue their religious work to convert the Yapese to Christianity. The Ger- man era ended in 1914 when the Japanese navy seized control of Yap. Japanese development projects on Yap proved to be of little economic value, but as World War II neared, they constructed military bases, including troop garrisons and two air- fields. During this period, the Yapese attended a five-year school in Japanese language and culture; the most promising students were sent to craft schools on Palau where they stud- ied agriculture, carpentry, nursing, mechanics and other prac- tical occupations. In 1944, the United States bombed Yap, and at the end of World War II the U.S. Navy set up an occupation government that lasted until June 195 1. The United States Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands was formally es- tablished in 195 1, and Yap was one of six districts in the trust territory. During this era, the U.S. government emphasized education and political development among the islanders. The Yap Islands Congress first convened in May 1959 and es- tablished the foundation for Yap State, which was formally organized in 1978. In 1964, the Yap High School was opened and American contract teachers were hired to staff it. By 1980, Yapese fully controlled the state and local governments and administered their schools and churches. Many Yapese men and women today are graduates of colleges and universi- ties in the United States and hold positions of leadership in the economic, educational, and political life of the islands. Yap State is now part of the Federated States of Micronesia, which also includes the states of Truk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae. Settlements During the periods of heaviest population, the Yapese recog- nized over 180 separate villages. In recent years 91 of those villages contain at least one resident household, and the largest villages have forty to fifty households with up to 300 people in residence. Most of the inhabited villages lie in close 392 Yap proximity to the sea, and households are dispersed over a fairly large area along the shoreline. Since the construction of roads in the late 1960s and the extension of electricity along these roads in the late 1970s, many people are now building houses on the roads for accessibility to the town and to electricity. The largest villages are located in the administrative town of Colonia. These villages include inhabitants from all areas of the island. Rural villages are inhabited predomi- nandy by people who are born or marry into them. Tradi- tional Yapese villages are a marvel of stonework. Yapese houses are surrounded by stone platforms and are constructed on a coral stone foundation. Stone pathways con- nect houses in one section of the village to another. In the center of each village, a public meeting area and community house are marked by extensive, wide stone platforms for seat- ing guests at public ceremonies and the large stone founda- tions for the traditional community house. Each village also has constructed taro patches, usually bounded by stone paths and stone retaining walls to contain the water for irrigating these swamp gardens. On the shoreline of many villages, men have built stone piers out into the water and the very large stone platforms on which men's houses have been traditionally constructed. The contemporary Yapese house is generally made of plywood and corrugated metal with a planked or ce- ment floor. Some of the more prosperous Yapese are building concrete-block or poured-concrete houses today because of the extensive termite damage to wooden structures. In sandy beach areas and in the urban center, many people build houses on posts, raised off the ground, closed in with bamboo or plywood, and covered with corrugated iron. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Acthities. Most Yapese today combine some wage work activities with subsistence farming. Many Yapese are employed by the government, and private trading companies and service industries provide ad- ditional jobs, so that more than half of the adult male population-and up to 20 percent of the adult female population- earn wages. In addition to wage employment, nearly all Yapese engage in some subsistence food production. Swamp taro is the primary staple crop of the Yapese, and most villages have large taro swamps that have been constructed as village projects in the past. Individual families own parcels of the village taro patches and also have garden plots in the surrounding hills on which they produce yams, bananas, breadfruit, and other supplementary fruits and crops. A few farmers produce copra as a cash crop, and a handful of entrepreneurs raise chickens, pigs, and other cash items for the domestic market. Industrial Arts. The primary tools for traditional Yapese production included the shell adz, bamboo knives, and dig- ging sticks made of mangrove. Steel adzes and knives have replaced their traditional counterparts, and contemporary Ya- pese continue to use these tools in their daily subsistence activities. Sennit made from the coconut husk is used for nearly every type of construction task. The blades of the adzes, the beams of the houses, the outriggers on the canoes, the bamboo of the fish traps, and the thatch of the roofs are all tied together with this coconut sennit. Skilled artisans include canoe builders and house builders. Canoe building has nearly disappeared in contemporary Yapese culture, but the experts in house construction continue to play an important role in Yapese villages. Trade. Two eastern villages in Yap, Gachpar and Wonyan, hold traditional trading rights to the atoll groups in the central Carolines, including Ulithi and Woleai. For the atoll dwellers, trade with Yap provided a source of lumber and food not available to them in their restricted environments. The Yapese in these two villages gained supplies of sennit, valu- able woven mats, fiber loincloths, and shell valuables that were important for ceremonial exchanges and political prestige and power in Yap. Yapese sailors often made extended trips to Palau and to Guam where they quarried stone disks, which also were of value in the ceremonial exchanges of Yap. These stones were not technically items of trade since they had no value in Palau or in Guam where they were quarried. Yet, as a special-purpose money, they were very important in the internal relationships and political struggles in Yap. Division of Labor. In the subsistence economy, Yapese women care for the swamp taro patches and the yam gardens. Men aid their wives and sisters in the clearing of fields and in heavy agricultural work, but the primary subsistence role of men is in fishing. Reef fish, caught with spear guns, nets, and fish traps, are the predominant source of protein for Yapese families. Men who engage in regular wage labor buy canned fish and canned meats to provide their portion of their subsistence diet for the family. Land Tenure. Rights to land, lagoon, other fishing and agricultural resources, and village authority are held corpor- ately by the patrilineal estate group. The heads of estates in consultation with their junior members exercise authority over these rights on behalf of the members. Male members have use rights to estate resources with which they may support a wife and children. Succession to headship is based upon generation and seniority. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. The concept of tabinaw governs Yapese thinking about family, kinship, and social organization. In its primary reference, tabinaw refers to the household or nuclear family. However, each nuclear family is part of an estate group, composed of adult men and women who hold common rights to land and who share resources and labor in reference to exploitation of this land. An estate group may include three or four generations of men with their wives and children. Each married couple will have a separate household located on estate land. Yapese practice a variation of double descent. Every individual has a matrilineal kinship affiliation, termed genung, which plays a predominant role in the definition of sibling relationships and the identification of kin ties for mutual support and assistance. In Yapese thought, one obtains one's blood relationship through one's mother. In addition to this matrilineal principle, Yapese trace their spiritual and subsistence relationships to the land through their fathers. Each Yapese receives a name from one of his or her patrilineally related ancestors who have occupied the land estate upon which he or she is born and nurtured. The ancestral line of land and nurture comes through the patrilineally inherited estate. The matrilineal principle does not define significant descent groups on Yap, but only an affiliation of kin to whom one relates to serve significant individual Yap 393 interests. The estate group is formed more appropriately in terms of relationship to land than in terms of patrilineal descent. With these qualifications we may speak of double descent on Yap. Kinship Terminology. Traditionally Yapese have a Crow- type pattern of cousin terminology. In the present younger generation, a Hawaiian-type pattern is emerging as the domi nant pattern of kinship classification, complicated further by the introduction of English cousin terminology in schools. Marriage and Family Marriage. Yapese consider it improper to marry anyone who may be kin. Yapese young people generally select their own mates, and most have one or two trial marriages before they establish a permanent relationship that results in children. Yapese parents prefer that their children marry in the same village or among similar ranking villages. However, today with the central high school on the island and young people commuting by bus, many Yapese are marrying people from other villages and other districts of the island. Gener- ally, a Yapese couple resides initially with the husband's family and establishes permanent residence on the husband's land in the husband's village. Divorce among the Yapese is common and is effected by mutual agreement. The young woman returns to her household of birth, leaving the children and property with her husband. Domestic Unit. People who eat together constitute the tabinaw. This household is usually a nuclear family in which a husband and wife work according to a complementary division of labor and responsibility for their subsistence and children. A newly married couple may join the husband's father's household for a temporary period until they establish their own gardens and build a sleeping and cooking house. Inheritance. Fathers distribute land to their sons according to need and age. The oldest son receives the rights to ti- tied parts of the estate and will assume the father's leadership role among his siblings upon his father's death and in his younger brothers' families upon and their deaths. Younger sons receive an appropriate portion of the estate to support their families. Daughters do not inherit land, but they may be given a gift of a small parcel to provide support in case of di vorce. Parents provide support for their adult unmarried or divorced daughters. Socialization. Yapese parents and siblings share responsi- bilities for care and upbringing of children. Yapese emphasize generosity and sharing, and they give elder siblings the primary responsibility for the protection and care of the younger. This pattern is carried into adult life and characterizes the relationship between siblings until death. Sociopolitical Organization Yapese say the land is chief. It is their primary focus on land that organizes the social and political aspects of Yapese life. Social Organization. The estate group and the village are the primary units organizing the social life of Yap. Within each village, family estates place individuals in a hierarchy of relationships within the community. Particular estates own tides that confer authority and prestige upon the members of that estate group. Villages in Yap are also ranked to include two major divisions: "Pilung," or "autonomous villages"; and "Pimnilngay," or 'serf villages." The autonomous villages are further ranked in three divisions: chief villages, noble villages, and commoner villages. The serf villages are ranked in two di visions: chief's servants and serfs. All the inhabitants born in a particular village automatically carry the rank of that village. One may marry people from other ranks, but one can never change the rank of birth. Within each village people are also ranked according to relative age, sex, and tide from one's estate. Political Organization. Each village in Yap is led by at least three tided estates: village chief, chief of young men; and chief of ritual. The men who speak for these tided estates oversee a council made up of men who represent lesser titles in the village. To hold political authority one must be the eld- est living member of the family estate and be capable of speaking articulately for its interest in public. Decision making on Yap is characterized by indirect communication and consensus. The village chief articulates for the public the decision that has been made by consensus of the group. Prior to American administration, the government of the Yap Islands was organized by the chiefs of the paramount villages scattered around Yap. Three paramount villages located in Gagil, Tamil, and Rull provided the locus of power from which were formed two major alliances of villages and chiefs. These leaders maintained power primarily by controlling commnunica- tion through legitimate channels connecting villages and estates and by planning punitive wars against those individuals who violated the decisions and expectations of the majority in an alliance. Today the Yap state government has sup- planted the traditional system of alliances and governs through the legislative, administrative, and judicial branches. While contemporary Yapese officials are elected to their positions, many hold traditional tides and traditional bases of support. However, in the situation of contemporary politics, education and expertise in the functions of modern government are essential to political success. Social Control. In the traditional village setting, the council of elders maintains social control through a system of punitive fines and mediation by the chiefs between families in conflict. In the contemporary setting the state court plays a major role in the adjudication of disputes among Yapese. The court has effectively replaced village elders as the arena and process for the resolution of contemporary disputes. Conflict. Excessive consumption of alcohol and limited opportunities for employment following graduation from high school create an atmosphere in which young men on Yap have little to challenge their ambitions and interests. Vil- lage divisions and hostilities that characterized the precon- tact period have reemerged in the 1980s as a basis for gangs and for intervillage and interregional conflicts. Gangs of youths in each of the major regions of Yap stake out their territory and threaten violence to those who dare enter. Inci- dents of violence usually end in a court case in which the in- jured parties seek punitive action against those responsible. Religion and Expressive Culture Catholic Christianity is the central and unifying belief system in Yapese society today. People attend Catholic churches in every major district on the islands, and the first Yapese Cath- 394 Yap olic priest was ordained in the mid-1980s. Deacons in each area organize local church activities and support. Protestant and other Christian sects have small congregations scattered through the islands. Raligiou Belief. Animistic beliefs in spirits and magic persist in Yapese culture in spite of nearly a century of Chris- tianity. Most Yapese fear ghosts and many use magic for health or protection from spirits who may threaten their en- terprises. The Yapese divided their traditional world into do- mains of spirits and humans. Female spirits inhabited the sea and threatened the lives and work of fishermen. Male spirits inhabited the land, threatening the livelihood and produce of the women gardening. Some Yapese still follow customs of abstention and rituals of protection in fishing and gardening activities. Religous Practitioners. In traditional Yapese villages, specialist magicians addressed the uncertainties of house building, fishing, gardening, and warfare. Today most of these specialties have been forgotten and people turn to the local deacons or the priest of the Catholic church for assistance in these uncertainties of life. Whereas once priests and magicians mediated between humans and the spirit world, now these tensions are addressed by the leaders of the church and by psychiatric doctors in the local hospital. Folk medicine has a limited following, and Yapese rely almost exclu- sively on the hospital for health care. Ceremonies. Prior to their conversion to Christianity, Ya- pese prayed to ancestors, breaking segments of mother-of- pearl shells as offerings. The welfare of all Yapese was thought to reside in several sacred places for which particular families had responsibility and from which they derived power. The traditional priest cared for the sacred place and organized the sacred calendar, which included rebuilding the sacred house, making annual offerings to the spirits of these places, and di- vining the future of warfare and politics in Yap. The eating- class initiation, still observed by a few contemporary Yapese, involved periods of isolation, preparation of new loincloths and personal items, fasting, and ceremonial feasting at the end of the isolation period. Individuals who observed this ritual moved into a higher-ranking eating class and gained political and social influence- in their villages. Traditional Yapese ceremonies have been all but forgotten by Yapese people. The only persisting forms of traditional ceremonies are the sitting dances, which provide a public drama of storytelling and re- counting of myth. People have also borrowed standing and stick dances from other Micronesians. The religious calendar today includes Christmas, Easter, strict observance of Sunday as a day of rest and worship, and large public funerals. Arts. Items of great value to the Yapese included the white coral disks known as Yap stone money, mother-of-pearl shells that were collected and exchanged in village ceremonies, and long necklaces of red shells and bracelets of white shells made famous by Bronislaw Malinowski in his description of the kula in the Trobriand Islands. Yapese also make ceremonial betel pounders and decorate their houses with unique pat- terns of rope tying. Medicine. In traditional times, the Yapese people did not have specialized medical practitioners. In every family the members who had knowledge of magic associated with controlling weather, warfare, or fishing also had knowledge with regard to health and disease. These magicians gained prestige based upon the effectiveness of their knowledge in curing those who were ill or in aborting or controlling potential dis- asters in nature. Today, few Yapese use herbal medicines; most rely on the local hospital. Death and Afterlife. The funeral is the most important life-cycle event in Yap. Even for an ordinary family member, it is a time to gather the most distant relations from various parts of the islands. Everyone who comes brings gifts of ciga- rettes, food, money, or liquor in support of the mourning family. Members of the family prepare the body and wait for the guests for three days. The funeral concludes with a Christian service and the deceased is buried in either a church burial around or an ancestral plot. About one month after the burial, the members of the family repay their guests by sponsor- ing a large party. The funeral and the following party reestab- lish kinship connections among dispersed relations. See also Kosrae, Pohnpei, Truk, Ulithi, Woleai Bibliography Labby, David (1976). The Demystification of Yap: Dialectics of Culture on a Micronesian Island. Chicago: University of Chi- cago Press. Lingenfelter, Sherwood Galen (1975). Yap: Political Leader- ship and Cultural Change in an Island Society. Honolulu: Uni- versity Press of Hawaii. Lingenfelter, Sherwood Galen (1977). 'Emnic Structure and Decision-Making in Yap." Ethnology 16:331-352. Lingenfelter, Sherwood Galen (1979). 'Yap Eating Classes: A Study of Structure and Communities." The Journal of the Polynesian Society 88:415-432. Miler, Wilhelm (1917). 'Yap.' In Ergenbnisse der Sildsee Ex- pedition, 1908-1910, edited by Georg Thilenius. II. Ethno- graphie; B. Mikronesien. Hamburg: Friedenchsen. SHERWOOD GALEN LINGENFELTER Yir Yoront ETHNONYMS: Jirioront, Koko Manjoen, Kokomindjan, Koka-mungin The Yir Yoront (Yir-Yoront) are an Australian Aborigi- nal people whose traditional territory and current reserve are centered at 141*45' E and 15'20' S along the Gulf of Car- pentaria coast of the Cape York Peninsula in Queensland. The territory encompasses about 1,300 square kilometers and runs along the coast from the mouth of the Coleman River south through the three mouths of the Mitchell River. First contact with Europeans was evidently with Dutch explorers Yungar 395 in 1623. The second and more significant contact was with a party of cattle herders in 1864, an encounter now known as the "Battle of Mitchell River." Acculturation into European- Australian society began after 1900 with settlement of the lower Cape York Peninsula and the establishment of an An- glican mission station just south of Yir Yoront territory in 1915. The Yir Yoront were, however, shielded from encroach- ment on their land when the Australian government estab- lished the reserve along the coast. Although some Yir Yoront moved south and settled at the mission, and various products of European manufacture were used by all Yir Yoront, much of the traditional culture survived into the 1940s. The Yir Yoront speak a "Yir-" language related to the "Wik-" and "Koko-" Aboriginal languages of Australia. The Yir Yoront subsisted by hunting, fishing, and gathering shell- fish and plant foods. Men hunted and fished, often in groups, while women gathered and maintained the camp. The Yir Yoront also maintained trade relations with groups to the north and south. Spears made from stingray spines were the major export, while stone from tribes to the south for stone ax heads was the major import. Trading often took place at the annual intertribal ceremonies, with male trading partners often having the status of fictive brothers. Yir Yoront trade, however, was less elaborated and of less economic impor- tance than that of many other Queensland Ab~riginal groups. The introduction of European goods such as tools, cloth, and tobacco and the establishment of the reserve have altered the traditional hunting and gathering economy. Traditional Yir Yoront society was divided into patrilineal, totemic clans and two exogamous moieties. A distinction was also made, apart from kinship organization, between .coastal people" and 'inland people." The nuclear family was the basic residential and economic unit. Traditionally, social relations were based on superordinate and subordinate status, with men dominant over women and older people dominant over younger people. Leadership rested with the clan leaders. While individuals displaying superior knowledge or skill might enjoy personal prestige, there was no formal status system. The day-to-day world of the Yir Yoront was seen by them as a reflection of the world of their ancestors, with all new developments accounted for by myths and totems. With the recent acceleration of acculturation into White Austra- lian society, many traditional beliefs and practices have disappeared and have been replaced by involvement in the cash economy and more permanent settlement near cattle ranches and small towns. Yungar The name given to a number of closely related and affiliated Aboriginal groups who lived in the deserts of western Aus- tralia. Known groups included the Koreng, Minang, Pibel- man, Pindjarup, Wardardi, and Wheelman. All of the Yungar groups are either totally or nearly extinct. Bibliography Hassell, Ethel, and D. S. Davidson (1936). "Notes on the Ethnology of the Wheelman Tribe of South-westem Aus- tralia." Anthropos 31:679-711. Bibliography Sharp, Lauriston (1934). 'Ritual Life and Economics of the Yir-Yoront of Cape York Peninsula." Oceania 5:19-42. Sharp, Lauriston (1968). "Steel Axes for Stone Age Austral- ians." In Man in Adaptation: The Cultural Present, edited by Yehudi A. Cohen, 82-93. Chicago: Aldine. .Glossary 397 Glossary aborigine. See autochthones affine A relative by marriage. agamy Absence of a marriage rule; neither endogamy nor exogamy. age grade A social category composed of persons who fall within a culturally defined age range. sonatic descent. See patrilineal descent ambilineal descent The practice of tracing kinship affiliation through either the male or the female line. ancestor spirits Ghosts of deceased relatives who are believed to have supernatural powers that can influence the lives of the living. animism A belief in spiritual beings. arild (ali'i, aliki, ari'i) A hereditary chief in Polynesia. atoll An island consisting of a coral reef surrounding a lagoon. Anstronesian languages A large group of languages (for- merly called 'Malayo-Polynesian") including about 450 in Oceania. They are found mostly on the coasts in Melanesia and New Guinea, but otherwise throughout Polynesia and Micronesia. autochthones The indigenous inhabitants of a region. Often used to refer to the native inhabitants encountered by European explorers or settlers. avunculocal residence The practice of a newly married couple residing in the community or household of the husband's mother's brother. bark cloth. See tapa bkhe-de-mer A sea slug found in shallow tropical waters. It was gathered in large quantities in the nineteenth century by Europeans (and earlier by Chinese and Japanese traders) for export to Asia for usein soups. betel nut A nicotinelilke stimulant used in western Mela- nesia and Micronesia as well as in Asia. A "betel quid" is formed of the nut of the Areca catechu palm and the leaf, bean, or stem of the Piper betle vine, then chewed with slaked lime from shells or coral and expectorated. big man A political leader whose influence is based on personal prestige or qualities rather than formal authority. Such influence often is achieved through factional politics or the manipulation of exchange relationships. bilateral descent The practice of tracing kinship affiliation more or less equally through both the male and the female line. blackbirding A form of labor recruiting, often involving coercion or deception. From the 1 840s to the end of the nineteenth century thousands of male Pacific islanders were taken to Australia or South America as laborers to be returned home (though many were not) after a period of years in service. breadfruit A fruiting tree (Artocarpus altilis) that is usually seasonal and cultivated mainly in Micronesia and Polyne- sia, but also in some parts of Melanesia. The fruit's starchy pulp is either cooked or fermented in pits as a staple or important standby food. bride-price, bride-wealth The practice of a groom or his kin giving substantial property or wealth to the bride's kin before, at the time of, or after marriage. bride-service The practice of a groom performing work for his wife's kin for a set period of time either before or after marriage. buliroarer A sacred oval-shaped object, usually wooden, that is swung on a cord to make a buzzing sound representing the voices of ancestors or other spirits. tn Australia, New Guinea, and Melanesia revelation of the bullroarer was often an important part of male initiation ceremonies. cargo cult A millenarian or nativistic movement, found mostly in Melanesia and New Guinea during the first half of the twentieth century in the context of colonialism and World War II. The cults usually focused on the prophesied arrival of trade goods ("cargo') heralding a new era of material plenty and native control. cassava A starchy root crop (Manihot esculenta), also called manioc or tapioca, that was introduced to Oceania following the arrival of Europeans. cassowary A large, flightless bird with three species endemic to New Guinea and New Britain. The bird is locally prized for its flesh, plumes, and bones. caste An endogamous hereditary group, usually with a distinct hereditary occupation, who has a virtually immutable position in a hierarchy. Although the caste system is most elaborated throughout South Asia, castes have also been re- ported in Tibet, Japan, Burundi, and the American South. churinga (t#uringa, tiurunga) A term from the Aranda language applied generally by various Australian Aboriginal desert groups to stone or wooden sacred objects (including bullroarers) symbolizing culture heroes or ancestral figures. clan, sib A group of unilineally affiliated kin who usually reside in the same community and share common property. classificatory kin terms Kinship terms, such as aunt, that designate several categories of distinct relatives, such as mother's sister and father's sister. cognates Words that belong to different languages but have similar sounds and meanings. collaterals A person's relatives not related to him or her as ascendants or descendants; one's uncle, aunt, cousin, brother, sister, nephew, niece. consaguine A relative by blood (birth). continental islands Islands formed from the portions of the Continental Australasiatic Platform that are currently above sea level. copra The dried flesh of the coconut used as the basis of oils, soaps, cosmetics, and dried coconut. Beginning in the 1 860s copra became the chief commercial export in most Pa- cific islands. [...]... Wailpiri-Wari Walbiti-Warpi Oleai-Woleai Olnea-Wedeai Olo-Wape Omba-Ambwe Ommura-Tadrora Ontorg Java Opa-Ambae Oparo-Rapa Soromaja-Tar South Mendi-Kewa South Ragans-Pentecost Strong's lsland-Kowae Suki-Boai Orok~oio Palau-Belau Paumotu-Raroia Pelew-Bedaw Penrhyn-Tongreva Pentecost Pesegem-Dani Pintubi-Pintupi Pintupi Pitjantjatjara-N gb *- Pito-O-Te Henua-Easter Island Pleasant Island-Nauru Pohnpei Pole-Kewa... Trans-Fly-Keraki Trobriand Islands Truk Tuamotu-Raroia Tubuai Archipelago-Raps Tugeri-Marind-nim Tui Kaba-Bau Tungaru-Kiribsti Tuvadu Samoa San Cristobal Wallis Island-Uvea Wamira Wantost Purari-Na-au Ri-Marshalc Islands Raps Waibuk-Wovan Sumau-Garla 0OwgD-Kaluli Orokp-iva Wagarabai-Miyannin Ualan-Kowae Uap-Yap Uleai-Woleai Union Islands-Tokelau Urrominna-Died Usino Uves Wape-Wape Wapei-Wape Wapi-Wape... Idlanders-Tiwi Mendi Mereyon-Woleai Mewun-Malela Koko Manjoen-Yir Yoront Grass Koian-Kodari Green Island-Nissan Guadalcanal Kokomindjan-Yir Yoront Konda-Dani Guadalcanar Guadakanal Koonarie-Dieri Guaradjara-Karadjeri Gunliroy-Kamiarod Guramalum-Lak Gururumba Hageners-Melpa 'Haruai-Wovan Hawaiian Islanders-Hawavians Hawailans Hoorn Islands-Futuna Hom Islands-Futuna laai-Loyaky Islands Kusaie-Kowrae Kutubuans-Fod... Kutubuans-Fod Kwaio-Malaita Kwajalein-Marshall Islands Kwara'ae-Malaita Kwerba-Tor Iannul Kwoma Houallou-AjI Hunjara-Orokaiva Iduna-Goodenough Island l-Kiribati-Kiril" Ilpirra-Warlpiri Ipare-Tanna Ipi-irokol Isla de Psacua-Easter Island Jigalong-Mardudjara Jirjoront-Yir Yoront Kabid-Gogodala Kai-Nlngerum Kalleuna-Trobriand Islands Kainantu-Tairora Kaja-kaja-Marind-Anium Kalauna-Goodenough Island Kanak-AJi... Yoont Miymunin Mobi-Fod Morata-Goodenough Island Morehead-Kerakd Lambel-Lak Langalanga-Malaim Lau Lau-Malaita-Malakta Lauru-uCoied Island Laus-Malekula Leper's Island-Ambae Kamoro-Mimika K" Kanilarol Mianmin-Miyanmin Mikaru-Daribi Mimilca Miruma-Grun Miwuyt-Murngln Laget-Lak Lagoon Islands-Tuvalu Lak Lombaha-Ambae Longana-Ambae Lord Howe-Ontong Java Lord Howe's Group-Ontong Java Lo y land Luangiua-Ontong... Ninggiroem-Ningerum Ninggirum-Ningerum Nissan Niue Niuean-Niue Niuefekai-Niue Ethnonym Index 409 Nomad River Peoples-Gebusl NOsno Notui-Lemu Nugum-Yangoru Boien Nukuma-Kwosa Nukumairaro-Anum Siar-Lak Sianfa-lak Uvean-Uvea Sigaba-Sio Sigawa-Sio Simbu-Chimbu Sio Siuai-Siwai Vakuta-Trobriand Islands Vokeo-Wopo Vulkan Islanders-Manam Oba-Ambae Siwul Small Nambas-Malekkla Wageva-Wogeo Society Islands-Tahiti... Wiyaw-Wovan WOge Wola-Mendi Wolesi Wombunger-Wongabon Wongaibon Wongai-bun-Wongaibon Wonghi-Wongaibon Wonghibon-Wogailon Wongksadieri-Dieri Wonkadieri-Dieri Wonti-Waropen Wopu-Wantoat Worpen-Waropen Wovan Wulamba-Murngin Yangoru-Yafnt- Bodken Yangoru Boilken Yap Yatmul-latniu Yela-Rosel Island Ylr Yoront Yolngu-Murngin Yungar Yuulngu-Murngin ... Bathurst Islanders-Tiwi Beg Belau Berik-Tor Bibo Gebust Gnau Dieyrie-Dieri Diveri-Dieri Dobu Dthee-eri-Diwi Duba-Romi Island 407 Goodenough Wsand Gorokans Gahuku-Gamna 408 Ethnonym Index Koriki-Namau Kosirau-Maisdn Kosirava-Maiuin Marshall Islands Mayet-Murik Mbau-Bau Mbowamb-Melpa Me-Kapauku Medlpa-Melpa Me~,rat Koe Meiprat-Meibrat Kuaghe-New Georgia Kubuna-Bau Kuman-Chimbu Kunad-Diei Mek-Eipo Mekeo Melpa... Wapu-Wantoat Wardpiri Waropen Washkuk-Kwoma Wasida-Orokalva Wasio-Kurtatchi Waskuk-Kwom, Wedau-Wamira Weleya-Woleai Western Central Enga-Mae Enga Western Desert Aborigines-Ngraaa Western Elema-Orokolo West Nakanai-Laai West Ouvean-Loyaky Islands Wianu-Yangoru Dodken Wik-Wik Mungkan Wik Mungkan Wikmunkan-Wik Munskan Wisaesi-Kahill Wiyaw-Wovan WOge Wola-Mendi Wolesi Wombunger-Wongabon Wongaibon Wongai-bun-Wongaibon... Gama Gahuku-Gawa Dadibi-Daribi Dangerous Islands Raroia Gambler Islands-Mangareva Gants Gai Ganz Gaini Dani Garadjui-Karadjcr Gariuku-Gahulut-Gama Awara-Wauntat Dayerrie-Dieri Banar-Banaro Banara-Banaro Dehu-Loyaky Isuands Gebuni Gilbertese-liribati Diarn-Dieri Dieri Girara-Gogodala Dieyerie-Dieri Gogodals Gogodara-Gogodala Goilala-Mafiuu, Tauade Goliath-Eipo Deerie-Dieri Banwo Barrie Bay-Wamira Bathurst . Cook Islands Dadibi-Daribi Dangerous Islands Raroia Dani Dayerrie-Dieri Deerie-Dieri Dehu-Loyaky Isuands Diarn-Dieri Dieri Dieyerie-Dieri Dieyrie-Dieri Diveri-Dieri Dobu Dthee-eri-Diwi. Duba-Romi Island Es~ Island East Futuna-Futuna. East Uvean-U'vea Edugaura-Dobu Efate-Nguna Eipo Eipodumanang-Eipo Ekagi-Kapauku Ekaui-Kapanka Elema. Orokolo Ellice Islands-Tuvalu 'Enata-Marueas Islands Enewetak-Marshail Islands Eschaltz Islands-Bildni Euahlayi-Karnilaroi Fataleka-Malaita. Fiji-Ban, Lau, Rounna. Fiwaga-Foi Foe-Pol Foi Foi'i-Foi Fore Fuyuge-IMafiul Fuyughi-Mafiuu Gahuku Galukn Gama Gahuku-Gawa Gambler Islands-Mangareva Gants. Gebust Blkini-Masshall Islands Bileki-Lak Binandele-Orakaiva Biwat-Mundugusnor Blimo-M(4anmnin Boadii-Boazi Boazd Bonerif-Tor Bosavi-Kal" Brat-Mcibrat Buka-KurbtatM Bukiyip-Mountain Arapesh Bunlap-Pentecost Bush Mekeo-Mekeo, Butam-Lak Butona-Ambae Bwaidloka-Gooenugh Island Camilero,-Kamilaroi Canaque-AJUi Chamnbuli-Chamubr Cherry Island-Anuta Chiomb Cook Islaniders

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