Cels, Marc_Examining Late Medieval Anger4-1

Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages Paper read to the Canadian Society of Medievalists, 31 May 2010 Concordia University, Montreal, PQ By Marc B Cels Assistant Professor of History, Centre for Global and Social Analysis Athabasca University, Alberta marcc@athabascau.ca According to the Summa predicantium by the fourteenth-century Dominican John Bromyard of Hereford, anger “is a subtle sin and [penitents] rarely confess it [and when they do] confess it, nevertheless they rarely make restitution for the loss of reputation or other goods that they have caused the person against whom they were wrathful.”1 The reason why, he explains, is that people usually think that their anger is just, rather than sinful Bromyard’s observation raises the problem that the late medieval confessors faced when attempting to instill an awareness of vicious anger and its social consequences My paper examines their efforts from a sample of fourteenth-century pastoral manuals I have used Friar John Bromyard to introduce the topic because questions have been raised about how effective the mendicants were in encouraging the wrathful to make restitution and to reconcile I will therefore compare mendicant manuals to those intended for secular clergy, especially some familiar Middle English texts This inquiry into the treatment of wrath also touches upon two lines of scholarly inquiry about confession as a form of social control The liberal tradition of scholarship has long been fascinated with the Catholic “…peccatum subtile est, et raro de illo confitentur,… licet de illo confiteantur, rare tamen famam, uel alia bona, que ille contra quem irascitur, amisit restituunt.” John Bromyard, Summa praedicantium, vols (Venice: Dominicus Nicolinus, 1586), s.v “Ira,” I viii, p 394r The Summa was compiled between 1330 and 1348 Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages confessional regime and its effects on the modern, individual conscience—especially the sexual ethic Thomas Tentler and Jean Delumeau scrutinized the penitential techniques that contributed to the early modern guilt culture Their studies generally concurred with Foucault’s theory that confession imposes discipline upon individuals because they are taught to scrutinize their thoughts, feelings and actions according to expert clerical norms and knowledge Although the clergy vs laity, elite vs people approach to medieval religion is increasingly dated, it still informs the general view of how confession worked on late medieval individuals The work of John Bossy represents the scholarship that focuses on the effects of the confessional regime on social relationships He argued that, before confession became preoccupied with personal sexual morality, its function had been to promote the reconciliation of enmities within the Christian community.4 Social reconciliation had been a prerequisite for spiritual reconciliation to God The spread of private confession and the individualized reconciliation of the sinner to God through the priest, he argued, eroded the social function of medieval penance, and marks the transition to a more individualist modernity Other scholars have noticed a variation in the teachings about reconciliation and penance during the later Middle Ages William Campbell, for example, identified several theologies of For an overview, see R Emmet McLaughlen, "Truth, tradition and history: The historiography of High/Late Medieval and Early Modern Penance," in A New history of penance, ed Abigail Firey, Brill's companions to the Christian tradition, 14 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 19-71 T N Tentler, Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977) Jean Delumeau, Sin and Fear: The Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture, Thirteenth to Eighteenth Centuries, trans Eric Nicholson (New York: St Martin's Press, 1990), 189-244 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality I: An Introduction, trans Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage, 1980), 58-67 M Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Vintage, 1979), 135-308 John Bossy, "The Social History of Confession in the Age of Reformation," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5th series 25 (1975): 21-38 ———, Christianity in the West, 1400-1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985) ———, Peace in the post-Reformation (Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998) Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages reconciliation within thirteenth-century England Some required reconciliation before absolution and others did not.5 Jonathan Hughes’ case study of the late medieval Archdiocese of York documented how the parochial clergy presented a social morality and fostered social concord through reconciliation and the rooting out of anti-social vices, whereas some members of the gentry and mid-level clergy were attracted to the more individual and interior piety fostered by recluses and visionaries—the sort of audience that Anna Lewis mentioned in her paper on Saturday.6 What about the Dominican and Franciscan friars? Did they promote a social or a more individualized penitential regime? The friars certainly won a reputation as peace-makers early on in Italy Revivalist preachers exhorted crowds to repentance and reconciliation They were effective as mediators and arbitrators both because they were charismatic holy men and because they were outsiders above the fray Now, although revivalist missions could punctuate the cycle of vendetta and factionalism, nevertheless, it was not long before the usual strife resumed But how did friars confront rancour and promote reconciliation in the course of their ordinary ministry as confessors and preachers? William H Campbell, "Theologies of reconciliation in thirteenth-century England," in Retribution, Repentance, and Reconciliation: Papers Read at the 2002 Summer Meeting and the 2003 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, ed Kate Cooper and Jeremy Gregory (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2004), 8494 Jonathan Hughes, "The Administration of Confession in the Diocese of York in the Fourteenth Century," in Studies in Clergy and Ministry in Medieval England, Pervis Seminar Studies, ed David M Smith, Borthwick Studies in History, (York: Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, 1991), 87-163 On mendicant peacemaking, see: Raimondo Michetti, "Franỗois d'Assise et la paix revộlộe Rộflections sur le mythe du pacifisme franciscain et sur la prédication de paix dans le société communale du XIIIe siècle," in Prêcher la paix et discipliner la société Italie, France, Angleterre (XIIIe-XVe siècle), ed Rosa Maria Dessì, Collection d'études médiévales de Nice, (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), 279-312.; Augustine Thompson, Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth-century Italy: The Great Devotion of 1233 (Oxford/ New York: Clarendon/Oxford University Press, 1992) Daniel E Bornstein, The Bianchi of 1399: Popular Devotion in Late Medieval Italy (Ithaca/London: Cornell University Press, 1993) Cynthia Polecritti, Preaching peace in Renaissance Italy: Bernardino of Siena & his audience (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2000) Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages In England, the friars not seem to have enjoyed a reputation as peace-making holy men Indeed, they were criticized as lax confessors by their secular rivals, who friars of pocketing alms in return for offering easier confessions, lighter penances and being less demanding about restitution and reconciliation.8 These antifraternal stereotypes are most familiar to us from Chaucer’s portrait of the corrupt friar in the Canterubry Tales (I 258-61) He presides at love-days, or peace-making meetings, not as a humble monk or impartial scholar, but as a pompous hypocrite who would bend the rules for the wealthy.9 Perhaps the seculars had a point Parochial priests were most familiar with the enmities among their parishioners Ideally, when hearing annual confessions before Easter, priests could interrogate both parties, probe grudges, demand restitution and reconciliation of enemies, and impose rigorous penances They could withdraw absolution and even Easter communion from the impenitent—both of which would have been very public and shameful censures Parochial surveillance and discipline were undermined when penitents availed themselves of mendicant confessors who did not know the penitent’s circumstances or history Michael Harren, however, has speculated that antifraternal criticisms may stem from differences in penitential emphasis.10 The secular clergy approached confession as a juridical forum in which they judged the behavior of penitents against canonical norms With little The controversy is summarized by Michael Haren, Sin and Society in Fourteenth-Century England A Study of the "Memoriale presbiterorum", Oxford Historical Monographs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 185-89, 98-200 In love-dayes ther koude he muchel help, For ther he was nat lyk a cloysterer With a thredbare cope, as is a povre scoler But he was lyk a maister or a pope 10 Haren, Sin and Society, 77 Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages education, they were unable to probe the psychology of sin or more complex cases, which they referred to superiors Their moral teaching was more interested in external acts and their social impact, rather than introspection This social approach to penance made the secular clergy more likely to admonish their parishioners against antisocial behavior and to demand restitution and reconciliation The friars, on the other hand, were much better educated specialists in the art or “science” of preaching penitence and hearing confession With their knowledge of both canon law and moral theology they felt more confident to assign arbitrary penances Indeed, the mendicants were very much a part of the academic culture that was generating a new science of the soul which stressed individual intentionality, self-scrutiny, and private reconciliation with God through secret confession to a priest Ideally, the friars were better equipped to interrogate the penitent’s psychology and circumstances as well as to offer counsel This may have tended to make them less concerned with demanding interpersonal reconciliation or even the application of legal norms when granting absolution A more introspective and spiritual penitential regime, it could be argued, would have been less effective for examining and remedying rancour within a community The rest of this paper compares a small sample of mendicant and secular instructions for examining anger to see if features that suggest a different penitential emphasis can be discerned: one more introspective and one more socially oriented Stress on the exterior manifestation of anger as well as the need for interpersonal reconciliation will be taken as signs of a social approach Emphasis on anger’s psychological and spiritual effects will be taken as indicative of a Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages more introspective approach First, let us consider a mendicant example The most influential summa for confessors circulating in the fourteenth-century was the Summa confessorum by Dominican John of Freiburg, completed by 1298.11 John built on early manuals that digested canon law relevant to confession and added up-to-date moral theology, especially that of Thomas Aquinas John’s manual was a formidable and technical textbook John, however, also composed a shorter confessionale, or tract for the instruction of confessors who were less educated or experienced It suggests how a priest may have put the summa’s material to practical use John’s confessionale lists questions for interrogating penitents organized according to the familiar schema of the vices The section on anger is illustrative of his method of applying canon law and moral theology to questions of conscience.12 The entry is logically organized and the questions include a very brief explanation of why the antisocial behavior is sinful, based on legal sources or theological explanations A confessor using John of Freiburg’s Confessionale would not only come away with a list of the antisocial transgressions caused by anger, but also some theological explanation for determining the moral gravity of an angry act This information was needed when deciding on what penance to assign and counseling penitents on how to modify their behavior Indeed, as other friars imitated or adapted John’s summa, they also tended to include more information on the virtues for the positive instruction of penitents Finally, John’s tract contains information on restitution on ill-gotten gains and instructions for granting 11 John of Freiburg, Summa confessorum (Rome1518) John of Freiburg, Confessionale Vatican City Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal Lat 712, fols 138 12 r-138v Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages absolution to the contrite penitent willing to make satisfaction, but John does not insist on reconciliation with enemies as a prerequisite for priestly absolution The mendicants also produced summas on the vices and the virtues and theological compendia that presented moral teachings, not through the technical language of theologians and lawyers, but through pithy stories, similes, and quotations that made abstract concepts and psychological processes more concrete Though these were not instructions for conducting confessions, such material provided the building-blocks for moral instructions during confession, from the pulpit, and for devotional reading—the sort of material found in Chaucer’s Parson’s Tale, as noted by Danny Gorny in his paper Saturday A Franciscan example from early fourteenth-century England is the Fasciculus morum, which recycles traditional commonplaces Typical of the genre, the Fasciculus morum’s treatment of anger stresses the irrationality of the vice, and draws on a long ascetical tradition that emphasizes the spiritual dangers caused by anger in the human soul For example, the evil consequences of wrath listed by the author are all essentially spiritual in nature: anger destroys the image of God in man; anger obstructs the flow of grace into the soul; and wrath makes man like a devil Nevertheless, we cannot say that this tract is only concerned with the inner life because it does not neglect the social ills that anger causes and stresses the danger and violence that hatred causes in society.13 The result is a fairly well-rounded compendium that balances what I have been characterizing as social concerns with more introspective, spiritual concerns Turning to the secular English manuals for clergy, I begin with the influential Oculus 13 Fasciculus morum: A Fourteenth-century Preacher's Handbook, ed Siegfried Wenzel (University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University, 1989), 116-17 Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages sacerdotis by William of Pagula composed between 1319 and 1322.14 The first part included instructions for hearing confessions with an interrogatory based on the deadly sins William’s interrogation on anger is practical and to the point, asking penitents if they had harmed anyone by assault or by insult or if they had conspired to harm anyone, if they had committed arson, tore up someone’s crops, cursed or blasphemed Except for a few questions about impatience during sickness and tribulation, William is entirely concerned with social sins in this section William does not delve into the psychology of sin during the interrogation, but a later section in the summa provides material on what priests should regularly expound, including commonplace information on the virtues and vices.15 Nevertheless, William seems to emphasize the social nature of confession and parish life when he pointedly instructs priests to withhold absolution unless the penitent expresses a willingness to forgive his offenders in accordance with the requirements of Christian charity Two of the best know Middle English manuals are the mid-century Layfolk’s Catechism16 and John Myrc’s Instructions for Parish Priests from about 1400.17 Both texts recycle commonplace material from earlier, Latin manuals, but made it much more accessible through 14 On which see Leonard E Boyle, "A study of the works attributed to William of Pagula with special reference to the Oculus sacerdotis and Summa summarum" (D Phil., Oxford University, 1956) 15 ———, "Aspects of Clerical Education in Fourteenth Century England," in The Fourteenth Century, ACTA, 4, Proceedings of the State University of New York Conferences in Medieval Studies, ed Pal E Szarmach and Bernard S Levy (Binghamton NY: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1977) William of Pagula Oculus sacerdotis Oxford, New College MS 292, fol.4v, 6v 16 (John Gaytrick), The Lay Folks' Catechism : or, The English and Latin versions of Archbishop Thoresby's Instruction for the people : together with a Wycliffe adaptation of the same, and corresponding Canons of the Council of Lambeth, ed Thomas Frederick Simmons and Henry Edward Nolloth, Original series (Early English Text Society) ; no 118 (London: Published for the Early English Text Society by K Paul, Trench, Trèubner, 1901) 17 John Mirk, Instructions for parish priests, ed Edward Peacock, Early English Text Society Publications Original series (London: Pub for Early English Text Society by Trübner and Co., 1868) Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages translation and versification18 Though intended to help parochial clergy instruct the laity, the vernacular texts use the very old ascetic framework for explaining anger derived from Gregory the Great and commonly found in discussions of the vice.19 Anger is defined as an appetite for vengeance that surges up from the heart and is expressed outwardly against others in argument and insult and finally as assault and even murder.20 This traditional scheme provided both a ranking of anger’s sins, but also explained the link between interior states and outward actions Myrc strays from the pattern, somewhat and begins his interrogation about anger by asking about arson, no doubt because arson was a serious sin that had to be absolved by bishops He also adds various sins of the tongue to his list—reflecting medieval sensitivities to defamation and loss of face.21 Both discussions of anger emphasize the social ills that arise from the vice, without delving into the effects of anger on the inner life of the penitent This is the sort of down-to-earth advice that we would expect for hearing confessions in parishes Myrc, however, includes a section suggesting a remedy for the vice, namely that the heat of anger should evoke fear of hell fire.22 We might have expected that Myrc would have chosen more practical advice for controlling the external expression of anger—such as holding one’s tongue or seeking mediation for disputes, but the choice of this commonplace remedy is revealing 18 On the context of these texts within the Archdiocese of York, see Hughes, "Administration of Confession," chapter 19 For an overview of the commonplaces associated with wrath, see Carla Casagrande and Silvana Vecchio, Histoire des péchés capitaux au Moyen Âge, trans Pierre-Emmanuel Dauzat, Collectione historique (Paris: Aubier, 2003), 93-125 20 Gaytrick, Lay Folks' Catechism, 90 21 John Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests by John Myrc, ed E Peacock, Earl English Text Society (1868), 38-39.; see C Casagrande and S Vecchio, Les pechés de la langue Discipline et éthique de la parole dans la culture médiévale (Paris: Cerf, 1991) 22 John Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests by John Myrc, 51-52 Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages The concrete images, similes and stories that late medieval moral treatises, simple as they seem, could help convey the more subtle theories of moral theology and likely even encouraged a type of introspection.23 Fire, for example, was probably the most common concrete symbol for anger The heat generated by the physiological response involved with anger—increased heartrate and blood flow and erratic movement evoked the unpredictable and damaging qualities of flames Anger flares up or smolders; it spreads quickly and often burns the hand that wields it against others The heat of anger, finally, evokes the eternal hell-fire that punishes human wrath and the demonic quality of the vice As with modern anger-management therapies, medieval moralists could teach their audiences to use physiological signals to monitor their unseen emotions, associate their thoughts with actions, and those actions with the state of their soul 24 My tentative comparison seems to indicate that, although secular manuals proposed an interrogation of anger that avoided the theological approach of the more academically oriented manuals studied by friars, nevertheless, the differences are subtle And although the mendicant manuals, for their part, often referred to the theories of moral theologians to explain the interior mental and spiritual processes of the emotion, nevertheless, the outward and antisocial expressions of anger are considered the gravest form of the vice Moreover, both the friars and the regular clergy used similes and stories to make concrete the hidden psychological and spiritual aspects of wrath that taught the wrathful to associate both their outward action and emotional sensations with a disordered and vicious impulse 23 For an overview of medieval theories of anger, see Silvana Vecchio, "'Ira mala/ira bona.' Storia di un vizio che qualche volta è una virù," Doctor Seraphicus 45 (1998): 41-62 24 For examples, see Simon Kemp, "Anger Theory and Management: A Historical Analysis," The American Journal of Psychology 108 (1995): 397-417 10 Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages Although both secular and mendicant manuals present elaborate interrogations for penitents and view confession as an opportunity to probe the penitent’s knowledge of and conformity to the clergy’s moral science, the reality must have fallen short of their ambitious goals Parishioners put off confessing to their parochial priest and only performed this requirement so they could avoid the shame of being excluded from Easter communion In the rush to hear confessions, parochial priests had little time for more than a superficial probing of a penitent’s conscience Admonishments by both seculars and friars to frequent confession, moreover, reveal that most people were reluctant to confess their enmities, make restitution, accept apologies or be reconciled Instead, penitents minimized or justified their sins and blamed others John Bromyard, for example, noted that hard-hearted penitents were often too ashamed to negotiate a peace.25 On the other hand, in this age before the confessional booth, penitents confessed in the open, with other penitents standing by who could witness the priest’s gesture of absolution, which made even rare confession subject to another sort of shame.26 The shame of being denied absolution and denied communion gave a confessor some leverage in forcing reconciliations.27 Parishioners would have known that Easter-time reconciliations were likely motivated by a desire to save face Their suspicions over seasonal peace-making are reflected in sermon stories In one on the worthy reception of Easter communion, a wrathful woman, threatened with being barred from communion, promises to reconcile, but keeps anger in her heart and refuses to 25 John Bromyard, Summa praedicantium, s.v Ira (I.viii), p.395v-96r The edition’s meditatio should be read mediatio 26 For the social and public emphasis of medieval confession, see Bossy, "The Social History of Confession in the Age of Reformation," 21-38 For other depictions of how confession was practiced, see Roberto Rusconi, L'ordine dei peccati: la confessione tra Medioevo ed etá moderna, Saggi (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2002) 27 Those who did not take communion or took communion outside their parish without their pastor’s permission could also face charges before an ecclesiastical court Punishments included public shaming 11 Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages forgive her enemy after receiving the sacrament: she is strangled by a demon.28 In real life, smoldering suspicions between supposedly reconciled enemies could spark fresh conflict.29 The pastoral manuals frequently stress that the wrathful should not just forgive, but forgive from the heart For example, Myrc’s versified interrogatory asks, For-gyuest ỵow with herte fre,/ Alle ỵow ỵat haue trespaset to ỵe?30 The anxieties that reconciling neighbours were dissembling and concealing grudges—or simply unable to forgive despite real intention to so, was surely not the invention of a clerical elite These would have been reasonable anxieties among fourteenth-century parishioners living in a competitive and invidious society The social pressure that secular parochial clergy could apply may have brought the wrathful to confession and even encouraged gestures of reconciliation—and the secular manuals surveyed in this study encouraged priests to so more than mendicant manuals Nevertheless, both the secular and the mendicant manuals show the same concern for sincere and certain reconciliation that comes through a greater awareness and discipline of anger Bibliography of Works Cited Manuscripts: Oxford, New College, MS 292 Vatican City Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal Lat 712 28 Where fore ỵat thame any louedayes, loke ỵat ỵei be made withowte anny feynynge, and ỵatt þe herte and þe tongue a-core in hem, and þan I may well verefie and sey ỵat ye be in perfite loue and charite.” Woodburn O Ross, Middle English sermons, Early English text society Original series (London: Oxford University Press, 1940), 62 29 Historians of conflict have taken a great interest in “social emotions” such as anger For example, see Paul Hyams, Rancor and Reconciliation in Medieval England, Conjunctions of Religion and Power in the Medieval Past (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2003), 34-68 30 John Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests by John Myrc, 45 12 Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages Printed Sources: Bornstein, Daniel E The Bianchi of 1399: Popular Devotion in Late Medieval Italy Ithaca/London: Cornell University Press, 1993 Bossy, John Christianity in the West, 1400-1700 Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985 ——— "Peace in the post-Reformation." Cambridge, U.K ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ——— "The Social History of Confession in the Age of Reformation." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5th series 25, (1975): 21-38 Boyle, Leonard E "Aspects of Clerical Education in Fourteenth Century England." In The Fourteenth Century, ACTA, 4, Proceedings of the State University of New York Conferences in Medieval Studies, edited by Pal E Szarmach and Bernard S Levy Binghamton NY: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1977 ——— "A study of the works attributed to William of Pagula with special reference to the Oculus sacerdotis and Summa summarum." D Phil., Oxford University, 1956 Campbell, William H "Theologies of reconciliation in thirteenth-century England." In Retribution, Repentance, and Reconciliation: Papers Read at the 2002 Summer Meeting and the 2003 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, edited by Kate Cooper and Jeremy Gregory, 84-94 Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2004 Casagrande, C., and S Vecchio Les pechés de la langue Discipline et éthique de la parole dans la culture médiévale Paris: Cerf, 1991 Casagrande, Carla, and Silvana Vecchio Histoire des péchés capitaux au Moyen Âge Translated by Pierre-Emmanuel Dauzat, Collectione historique Paris: Aubier, 2003 Delumeau, Jean Sin and Fear: The Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture, Thirteenth to Eighteenth Centuries Translated by Eric Nicholson New York: St Martin's Press, 1990 Fasciculus morum: A Fourteenth-century Preacher's Handbook Edited by Siegfried Wenzel University Park, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University, 1989 Foucault, M Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison New York: Vintage, 1979 Foucault, Michel The History of Sexuality I: An Introduction Translated by Robert Hurley New York: Vintage, 1980 Gaytrick), (John The Lay Folks' Catechism : or, The English and Latin versions of Archbishop Thoresby's Instruction for the people : together with a Wycliffe adaptation of the same, and corresponding Canons of the Council of Lambeth Edited by Thomas Frederick Simmons and Henry Edward Nolloth, Original series (Early English Text Society) ; no 118 London: Published for the Early English Text Society by K Paul, Trench, Trèubner, 1901 Haren, Michael Sin and Society in Fourteenth-Century England A Study of the "Memoriale presbiterorum", Oxford Historical Monographs Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000 13 Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages Hughes, Jonathan "The Administration of Confession in the Diocese of York in the Fourteenth Century." In Studies in Clergy and Ministry in Medieval England, Pervis Seminar Studies, edited by David M Smith, 87-163 York: Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, 1991 Hyams, Paul Rancor and Reconciliation in Medieval England, Conjunctions of Religion and Power in the Medieval Past Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2003 John Bromyard Summa praedicantium vols Venice: Dominicus Nicolinus, 1586 John Myrc Instructions for Parish Priests by John Myrc Edited by E Peacock, Earl English Text Society, 1868 John of Freiburg Summa confessorum Rome, 1518 Kemp, Simon "Anger Theory and Management: A Historical Analysis." The American Journal of Psychology 108, (1995): 397-417 McLaughlen, R Emmet "Truth, tradition and history: The historiography of High/Late Medieval and Early Modern Penance." In A New history of penance, edited by Abigail Firey, 19-71 Leiden: Brill, 2008 Michetti, Raimondo "Franỗois d'Assise et la paix revélée Réflections sur le mythe du pacifisme franciscain et sur la prédication de paix dans le société communale du XIIIe siècle." In Prêcher la paix et discipliner la société Italie, France, Angleterre (XIIIe-XVe siècle), edited by Rosa Maria Dessì, 279-312 Turnhout: Brepols, 2005 Mirk, John Instructions for parish priests Edited by Edward Peacock, Early English Text Society Publications Original series London: Pub for Early English Text Society by Trübner and Co., 1868 Polecritti, Cynthia Preaching peace in Renaissance Italy: Bernardino of Siena & his audience Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 2000 Ross, Woodburn O Middle English sermons, Early English text society Original series London,: Oxford University Press, 1940 Rusconi, Roberto L'ordine dei peccati : la confessione tra Medioevo ed et©* moderna, Saggi Bologna: Il mulino, 2002 Tentler, T N Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977 Thompson, Augustine Revival Preachers and Politics in Thirteenth-century Italy: The Great Devotion of 1233 Oxford/ New York: Clarendon/Oxford University Press, 1992 Vecchio, Silvana "'Ira mala/ira bona.' Storia di un vizio che qualche volta è una virù." Doctor Seraphicus 45, (1998): 41-62 14 ... clergy vs laity, elite vs people approach to medieval religion is increasingly dated, it still informs the general view of how confession worked on late medieval individuals The work of John Bossy... Wrath in the Late Middle Ages reconciliation within thirteenth-century England Some required reconciliation before absolution and others did not.5 Jonathan Hughes’ case study of the late medieval. .. Parish Priests by John Myrc, 51-52 Cels: Examining Wrath in the Late Middle Ages The concrete images, similes and stories that late medieval moral treatises, simple as they seem, could help convey