A reconstruction of ancient vietnamese initials using chữ nôm materials

(NINJAL Research Papers) 9: 135–158 (2015) ISSN: 2186-134X print/2186-1358 online 135 A Reconstruction of Ancient Vietnamese Initials Using Ch̃ Nôm Materials SHIMIZU Masaaki Osaka University / Project Collaborator, NINJAL Abstract In previous research concerning the Ancient Vietnamese phonology using Ch̃ Nôm materials, only a few features, such as initial consonant clusters, have been considered his study aims to reconstruct the phonological system of Ancient Vietnamese initials, using the Sino-Vietnamese version of the Buddhist sutra Phật huyết Đại Báo Phu ̣ Mẫu Ân Troṇ g Kinh , as well as the Proto Viet-Muong phonemes established by Ferlus (2009) he Ch̃ Nôm characters examined in this study allow us to consider topics such as spirantization and the voicing of medial consonants—possible thanks to the existence of a number of disyllabic words contained therein Linguistic analysis of such texts does and will play an important role in illing the missing link between Proto Viet-Muong and Middle Vietnamese (17C).* Key words: Ancient Vietnamese, Ch̃ Nôm characters, Sino-Vietnamese readings Preface One of the diiculties of using Ch̃ Nôm (CN) characters in historical phonology comes from the fact that they were created based on the Sino-Vietnamese (SV) reading of each Chinese character: i.e., the Vietnamized reading of Chinese characters (Nguyễn Taì Cẩ n 1995) It is also known that Sino-Vietnamese readings were derived from the phonological system of Middle Chinese (MC) (Mineya 1972) his is quite diferent from the case of some Manyogana―the “α group” by Mori (1991)―which were based directly on the reading of MC itself herefore, in some cases such as (1a), SV readings relect the original sound of MC, while in others, such as (1b), they not because of sound change and lack of identical phonemes in MC (1) a MC SV AV† *k > k k *kʰ > kʰ kʰ *h > h h b MC SV AV *p > ɓ ɓ β *ɱ > v v (w (c/k/q) (kh) (h) etc (b) ((b1) (v) (v)) etc Ancient Vietnamese (AV) denotes the stage of language between the formation of the SV readings and the time of compiling Hua yi yi yu in the history of Vietnamese † * his paper is the revised version of the oral presentation entitled “A Phonological Reconstruction of Ancient Vietnamese Using Ch̃ Nôm Materials,” presented at NINJAL on Dec 23, 2013 his study is a result of the Core Research Project “Typological and Historical/Comparative Research on the Languages of the Japanese Archipelago and their Environs” headed by Prof John Whitman 1 he form written in Dictionarium Annamiticum, Lusitanum, et Latinum of Alexandre de Rhodes (1651), which corresponds to v in the modern orthography SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 136 hose who are willing to use Ch̃ Nôm characters in historical phonology need to pay special attention to the latter case Considering this point, in this study, I would like to propose an appropriate method of using Ch̃ Nôm materials in the historical phonology of Vietnamese Materials he Ch̃ Nôm data used in this study are gathered from the Sino-Vietnamese version of the Buddhist sutra Phâ ̣t huyết Đại Báo Phu ̣ Mẫu Ân Trọng Kinh , which was introduced by a number of philologists inside and outside of Vietnam here are two diferent opinions on the period of this material: one regards it as from the 15th century (Hoan ̀ g hi ̣Ngo ̣ 1999, Shimizu 1996), and the other regards it as from the 12th century (Nguyễn Taì Cẩn 2008, Trần Tro ̣ng Dương 2011) I prefer the former opinion for two reasons: (1) two taboo characters are used to avoid the names of the kings in the Lê dynasty (15th century); and (2) the pictures inserted in the Vietnamese version of the sutra are exactly the same as those in the Korean version edited in 1486 and not earlier Advocates of the latter opinion argue the quite old characteristics of Ch̃ Nôm contained in this material However, we need to be reminded that the syllable structure of Vietnamese remained CCVC/T until as late as the 17th century (Gregerson 1969) herefore, it is quite possible that the disyllabic structure extracted from a number of Ch̃ Nôm characters still existed in the 15th century Methods 3.1 Principle First, I will explain the essential method of reconstructing the value of each phoneme at the stage of creating each Ch̃ Nôm he data used here are (1) the phonemes of Proto Viet-Muong (PVM) (Ferlus 2009), Middle Vietnamese (Gregerson 1969), and modern Vietnamese, and (2) the phonemes of MC, 17th century Sino-Vietnamese (Shimizu 1999), and modern SinoVietnamese he reading of a certain Ch̃ Nôm in the material should be placed between PVM and the 17th century, and the Sino-Vietnamese reading of its phonetic component is placed between MC and the 17th century, in order to properly estimate their value at the period of creating the Ch̃ Nôm character For example, there are two Ch̃ Nôm characters that both express the word rắn ‘snake’ pronounced /zan5/ in the modern Northern dialect (NV) but each having a diferent phonetic component with diferent Sino-Vietnamese readings: one is tán /ta:n5/, and the other is lâ ̣n /lʌn6/ One of the purposes here is to reconstruct the phonemic value of each character and place it in the course of phonological change he process of phonological change of the initial consonants is *s > ɽ > ʐ > z for both Ch̃ Nôm characters, *s > t for the SV of , and *l for his process can be illustrated as shown in (2) and (3): (2) rắn /zan5/ (SV: tán /ta:n5/) AV SV *s- (MC) > *s> CN *s- (PVM) > *s> he phonemes in 17C tɽ- > > 20C tʐ- > > are those estimated for the period of creating the character NV tz- SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) (3) 137 箴 rắn /zan5/ ( SV CN SV: lận /lʌn6/) AV *l- (MC) > *l> *s- (PVM) > *s> 17C lɽ- > > 20C lʐ- > > NV lz- We then search for the stage where the Ch̃ Nôm reading and the SV reading of its phonetic component are the closest In the case of , it is the stage of Ancient Vietnamese (AV), while in 箴, it is 17C In this way, if we follow the same process for all the phonemes, the phonological system of AV can be reconstructed theoretically 3.2 Application for the case of spirantization Shimizu (1996) points out that a number of Ch̃ Nôm data, regarded as the traces of disyllabic words, can be found in the present material Some examples of these will be presented here to apply the method above for the process of spirantization (Ferlus 1982, 2009), a phonological process involving consonants in the medial position and an important process that occurred between PVM and AV, which can be summarized as follows in (4): (4) a b c d e f PVM *p *b *t *d *s *c *ɟ *tʃ *k *g > > > > > > Orthography v d r gi gi g/gh NV v z z z z ɣ / (C)ǝ_V(C)/T he same initial consonants occurring in the monosyllabic words went through the process in (5): (5) PVM a *p *b b *t *d c *s d *c *ɟ e *tʃ f *k *g > > > > > > *p *t *s *c *tʃ *k > > > > > > Orthography b đ t ch x c/k/q NV ɓ ɗ t c s k / #_V(C)/T he cases in (6a)–(11a) demonstrate the processes of (4c) and (4a) he irst example, (6a), is a case of (4c) (6) a Ch: CN: chó đồng rắn sắt dog copper snake iron ‘copper dog and iron snake’ (29a5)2 “29a5” means “page 29, irst half, line 5” of the Sino-Vietnamese version of the Buddhist sutra Phật huyết Đại Baó Phụ Mẫu Ân Tro ̣ng Kinh SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 138 he irst line is the original Chinese sentence, while the second one is the Vietnamese translation with Ch̃ Nôm characters he words in italics on the third line are the transcription in the present orthography called Quốc Ng̃, followed by the glosses for each word on the fourth line and the translation of the whole expression on the ifth line he objective here is the word for ‘snake,’ as we saw in the case of (2), but with the Ch̃ Nôm transcribing the presyllable: (6) b rắn PVM3 *p-səɲʔ AV *pʰa-san5 *pʰa:5 sa:n5 17C ɽan5 (ta:n5) 20C ʐan5 (ta:n5) NV zan5 (ta:n5) cf Ru ̣c4  pusiɲ3 Referring to the PVM form and that of Ru ̣c, for instance, it is quite certain that the present initial r comes from *s and that the SV initial of also comes from the MC *s ( ) herefore, the most rational measure is to reconstruct both of these initials as *s at the stage of AV Furthermore, the SV initial of , which comes from the MC *pʰ ( ), also reinforces the reconstruction of the PVM presyllable *p- he process of change occurring in the initial *s of the main syllable can be summarized as shown in (7): (7) PVM *-s- AV -s- 17C > ɽ- > 20C ʐ- NV z- (r) he examples in (8) to (11) are all concerned with the process of (4a) he irst case, (8a), conwith two components, both expressing the sounds for the presyllable tains one character and for the major syllable (8) a Ch: CN: lòng vui dấu hằng lìa heart pleasant love long apart ‘he heart of pleasant love is far away for a long time.’ (20a3) Again, referring to the PVM and Ru ̣c forms, it is certain that the initial consonant of vui had gone through the process of spirantization According to Ferlus (1982), the process of spirantization of the PVM labials *p and *b can be traced as shown in (4a)’: (4)’ a PVM *-p*-b- > > *-ɸ*-β- *-β- > 17C β- > 20C v- (v) Looking through the phonetic components of Ch̃ Nôm characters that express v in the modern orthography, the voiced stop ɓ, such as in the SV reading of bôi /ɓo:j1/, is distin1 guished from v, as in the SV reading of vi /vi: / in 轗5, which is another Ch̃ Nôm character that expresses the same word vui ‘pleasant.’ I believe that the labiodental feature of the latter expresses the stage of around 20C when the process β > v had been completed Meanwhile, the voiced bilabial stop ɓ in ɓo:j1 can be understood in two ways One is to regard ɓ as transcribing he Proto Viet-Muong (PVM) forms are cited from Ferlus (2007) One of the languages of the Ch́t group belonging to the Viet-Muong branch of Mon-Khmer family Trần Văn Kiê ̣m, L.m An-tôn (2004: 879) SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 139 the stage of the voiceless stop *p of the same phoneme, as illustrated in (8b), and the other is to regard it as expressing the stage of the voiced bilabial fricative β, as illustrated in (8c) (8) vui PVM *t-puːj AV *tɨ-pu:j1 *tɨ1 ɓo:j1 17C βu:j1 (ɓo:j1) 20C NV cf Ru ̣c vu:j1 vu:j1 tapuj1 1 (ɓo:j ) (ɓo:j ) vui PVM *t-puːj AV *tɨ-βu:j1 *tɨ1 ɓo:j1 17C βu:j1 (ɓo:j1) 20C NV cf Ru ̣c vu:j1 vu:j1 tapuj1 1 (ɓo:j ) (ɓo:j ) b c cf � [ ] *vi:1 he case of (8c) is more likely than the case of (8b) for two reasons First, it is diicult to imagine that the opposition of voiced and voiceless stops remained up to the stage of AV Second, it is also quite diicult to imagine that the initial stop of the SV reading of was still voiceless or that it was useful for transcribing the voiceless stops at the time Example (9a) is the same as (8a) For the same reasons as above, I believe the voiced bilabial stop in this example transcribes the voiced bilabial fricative (9) a Ch: CN: b vua 吒 tṛ vua cha save king father ‘save the father king’ (5a1) PVM - AV *tɨ-βuɤ1 *tɨ1 ɓo:5 17C βuə1 20C vuə1 NV vuə1 Another problem is concerned with the height of tones For example, the problem with (10a) is how the tone height should be reconstructed (10) a Ch: CN: chẳng vội chết why not early die ‘Why not die early?’ (38a1) he modern form vội belongs to the lower tone, while the SV reading of ɓo:j1 belongs to the higher one herefore, as far as we follow the SV reading, the tone of the AV stage should be the higher counterpart of tone (nă ̣ng tone)―that is, tone (sắc tone).6 he tone change from high to low in this case is due to the voicedness of the presyllable *a- hree high/low pairs of the modern tones are tone (ngang) / (huyền), tone (hỏ i) / (nga),̃ and tone (sắc) / (nă ̣ng) SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 140 (10) b vội PVM - AV *a-βo:j5 *a1 ɓo:j1 17C βo:j6 20C vo:j6 NV vo:j6 he case in (11a) also has quite important problems concerning spirantization and tone height he word vỗ về in the present orthography is an example of reduplication, but each syllable was disyllabic in AV (11) a Ch: CN: { * }{ * }8 vỗ về mô ̣t dừng hay vui comfort once know pleased ‘comfort and feel pleased for a while’ (14a4) he SV initial transcribing of major syllables phổ /fo:3/ and phê /fe:1/ comes from MC *pʰ ( ) As far as we follow the order of spirantization voicing proposed by Ferlus (1982), the voiceless feature of the initial ph shows the middle stage of the process *p > ɸ > β Meanwhile, the tones of SV phổ (3: hoỉ tone) and phê (1: ngang tone) belong to the higher series, while those of vỗ về (4: ngã tone, 2: huyền tone) belong to the lower, and both are the counterparts of the opposite in each pair: 3/4 and 1/2 hese conditions allow us to reconstruct the value of those Ch̃ Nôm at the AV stage as in (11b): (11) b vỗ PVM - về - AV *a-ɸo:3 *a1 fo:3 *a-ɸe:1 *a1 fe:1 17C (βo:4)9 20C vo:4 NV vo:4 (βe:2) ve:2 ve:2 his case will be evidence for reconstructing both ɸ and β at the stage of AV he spirantization process and the value of labials at the AV stage are as follows in (12): (12) PVM *-p- > *-b- > AV *-ɸ*-β- > 17C β- > 20C v- > NV v- So far, I have applied the method described in section 3.1 to reconstruct the value of the voiceless fricative *s and the labial stops *p and *b of PVM that had gone through the process of spirantization It is noteworthy that the cases introduced above are quite characteristic in that all of them are disyllabic words and the structure of their Ch̃ Nôm characters shows the disyllabicity clearly by using two phonetic components for each word Reconstruction of AV Hereafter, we apply the method proposed in section 3.1 for all the initial consonants of PVM In other texts, is substituted by ‘for a while’ (Makita 1976: 56) In the case that Ch̃ Nôm fonts are not available, we separate the components into {A*B} for vertical and {A+B} for horizontal placement: e.g., { * } = , { + } = Not found in the Dictionary of Rhodes SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 141 Before this, it is necessary to discuss the syllable structure of AV 4.1 Syllable structure Ferlus (2004) supposed the syllable structure of PVM to be as follows: (13) PVM a disyllables: b monosyllables: C1-C2V(C3) C1V(C2) he reason C1-C2V(C3) is regarded as disyllabic is because C1- in (13a) is usually followed by a shwa, which had no phonological value inserted between C1 and C2 As we saw in section 3.2, the spirantization process itself had not been completed and was still in the course of change at the stage of AV herefore, we believe there is strong evidence for conirming that the presyllables and major syllables had formed one unit so close as to interact with each other his opinion can be summarized as follows in (14): (14) PVM C1-C2V(C3) > AV C1-C2V(C3)/T > C1V/T + C2V(C3)/T10 > 20C C2V(C3)/T We can make the AV version of the syllable types as in (15): (15) AV a disyllables: b monosyllables: C1-C2V(C3)/T C2V(C3)/T 4.2 Presyllables (C1) In the present material, Ch̃ Nôm characters such as , , , , , , and , etc., can be regarded as transcribing the presyllables First of all, the presyllable list of the PVM stage, shown in (16), was proposed by Ferlus (2007): (16) PVM *p- *t*s(*m-) (*l-) (*r-) *c- *k- *ʔa- he phonemes in ( ) are limited in number he examples in (17) are of Ch̃ Nôm characters transcribing disyllabic words: (17) CN *ka- SV PVM 20C (North) Ch Pages khả nh̃ /kʰa:3 ɲɨ:4/11 *k-ɲəːʔ nh́ /ɲɤ:5/ 15b1 xa man ̃ g /tʃa:1 ma:ŋ4/ xá mãng /tʃa:5 ma:ŋ4/ *c-maŋʔ *c-maŋʔ mắng /maŋ5/ mắng /maŋ5/ 5b3, 23a5 *ca- 10 Some fossilized disyllabic words in modern Vietnamese are mồ hôi ‘sweat’ (havung: pahû:), chiêm bao ‘nightmare’ (Ruc: cəpoː1), etc 11 he IPA transcription in this study is generally based on the modern Northern speech, except here, the SV sounds of each Chinese character are based on the reconstructed AV phonemes his is to clarify that the AV phonetic values of the presyllables and the reconstructed PVM sounds are quite close SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 142 *paphá tan ́ /pʰa:5 sa:n5/ *p-səɲʔ rắn /zan5/ tư bôi /tɨ:1 ɓo:j1/ *t-puːj vui /vu:j1/ 29a5 *ta-/sa{ * *a- , 20a3, 46a3 } a bôi /a:1 ɓo:j1/ { * } a phổ /a:1 ɸo:3/ { * } a phê /a:1 ɸe:1/ a ngâm /a:1 ŋʌm1/ *lala đả /la:1 ɗa:3/ vô ̣i /vo:j6/ vỗ /vo:4/ về /ve:2/ *-ŋamʔ (?) ngậm /ŋʌm6/ *l-taːʔ 38a1 14a4 14a4 42a4 đá /ɗa:5/ 41b2 In summary, the list of presyllables (C1-) extracted from the present materials will be as follows: (18) AV *p- *t*s(*l-) *c- *k- *ʔa- 4.3 Initials of major syllables (C2) According to Ferlus (2009), the list of initials of major syllables (C2) and their modern relected forms are as follows in (19): (19) a aspirated stops, voiceless fricatives pʰ tʰ s kʰ > ph > th > t~r > kh b unaspirated stops p b t d cɟ tʃ k g > b~v > đ~d > ch~gi > x~gi > c~g c implosives ɓ ɗ ʄ >m >n > nh d nasals m n ɲ ŋ >m >n > nh > ng/ngh e voiced fricatives v j >v >d f liquids r l >r >l h >h ʔ ># In the case of the PVM *s, for instance, the modern relection on the left t is the phoneme in the monosyllabic words, while the modern relection on the right r is the phoneme after it has gone through spirantization in the disyllabic words Accordingly, in the other cases, such as *p/*b > b~v, *t/*d > đ~d, *c/*ɟ > ch~gi, *tʃ > x~gi, and *k/*g > c/k/q~g/gh, the italic letters on the left are those in monosyllabic words, and those on the right are in disyllabic words (Ferlus 1982) Hereafter, the AV phonetic values of (19) a~f will be reconstructed in order SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 143 4.3.1 Aspirated stops and voiceless fricatives 4.3.1.1 *pʰ he PVM aspirated voiceless bilabial stop *pʰ corresponds to the modern spelling ph, and in the 17th century, it remained an aspirated stop, not a fricative as in the modern Northern dialect [f ] Its process of change can be illustrated as in (20): (20) PVM *pʰ- > AV *pʰ- > 17C pʰ- > 20C (North) f- (ph) he correspondence of Ch̃ Nôm readings (ph) and the SV readings of their phonetic components (ph) are as follows in (21): (21) (MC: *pʰ , *f , *fʰ > ) ph : (PVM: *pʰ > ) ph CN Mod Orth SV MC Ch phaỉ /fa:j3/ phaí /fa:j5/ phải /fa:j3/ phái /fa:j5/ phô /fo: / phô /fo:1/ { + } phơi /fə:j1/ phi /i:1/ phút /fu:t / phát /fa:t5/ phen /fɛ:n / phan /fa:n1/ , , Pages 19b4 7b3, 30b5 20a2 17b3 8b2,10b3, Another correspondence is as follows in (22): (22) (*b > ) b : (*pʰ > ) ph CN Mod Orth phẩy /fʌj3/ phô /fo:1/ SV bùi /ɓu:j2/ bô ̣ /ɓo:6/ MC Ch Pages 35b3 11b2 Most of the examples show the correspondence with the MC initials *pʰ ( , , )―that is, (pʰ > ) f ( ph) However, only two cases have a correspondence with (*b > ) b his should not be regarded as an exception but as evidence of the stop feature of the phoneme 4.3.1.2 *tʰ he PVM *tʰ corresponds to the modern spelling th, and its value remained tʰ throughout its history (23) PVM *tʰ- > AV *tʰ- > 17C tʰ- > 20C (North) tʰ- (th) he correspondence of the Ch̃ Nôm readings (th) and the SV readings of their phonetic components (th) are as follows in (24): (24) (*dʑ CN , *ɕ , *ʑ , *ts , *tʰ > ) th : (*tʰ > ) th Mod Orth SV MC thi ̣t /tʰi:t8/ thiê ̣t / tʰiət8/ thay /tʰaj1/ thế /tʰe:5/ thẳm /tʰam / thẩm /tʰʌm3/ Ch Pages 29b5, 3a3, 16b1 SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 144 th̀ /tʰɤ:2/ thả /tʰa:3/ /tʰo:j1/ thấy /tʰʌj5/ tha /tʰa:1/ th̀ /tʰɨ:2/ thả /tʰa:3/ /tʰo:j1/ thể /tʰe:3/ tha /tʰa:1/ 42b4, 17a1 33b1 4b1, 23a3, In all cases, the phoneme corresponds to the SV tʰ (th) from the MC initials , , , and and remains with the value tʰ From this, it is likely that the SV readings of the initials , , and had also already become stops, not fricatives or africates , 4.3.1.3 *s he PVM *s had gone through the process of spirantization, so *s > r occurred in disyllabic words (4c), and *s > t occurred in monosyllabic words (5c) As we have already seen in (6a) and (6b), the value *s possibly remained in disyllabic words First of all, other examples that went through the process *s > r in the disyllabic words include those shown in (25) to (29): (25) (*s , *ts CN { + } { (= )+ { + } { - } (26) (*s , *z CN > ) t : (*s > ) r Mod Orth ráy /zaj5/ } ráy /zaj5/ raý /zaj5/ rać h /zɛ:k5/ ráo /za:w5/ ráo /za:w5/ > ) t : (*s > ) t Mod Orth ta /ta:1/ t́i /tɤ:j5/ SV MC tái /ta:j / taí /ta:j5/ taí /ta:j5/ tać /ta:k5/ táo /ta:w5/ táo /ta:w5/ Ch SV ta /ta:1/ tế /te:5/ MC Pages 15a1, 11b5 17b5 29b5 14a1, 29b5 Ch Pages 5a3, 15b2, - 36a2 13b5 MC Ch Pages 9a4, Ch Pages 2a3 2a3 tiếc /tiək7/ t̀ /tɨ:2/ tích /ti:k7/ t̀ /tɨ:2/ (27) (*s > ) s : (*s > ) t CN Mod Orth tan /ta:n1/ SV san /sa:n1/ > ) t : (*s > ) t Mod Orth tốt /to:t5/ tầy /tʌj2/ SV tốt /to:t5/ tề /te:2/ MC (29) (*t > ) đ : (*s > ) t CN Mod Orth tơ /tɤ:1/ SV đa /ɗa:1/ MC (28) (*ts CN , *dz Ch Pages 36b3 SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 145 In the case of monosyllabic words, the existence of the cases in (27) and (28) allow us to reconstruct the value as *s―apart from one case where it is transcribed with the phoneme đ (29) he process can be summarized as follows in (30): (30) PVM *-s- > *s> AV *-s*s- 17C ɽ- > t- > > > 20C (North) z- (r) t- (t) 4.3.1.4 *kʰ he PVM *kʰ corresponds to the modern kh in orthography, but after the 17th century, it went through the process kʰ > x (Gregerson 1969), illustrated in (31) below (31) PVM *kʰ- > AV *kʰ- 17C kʰ- > > 20C (North) x- (kh) he correspondence of the Ch̃ Nôm readings (kh) and the SV readings of their phonetic components (kh) are as follows in (32): (32) (*kh CN { + , *k } > ) kh : (*kʰ > ) kh Mod Orth SV MC khăn /xan / khán /xa:n / khó /xɔ:5/ khố /xo:5/ khoẻ /xwɛ:3/ Ch khuê /xwe:1/ Pages 18a1 6a1, 13a4, We can see only one case of correspondence with the MC *k ( ), but at the time of SV formation, it already had the initial kh, so it can be treated the same way as the other cases Alternatively, it could be analogous to the SV reading of , which also has kh as an initial herefore, this phoneme also remained a stop until it became the fricative [x] after the 17th century 4.3.1.5 *h he PVM *h corresponds to the modern h in orthography, and its value has remained h from PVM until now, as shown in (33) (33) PVM *h- > AV *h- > 17C h> 20C (North) h- (h) he correspondence of the Ch̃ Nôm readings (h) and the SV readings of their phonetic components (h, #) are as follows in (34) and (35): (34) (*h , *ɦ CN , *ø , *k > ) h : (*h > ) h Mod Orth SV hai /ha:j1/ hai /ha:j1/ hết /he:t / hiết /hiət7/ MC Ch Pages 6b4, 2a5, học /hɔ:k8/ hô ̣t /ho:t8/ hộc /ho:k8/ hô ̣t /ho:t8/ 18a3 9a3, SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 146 h̃i /hɤ:j4/ hót /hɔ:t7/ (35) (*Ɂ CN > ) # : (*h > ) h Mod Orth hết /he:t7/ hĩ /hi:4/ hốt /ho:t7/ SV 34a5 15a3 MC Ch yết /iət7/ Pages 18a4, In most cases, the phoneme corresponds to the SV readings for the MC initials *h ( ) and *ɦ ( ) In only one case each does it correspond to *ø ( ), *k ( ), and *Ɂ ( ) he SV readings for the former two MC initials are always h in the modern orthography he only exception―MC initial *Ɂ ( )―could also be analogous to hết as it shares the same phonetic component herefore, the value h has remained quite steady from PVM until today To summarize all the reconstructed forms of aspirated stops and voiceless fricatives, we have the chart in (36): (36) aspirated stops and voiceless fricatives PVM AV 17C 20C (North) *pʰ*pʰ- > pʰ > f (ph) *tʰ*tʰ> tʰ > tʰ (th) *s*-s> ɽ > z (r) *s> t > t (t) *kʰ*kʰ- > kʰ > x (kh) *h*h> h > h (h) 4.3.2 Unaspirated stops he series of unaspirated stops went through the process of spirantization, except for the case of the glottal stop hese processes were shown in (5) and (6) Below are the actual cases of Ch̃ Nôm transcription 4.3.2.1 *p and *b For the case of the bilabial stops *p and *b, we have shown the process of disyllables in (12) As far as we can attest the trace of voiceless fricatives shown in (11), we can assume that the spirantization process was still under way at this point he following in (37) are the other cases of the labials, with the cases of the monosyllables that have nothing to with the process of spirantization listed irst (37) (*p , *b > ) b : (*p, *b > ) b CN Mod Orth SV ba /ɓa:1/ ba /ɓa:1/ buôn /ɓuən / bôn /ɓo:n1/ buồn /ɓuən2/ bồn /ɓo:n2/ bụi /ɓu:j6/ bô ̣i /ɓo:j6/ MC Ch Pages 5b1, 19b1 38a2 35b3, SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 147 In the case of monosyllabic words, most of the cases transcribe the initial with b corresponding to the MC initials *p ( ) and *b ( ) However, we have no evidence to conirm whether it had already been voiced or still remained voiceless In general, as far as the Ch̃ Nôm characters were created using the SV readings that distinguish voiced and voiceless consonants by the height of tones―i.e., higher tones and lower ones―one can be sure that the bipartition of high and low tones had already been completed It follows that the contrast between voiced and voiceless had already disappeared, at least within Vietnamese Here we continue with the supposition that the phoneme in question had already been voiced he cases in (38) and (39) are those of the disyllables that had gone through the process of spirantization > ) b : (*p, *b > ) v Mod Orth SV MC 1 /vʌŋ / bang /ɓa:ŋ / vào /va:w2/ bao /ɓa:w1/ (38) (*p , *b CN { + (39) (*pʰ CN * } ṿ /vɤ:6/ vin /vi:n1/ > ) b : (*p, *b > ) v Mod Orth vậy /vʌj6/ Ch bi ̣ /ɓi:6/ biê ̣n /ɓiən6/ SV Pages 6b2, 5a1, 19b2 11a2 MC Ch phi /i:1/ Pages 2a4, Again, the case in (39) shows the stage when the voicing of the voiceless fricatives had not occurred In (40), we summarize the above discussion (40) PVM *-p- > *-b- > *p*b- AV *-ɸ*-β*ɓ- > 17C β- 20C (North) > v- (v) ɓ- > ɓ- (b) 4.3.2.2 *t and *d he PVM dental stops also went through spirantization in the disyllabic words Sections 4.3.2.2 to 4.3.2.6 present cases of monosyllabic words (41) (*t , *d CN > ) đ : (*t, *d > ) đ Mod Orth SV đất /ɗʌt7/ đát /ɗa:t7/ đái /ɗa:j / đái /ɗa:j5/ MC Ch Pages 3b1, 11b5, đen ̀ /ɗɛ:n2/ đều /ɗe:w2/ điền /ɗiən2/ điều /ɗieu2/ 26b2 6a1, For the same reason as with the labials, we suppose the contrast between voiced and voiceless SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 148 disappeared and merged into a voiced stop he cases that went through the spirantization process are listed in (42) > ) đ : (*t, *d > ) d Mod Orth SV MC 1 da /za: / đa /ɗa: / dứi /zɨəj5/ đái /ɗa:j5/ (42) (*t , *d CN { + } Ch Pages 15a1 10b1, đa ̣i /ɗa:j6/ đỗ /ɗo:4/ dạy /zaj6/ dỗ /zo:4/ 18a3, 18a3 he cases of consonant d were here transcribed with the SV reading đ corresponding to the MC initials *t ( ) and *d ( ) without exception herefore, it is diferent from the case of labials in that there are no cases transcribing the voiceless fricatives he process is as follows in (43): (43) PVM *-t*-d*t*d- > > AV *-ð*ɗ- > 17C ð- > 20C (North) z- (d) ɗ- > ɗ- (đ) 4.3.2.3 *c and *ɟ he PVM palatal stops *c and *ɟ also went through the process of spirantization he cases in (44) and (45) are those of monosyllable words that kept the stop feature (44) (*tɕ CN > ) ch : (*c, *ɟ > ) ch Mod Orth SV chảy /tʃaj3/ chỉ /tʃi:3/ chân /tʃʌn / chân /tʃʌn1/ MC Ch Pages 8b2, 11a3, MC Ch Pages 5a1, 5a2, 11b3, 5a5, 5b4, 16a2, (45) (*ʈ , *ɖ CN 吒 { * } , *tʂ > ) tr : (*c, *ɟ > ) ch Mod Orth SV cha /tʃa:1/ 吒 trá /tʃa:5/ chưng /tʃɨ:ŋ / trưng /tʃɨ:ŋ1/ chi ̣u /tʃi:w / triê ̣u /tʃiəw6/ ch̃ /tʃɨ:4/ { * } tr̃ /tʃɨ:4/ chẳng /tʃaŋ / trang /tʃa:ŋ1/ cháy /tʃaj / trái /tʃa:j5/ he SV relection of the MC initial *tɕ ( )―that is, ch―along with the SV initials with nearby places of articulation such as tr (relection for the MC initials *ʈ , *ɖ , and *tʂ ) make it clear that the PVM *c and *ɟ had merged into voiceless stops he cases of disyllabic words are shown in (46) and (47) SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) (46) (*tɕ CN > ) ch : (*c, *ɟ > ) gi Mod Orth SV giết /ziət5/ chiết /tʃiət5/ > ) tr : (*c, *ɟ > ) gi Mod Orth giận /zʌn6/ { * } gĩ /zɨ:4/ { + } giừng /zɨəŋ2/ (47) (*ɖ CN MC SV Ch MC trâ ̣n /tʃʌn6/ { * } tr̃ /tʃɨ:4/ trừng /tʃɨəŋ2/ 149 Pages 13a3, Ch Pages 19a4 11b2, 21a1 As far as this material is concerned, all the consonants in question are transcribed with ch and tr herefore, the process can be traced as follows in (48): (48) PVM *-c- > *-- > *c*- AV *-ỗ*c- > MV ȷ- > 20C (North) dʒ- (gi) c- > c- (ch) 4.3.2.4 *tʃ he PVM africate *tʃ had become x in all cases According to Ferlus (2009), it became gi in disyllabic words he cases of monosyllables are listed in (49) to (52) (49) (*tɕʰ CN > ) x : (*tʃ > ) x Mod Orth xa /sa:1/ xé /sɛ:5/ SV xa /sa:1/ xỉ /si:3/ MC Ch Pages 16b2, 29b3 SV MC chiêm /tʃiəm1/ chân /tʃʌn1/ Ch Pages 17a1, 33b5, Ch Pages 8a1, 29b3 19a5 Ch - Pages 15a2 21b3 (50) (*tɕ CN { + > ) ch : (*tʃ > ) x Mod Orth } xem /sɛ:m1/ xin /si:n1/ (51) (*ɕ , tsʰ > ) th : (*tʃ > ) x CN Mod Orth SV MC h x́c /sɨ:k / th́c /t ɨ:k / xiên /siən1/ thiên /thiən1/ xui /su:j / /tho:j1/ (52) (ʈʰ > ) s : (*tʃ > ) x CN Mod Orth 撑 xanh /sɛ:ŋ1/ xấu /sʌw5/ SV 撑 sanh /sɛ:ŋ1/ s̉u /sɨ:w3/ MC he existence of the consonant ch for the MC initial *tɕ ( ) to transcribe x in (50) shows the stage of *tʃ, while those cases in (52) show the value of ʃ in the process *tʃ > ʃ Concerning the SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 150 consonant x in the SV readings, the general relection of the MC initial *ɕ ( ) is th, but when it appears with medial j, the SV relection is x Meanwhile, the value of x in the 17th century was ʃ, and the value of th in modern Vietnamese is so “soft” that it is sometimes pronounced θ herefore, when it comes with medial j, the value can be quite close to that of x Unfortunately, we did not ind any cases that had gone through the spirantization process in the present material, as depicted in (53) (53) PVM *-tʃ > *tʃ > AV *tʃ/ʃ > > 17C ȷʃ- > > 20C (North) dʒ- (gi) s- (x) 4.3.2.5 *k and *g In the case of velars, the SV relection of the MC *k ( ) and *ɡ ( ) is c/k/q, not g/gh However, when the SV readings are further Vietnamized in the colloquial language, it often becomes g/gh he cases of the monosyllable words are presented in (54) (54) (*k , *ɡ > ) c/k/q : (*k, *ɡ > ) c/k/q CN Mod Orth SV MC 1 /kʌj / cai /ka:j / cất /kʌt7/ cát /ka:t7/ … caỳ /kaj2/ kì /ki:2/ c̃i /kɤ:j / quĩ /kwi:4/ … Ch Pages 29b2 22b3 31a3 44b3 As in the case of the SV readings, the PVM labials and dentals became voiced implosives, while velars became voiceless c/k/q his is one of the typical features in Vietnamese he cases of the disyllabic words are shown in (55) and (56) (55) (*k , *ɡ > ) c/k/q : (*k, *ɡ > ) g/gh CN Mod Orth SV MC gần /ɣʌn / cân /kʌn / gái /ɣa:j5/ cái /ka:j5/ … gặp /ɣap8/ câ ̣p /kʌp8/ ghẽ /ɣɛ: / kĩ /ki:4/ … (56) (*kʰ CN { + > ) kh : (*k, *ɡ > ) g/gh Mod Orth SV gả /ɣa3/ khả /xa:3/ } gã /ɣa4/ khả /xa:3/ MC Ch Pages 16b3 7b4, 3a3 31a4, Ch Pages 22a2 13b5 In the 17th century, for instance, the velar consonants retained the contrast between voiced and voiceless (k/g), and the voiced consonant had become a fricative as in the modern language Here, it is quite clear from the modern relection that the velar stops remained voiceless in the SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 151 monosyllabic words, while those in the disyllabic words became voiced Here again, the existence of the cases in (56) show the medial stage in the process *k > x > ɣ, which is illustrated in (57) (57) PVM *-k- > *-ɡ- > AV *-x*-ɣ- *k*ɡ- *k- > MV ɣ- > 20C (North) ɣ- (g/gh) k- k- (c/k/q) > 4.3.2.6 *ʔ he glottal stops are never transcribed in Ch̃ Nôm or modern orthography hey are transcribed with the SV readings of the MC initial *ʔ ( ), as demonstrated in (58) (58) (*ʔ CN > ) # : (*ʔ > ) # Mod Orth ăn /an1/ ấy /ʌj5/ SV MC Ch an /a:n1/ ý /i:5/ Pages 10a5, 23a3, Now let us summarize the process of the stop series in PVM as shown in (59) (59) PVM *p*b*-p*-b*t*d*-t*-d*c*ɟ*-c*-ɟ*tʃ*-tʃ*k*ɡ*-k*-ɡ*#- AV *ɓ> > > > *-*-**-*c- > > > > *-ỗ*t-/*k- > > > *-x*-ɣ*#- > > > > > > > 17C ɓ- > 20C (North) ɓ- (b) β- > v- (v) ɗ- > ɗ- (đ) ð- > z- (d) c- > c- (ch) ȷ- > dʒ- (gi) ʃȷk- > > > s- (x) dʒ- (gi) k- (c/k/q) ɣ- > ɣ- (g/gh) #- > #- (ø) 4.3.3 Implosives 4.3.3.1 *ɓ Some part of the phonemes transcribed with m in the modern orthography can be traced back to SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 152 the PVM implosive *ɓ By referring to the word list in Ferlus (2007), we can identify which ones are which and ind the same words in our material he comparison is presented in (60) (60) (*m CN > ) m : (*ɓ > ) m Mod Orth mắc /mak7/ mất /mʌt7/ m̉ /mɤ:3/ SV MC Ch mă ̣c /mak / ma ̣t /ma:t8/ mĩ /mi:4/ Pages 22b1 11a1, 5b5, At the stage of forming the SV readings, the PVM *ɓ had already become a nasal m herefore, the value in the present material is also a nasal, as shown in (61) (61) PVM *ɓ- > AV *m- > 17C m- > 20C (North) m- (m) 4.3.3.2 *ɗ Using the same method as with the labials, we can ind the words in question in our material (62) (*n CN > ) n : (*ɗ > ) n Mod Orth năm /nam1/ nấu /nʌw5/ nuôi /nuəj1/ SV MC Ch nam /na:m / naõ /na:w4/ nỗi /no:j4/ Pages 5b3, 16a5, 16a2, All the cases in (62) are transcribed with nasal n; therefore, the process can be summarized as in (63) (63) PVM *ɗ- > AV *n- > 17C n- > 20C (North) n- (n) 4.3.3.3 *ʄ Another case is the palatal implosive We can ind only one word of this case he word and corresponding rule are shown in (64) and (65), respectively (64) (*ɲ CN > ) nh : (*ʄ > ) nh Mod Orth /ɲaw1/ (65) PVM *ʄ> AV *ɲ- > SV MC Ch nhiêu /ɲiəw / 17C ɲ- > 20C (North) ɲ- (nh) Let us summarize the process of implosives as follows in (66): (66) PVM *ɓ- > *ɗ- > *ʄ> AV *m*n*ɲ- > > > 17C mnɲ- > > > 20C (North) m- (m) n- (n) ɲ- (nh) Pages 5a2, SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 153 4.3.4 Nasals he next series are those of the PVM nasals Essentially, all these phonemes had not changed their values but, concerning the labials, dentals, and palatals, had merged with the implosive series at the AV stage Examples are presented for each phoneme in the sections 4.3.4.1 to 4.3.4.4 4.3.4.1 *m (67) (*m > ) m : (*m > ) m CN Mod Orth mắt /mat7/ máu /maw5/ { + } me ̣/mɛ:6/ 4.3.4.2 *n (68) (*n > ) n : (*n > ) n CN Mod Orth /naj2/ nắm /nam5/ 4.3.4.3 *ɲ (69) (*ɲ > ) nh : (*ɲ > ) nh CN Mod Orth nhơ /ɲɤ:1/ nhà /ɲa:2/ nhe ̣ /ɲɛ:6/ (70) (*j > ) d : (*ɲ > ) nh CN Mod Orth nhả /ɲa:3/ { + } nhả /ɲa:3/ nhã /ɲa:4/ SV MC Ch Pages 12b4(nức+), 8b2, 4b5, MC Ch Pages 2a4, 9b2 SV /ɲɨ:1/ /ɲɨ:1/ nhi ̣ /ɲi:6/ MC Ch Pages 15a4 16a2, 7b4, SV MC Ch Pages 11b4 13b1, 18b3(nhu ̣c+) ma ̣t /ma:t8/ mão /ma:w4/ mĩ /mi:4/ SV ni /ni:1/ nam /na:m1/ dã /za:4/ dã /za:4/ da /za:1/ As for the PVM *ɲ, it is not only the SV nh for the MC *ɲ ( ) but also the SV d for the MC *j ( ) that corresponds to this phoneme his is exactly the same as the case of nhiếc, which is alternated by diếc in the modern language, and in the Dictionary of Rhodes, where nhà has an alternative transcription of da,̀ etc herefore, the cases in (70) show the same kind of alternation 4.3.4.4 *ŋ (71) (*ŋ > ) ng/ngh : (*ŋ > ) ng/ngh CN Mod Orth SV { + } ng̀ /ŋɤ:2/ nghi /ŋi:1/ MC Ch Pages 41a4 SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 154 ngã /ŋa:4/ ngồi /ŋo:j2/ ngã /ŋa:4/ ngoa ̣i /ŋwa:j6/ 46a1 17b1, he process of nasal series is as follows in (72): (72) PVM *m*n*ɲ*ŋ- AV *m*n*ɲ*ŋ- > > > >  17C > m> n> ɲ> ŋ- 20C (North) m- (m) n- (n) ɲ- (nh) ŋ- (ng/ngh) > > > > 4.3.5 Voiced fricatives 4.3.5.1 *v A part of the modern v goes back to the PVM *v Here again, we refer to Ferlus (2007) to select the samples in our material, shown in (73) (73) (*ø , *ɱ > ) v : (*v > ) v CN Mod Orth SV về /ve:2/ vê ̣ /ve:6/ { + } vẫy /vʌj / vı̃ /vi:4/ MC Ch Pages 7a3, 11a4 It is noteworthy that when the PVM *p and *b went through spirantization and became v, they are transcribed with bilabial b, while the PVM *v is transcribed with fricative v herefore, Ch̃ Nôm transcription distinguishes clearly between the PVM bilabials and labial fricatives; see (74) (74) PVM *v- > AV *v-  17C v- > 20C (North) v- (v) > 4.3.5.2 *j A part of modern d is traced back to the PVM *j, as demonstrated in (75) and (76) (75) (*j > ) d : (*j > ) d CN Mod Orth dâu /zʌw1/ { + } dâ ̣y /zʌj6/ { + } dài /za:j2/ (76) PVM *j> AV *j- > SV MC Ch dâ ̣u /zʌw6/ duê ̣ /zwe:6/ duê ̣ /zwe:6/ 17C ᶁ- > 20C (North) z- (d) he process of voiced fricatives is as follows in (77): (77) PVM *v- > *j> AV *v*j- > >  17C vᶁ- > > 20C (North) v- (v) z- (d) Pages 21b4 17b1, 31a3, SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 155 4.3.6 Liquids 4.3.6.1 *r A part of the modern r is also traced back to the PVM *r, as demonstrated in (78) (78) (*l > ) l : (*r > ) r CN Mod Orth SV { + } ruô ̣t /zuət8/ luật /lwʌt8/ { + } rựu /zɨəw / ḷu /lɨw6/ MC Ch Pages 22b1, 20b3 4.3.6.2 *l he value of the PVM *l had not changed throughout its history, as shown in (79) (79) (*l > ) l : (*l > ) l CN Mod Orth lưng /lɨ:ŋ1/ lấy /lʌj5/ là /la:2/ SV MC Ch lăng /laŋ1/ lê ̃ /le:4/ la /la:1/ Pages 24b2 22a3, 7a3, he process of liquids is as follows in (80): (80) PVM *r> *l> AV *r*l- 17C rl- > > 20C (North) r- (r) l- (l ) > > 4.4 Consonant clusters Another topic concerning the consonant system of AV is the pattern of consonant clusters Ferlus (1992) proposed the list of patterns of consonant clusters shown in (81): (81) PVM pr pl kj br bl tr dr kr kl ml gr gl In our material, the cases in (82) ofer quite clear evidence for how the patterns of consonant clusters should be reconstructed (82) CN SV bl- > ʈ- (tr) ba la /ɓa:1 la:1/ ba lai /ɓa:1 la:j1/ bà luận /ɓa:2 lwʌn6/ MV 20C Ch blả blái blọn trả trái trọn pʰl- > ʈ- (tr) pha lật /fa:1 lʌt8/ blạt trật 13b1 kʰr- > ʂ- (s) khả la /xa:3 la:1/ sa sa 28a1 - Pages 8b5 11a2-3 11b5 SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 156 khả liệt /xa:3 liət8/ sắt sắt sống sống s̃a sưng s̃a sưng 34a4, 35a4 38a2 pʰr- > ʂ- (s) pha luật /fa:1 lwʌt8/ phá luật /fa:3 lwʌt8/ sốt sốt sốt sốt 29a4 29a3 br - > ʂ- (s) ba l̃ /ɓa:1 lɨ:4/ s̃a s̃a 18a2 ml- > l- (l) ma lệ /ma:1 le:6/ ma lân /ma:1 lʌn1/ ma lộc /ma:1 lo:k8/ ml̀i lăn - l̀i lăn lóc 19a1, 31a2, 37b4-5 19b2 19b2 kr- > ʂ- (s) { * } cổ lộng /ko:3 lo:ŋ6/ / c̣ l̃ /kɨ:6 lɨ:4/ c̣ lăng /kɨ:6 laŋ1/ 29a5, 31a3 , 6a3, 15b1, 30a1, 44a3 he extracted cluster patterns are as follows in (83): (83) PVM Cr- > Cl- > AV *Cr- (pʰr, br, kr-kʰr) *Cl- (pʰl, bl, kl) (ml) > > > 17C ʂblml/l- > > > 20C (North/South) s/ʂ- (s) tʃ/ʈ- (tr) ɲ- (nh)/l- (l ) Conclusion hrough the analysis of the Ch̃ Nôm characters contained in the the Buddhist sutra Phâ ̣t huyết Đại Báo Phụ Mẫu Ân Trọng Kinh , we reconstructed the phonemes of initial consonants and the syllable structure of Ancient Vietnamese (15C) Concerning the process of spirantization, which can be attested quite clearly in the material, the phonological features of the Ch̃ Nôm characters can be placed between the stage of sprirantization and that of voicing for the medial consonants he results of the reconstruction are summarized as follows: Syllable Structure disyllables: monosyllables: Presyllables (C1) C1-C2V(C3)/T C2V(C3)/T p- ts(l-) c- k- pʰr pʰl br bl kr (kʰr) kl ml Consonant Clusters ʔa- SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 157 Initial Consonants (C2) ɓ ɗ c p t / v s ỗ j m n ɲ r l k kʰ ɣ/x ŋ ʔ h References Ferlus, Michel (1982) Spirantisation des obstruantes médiales et formation du système consonantique du vietnamien Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 11(1): 83–106 Ferlus, Michel (1992) Histoire abrégée de l’évolution des consonnes initiales du Vietnamien et du Sino-Vietnamien Mon-Khmer Studies 20: 111–125 Ferlus, Michel (2004) he origin of tones in Viet-Muong In: Somsonge Burusphat (ed.) Papers from the Eleventh Annual Meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society 2001, 297–313 Arizona State University Ferlus, Michel (2007) Lexique de racines Proto Viet-Muong [Proto Vietic Lexicon] Unpublished manuscript (http://sealang.net/monkhmer/database/) Ferlus, Michel (2009) A layer of Dongsonian vocabulary in Vietnamese Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society 1: 95–109 Gregerson, Kenneth J (1969) A study of Middle Vietnamese BSEI 44: 135–193 Hoàng, hị Ngọ (1999) Ch̃ Nôm tiếng Việt qua giải âm Phật thuyết Đại báo phụ mẫu ân trọng kinh Hà Nội: Nxb Khoa học Xã hội Makita, Tairyo (1976) A study on Pseudo-Sutras [ ] Kyoto: Kyoto Daigaku Jinbun Kagaku Kenkyujo Mineya, Toru (1972) A study of Sino-Vietnamese readings [ ] Toyobunko Ronso 53 Tokyo: Toyobunko Mori, Hiromichi (1991) Ancient phonology and the creation of Nihonshoki [ ] Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten Nguyễn, Tài Cẩn (1995) Giáo trình lịch s̉ ng̃ âm tiếng Việt Hà Nội: Nxb Giáo dục Nguyễn, Tài Cẩn (2008) Một số vấn đề ngành Nôm học Hội nghị Nôm học, 11–12 tháng năm 2008 Trung tâm Triết học, Văn hoá & Xã hội Việt Nam Đại học Temple Shimizu, Masaaki (1996) On the Chu Nom characters contained in the Sino-Vietnamese text of Phat Tuyet Dai Bao Phu Mau An Trong Kinh [ ] Ningen-Kankyogaku 5: 83–104 Kyoto University Shimizu, Masaaki (1999) Sino-Vietnamese readings included in the Dictionary of Alexandre de Rhodes [Alexandre de Rhodes ] Tonanajia—Rekishi to Bunka 28: 55–80 Japan Society for Southeast Asian Studies Trần, Tro ̣ng Dương (2011) Phâ ̣t huyết có phả i là dich ̣ phẩ m Nôm củ a thế kỷ XII? Ngôn ng̃ (263): 31–47 Trần, Văn Kiê ̣m, L.m An-tôn (2004) Giúp đo ̣c Nôm Hán Viê ̣t Nxb Đà Nẵng Ch̃ Nôm Hoa Kỳ: Hôị Bả o tổ n Di sả n SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015) 158 AV Ferlus 2009 Proto Viet-Muong PVM AV PVM 17C ... presyllable tains one character and for the major syllable (8) a Ch: CN: lòng vui dấu hằng li? ?a heart pleasant love long apart ‘he heart of pleasant love is far away for a long time.’ (2 0a3 ) Again,... propose an appropriate method of using Ch̃ Nôm materials in the historical phonology of Vietnamese Materials he Ch̃ Nôm data used in this study are gathered from the Sino -Vietnamese version of the... /za:w5/ ráo /za:w5/ > ) t : (*s > ) t Mod Orth ta /ta:1/ t́i /tɤ:j5/ SV MC tái /ta:j / taí /ta:j5/ taí /ta:j5/ tać /ta:k5/ táo /ta:w5/ táo /ta:w5/ Ch SV ta /ta:1/ tế /te:5/ MC Pages 1 5a1 ,