348798081 21 bai goi VICAS ky phuong jul2009

Hội thảo Khoa học “Nhận thức miền Trung Việt Nam-Hành trình 10 năm tiếp cận”, Viện Văn hóa Nghệ thuật Việt Nam-Phân viện Văn hóa Nghệ thuật Việt Nam Huế, Huế, ngày 26/07/2009 INTERACTIONS BETWEEN UPLANDS AND LOWLANDS THROUGH THE ‘RIVERINE EXCHANGE NETWORK’: AN EXPLORATION OF THE HISTORICAL CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF CENTRAL VIETNAM - A CASE STUDY IN THE THU BỒN RIVER VALLEY - Trần Kỳ Phương (*) Abstract: In this paper, I examine the history of the riverine-based uplandlowland exchange network in the Thu Bon river basin of Quang Nam province in central Vietnam This examination provides a detailed picture of the nature of the exchange network and the political economy of the Champa kingdom(s) and of Central Vietnam I also argue that land routeswhich were known to the locals as ‘Salt Roads’-complimented the rivers in the creation of the lowland and upland exchange network Together, rivers and roads brought people from diverse geographies and ethnicities together historically to forge the economic and political foundations of Central Vietnam This paper is the result of preliminary research on the historical cultural landscape of central Vietnam regarding by historians as a site of cultural interactions between uplands and lowlands, and between north and south.2 Bennet Bronson first The original of this paper entitled “Gharuwood/Cinnamon and Salt: Interaction between upland (Austro-Asiatic speakers) and lowland (Austronesean speakers) by ‘riverine exchange network’ through centuries from the Sa Huynh Culture to Champa and Hoi An of Quang Nam Province in Central Vietnam”, was presented by the author at ‘The 18th International Congress of IndoPacific Prehistory Association’, held at the University of Philippine, Manila, 20-26 March 2006 A shorter version of this paper was published on BiblioAsia, Vol 4, Issue 3, October 2008, National Library Singapore, pp.4-9 (*) Nhà nghiên cứu, Thành phố ðà Nẵng Li Tana, Nguyễn Cochinchina, Southern Vietnam in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program Publications, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 1998), pp 99-116; Charles Wheeler, “Re-thinking the Sea in Vietnamese History: Littoral Society in the Integration of Thuận-Quảng, Seventeenth-Eighteen Centuries”, Journal of Southeast Asian 290 proposed the ‘upstream-downstream exchange network’ model According to Bronson, the riverine exchange network system typically featured a coastal-based trade center, which was usually located at a river mouth as an entrepôt- port There were also distant upstream or inland trading centers, which functioned as ‘feeder stations’ or initial concentration points for products originating in more remote parts of the river watershed Non-market oriented people living in upland or upriver villages produced these forest products These people transported forest products to the river mouth center, where they found a larger population through whom they could tap into ‘a more productive and technologically advanced economy’ Scholars studying the history of early states in what is today’s Peninsular Malaysia and Sumatra, as well as Champa have applied Bronson’s model widely.4 Geographically, this model corresponds equally well with the physical conditions of central Vietnam, where Champa was located historically In this region, most of the rivers flow from west to east, and from the high mountains and plateaus to the coast.5 Along each of the upland rivers there are many villages inhabited by non-Viet Studies 37 (1) (February 2006), pp 123-53; Trần Kỳ Phương, “Góp phần tìm hiểu văn minh vương quốc cổ Champa miền Trung Việt Nam”, Nghiên cứu & Phát triển, No 3(37), 2002; No 4(38), 2002 (Huế: Sở Khoa học, Công nghệ Môi trường Thừa Thiên-Huế, 2002), pp 63-74(37) and pp 71-78 (38) [“A Contribution to the Comprehension on the Civilization of the Ancient Champa Kingdom in Central Vietnam”, Journal of Research and Development, No 3(37), 2002; No (38), 2002 (Huế: Department of Science, Technology and Environment of Thừa Thiên-Huế Province, 2002), pp 63-74(37) and pp 71-78(38).] (In Vietnamese); Trần Kỳ Phương, “Gharuwood/Cinnamon and Salt: Interaction between upland (Austro-Asiatic speakers) and lowland (Austronesean speakers) by ‘riverine exchange network’ through centuries from the Sa Huynh Culture to Champa and Hoi An of Quang Nam Province in Central Vietnam”, paper presented at ‘The 18th International Congress of Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association’, held at the University of Philippine, Manila, 20-26 March 2006 Bennet Bronson, “Exchange at the upstream and downstream ends: Notes toward a functional model of the coastal state in Southeast Asia”, in Economic Exchange and Social Interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspectives from prehistory, history, and ethnography, ed Karl L Hutterer (Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1977), pp 39-52 Christie Jan Wisseman, “Trade and State Formation in the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra, 300 B.C.-A.D 700’, in The Southeast Asian Port and Polity: Rise and Demise, ed J KathirithambyWells and John Villiers (Singapore University Press, National University of Singapore, 1990), pp 39-60; Michel Jacq-Hergoualc’h, The Malay Peninsula: Crossroads of the Maritime Silk Road (100 BC-1300 AD), (Leiden.Boston.Koln: Brill, 2002), pp 67-71; Pierre-Yves Manguin, “The amorphous nature of coastal polities in Insular Southeast Asia: Restricted centres, extended peripheries”, Moussons, (2002), pp 73-99; William Southworth, “River settlement and coastal trade: Towards a specific model of early state development in Champa”, paper presented at a ‘Symposium on New Scholarship on Champa’, sponsored by the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, Singapore, 5-6 August 2004 Wheeler, “Re-thinking the Sea in Vietnamese History”, pp 137-38 291 speaking peoples These rivers connected upland peoples to the coastal trading centers that are located at the river mouths Archaeological findings indicate that such riverine-based upland-lowland exchange have been practiced since prehistoric times In this paper, I examine the history of this upland-lowland exchange network in the Thu Bồn river basin in the central Vietnam The examination provides a detailed picture of the nature of the exchange network and the political economy of the Champa kingdom(s)6 and of central Vietnam Through historical analyses of riverine based exchange networks in the Thu Bồn river basin, I argue that the local people, in particularly the Mon-Khmer speaking peoples, contributed to the construction of this classic river-centered economic network since the prehistoric times, and in doing so may have contributed to major political developments I also argue that land routeswhich were known to the locals as ‘Salt Roads’-complimented the rivers in the creation of the lowland and upland exchange network Together, rivers and roads brought people from diverse geographies and ethnicities together historically to forge the economic and political foundations of central Vietnam Sa Hùynh Culture sites at the Thu Bồn River region Since the 1990s, new archaeological findings uncovered by Vietnamese and international archaeologists in excavations in central Vietnam, particularly in the Thu Bồn River basin in Quảng Nam province, have provided us with a more comprehensive understanding of this land’s past These new findings have also provided clear insights into the interactions between upland and lowland areas during the prehistoric period The archaeological artifacts found in central Vietnam reflect two foreign cultural influences, namely the Chinese Han Dynasty (206BCE-220CE) and the Indians These finds have provided large quantities of various types of artifacts, which prove the existence of a maritime trade relationship between a number of port cities and polities in central Vietnam, with their counterparts in China and the Indian sub-continent Central Vietnam played an important role in the ‘Maritime Silk Road’ from the fifth century BCE to the fourth century CE, thanks to the rich resources of its forests, as well as to its favourable geographical location, which offered a number of potential sites for useful entrepôts.7 Professor Ian Glover who has been engaging Southworth, “River settlement and coastal trade” Yamagata Mariko, “Trà Kiệu of the second and the third centuries A.D.: The formation of Linyi (Champa) from the archaeological point of view”, paper presented at a ‘Symposium on New 292 archaeological research in central Vietnam during the 1990s and the early 2000s has concluded that, The early states along the central coast of Vietnam were founded on existing social structures, influenced by Indian religious and political ideology, but remained economically dependent on trade with China through the exportation of natural, forest resources and through the establishment of port entrepôts specialising in the transfer of inter-regional trade to the commercial centres of southern China and northern Vietnam The Sa Hùynh Culture along the Thu Bồn River The Sa Huỳnh culture was an Iron Age culture belonging to a period between the fifth century BCE and the second century CE Most of its sites have been found in central Vietnam through archaeological excavations carried out since the beginning of the last century Sa Huỳnh is the name of a small village on the coast of Quảng Ngãi province in central Vietnam nowadays where the first excavation of this culture was conducted in the early twentieth century by French archaeologists.9 A great number of Sa Huỳnh burial sites have been uncovered along the two banks of the Thu Bồn river, from its tributaries all the way down to its lower reaches It is worthy to note that the Thu Bồn river basin is the most densely distributed of the Sa Huỳnh sites in Vietnam, and the archaeological sites of the Sa Hùynh culture in this area have been found not only in the lowlands along the coast but elsewhere, such as in the inland and mountainous areas along the upper reaches of the Thu Bồn River and its main tributaries.10 Scholarship on Champa’, sponsored by the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, Singapore, 5-6 August 2004; Lâm Thị Mỹ-Dung, “Regional and inter-regional interactions in the context of Sa Hùynh Culture: with regards to the Thu Bồn Valley in Quảng Nam Province, Vietnam”, paper presented at ‘The 18th International Congress of Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association’, held at the University of Philippine, Manila, 20-26 March 2006 Ian Glover & Nguyễn K D, “Excavations at Go Cam, Quảng Nam province, central Vietnam, 2000-2003: Lin-yi and the emergence of the Cham kingdoms”, paper presented at a ‘Symposium on New Scholarship on Champa’, sponsored by the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, Singapore, 5-6 August 2004 Henri Parmentier, “Dépots de jarres Sa-Huynh (Quang-ngai, Annam), Bulletin de lEcole franỗaise dExtrờme-Orient, No 23, 1924, pp 325-43 10 Hồ Xuân Tịnh, “The proto-historic Cam Ha burial jars in Hội An, Quảng Nam-Da Nang”, in Ancient Town of Hội An, ed The National Committee for the International Symposium on the Ancient Town of Hội An (Ha Noi: Thế Giới Publishers, 2006), pp 127-28 293 The Vu Gia river is one of the main tributaries of the Thu Bồn river, approximately 110 kilometres inland from the river mouth in Hội An, the Thu Bồn’s primary downriver port In 1985, a burial ground of the Sa Hùynh Culture was excavated in the Tabhing village, the home of the Katu, a Mon-Khmer speaking people in the Trường Sơn Range Here archaeologists found five burial jars in three trenches on the bank of a stream.11 Iron tools, such as axes, spearheads and hatchets were found, together with the typical Sa Hùynh bi-headed animal ornament, and bronze earrings and Indian agates.12 The archaeological sites found in both coastal plain and inland areas of the Thu Bồn basin display the same two cultural phases: an early phase and a later phase Because the archaeological cultural material found in both the upstream and downstream appeared simultaneously and evolved continuously from the early phase to the late phase, this provides the tangible evidence of the interactions between upland and lowland during the prehistoric period.13 The cultural space of the Sa Huỳnh archaeological sites in central Vietnam, from the coastal region up to 11 Vũ Quốc Hiền “Bãi mộ chum Pa Xua”, in Viện Bảo tàng Lịch sử Việt Nam, Thông Báo Khoa Học, năm 1991, pp 167-79 [“The Jar Burials at Pa Xua”, in National Museum of Vietnamese History, The Annual Scientific Report, Year 1991, pp 167-79.] (In Vietnamese); Yamagata Mariko, “Inland Sa Hùynh Culture along the Thu Bồn River valley in Central Vietnam”, in Uncovering Southeast Asia’s Past, ed Elisabeth Bacus, Ian Glover & Vincent Pigott (Singapore: NUS Press, 2006), p.181 Besides the Sa Hùynh sites the archaeologists had also uncovered a brick structure in a square ground-plan, size: 610x580cm, containing a number of bricks, size: 40x30x12cm and terra-cotta tiles, size: 30x35cm, together with two porcelain bowls; this brick structure might be considered as an early Cham brick structure comparing with those of the Trà Kiệu sites found in the years later (see Trịnh Căn, “Mộ cổ Ba Roong, Quảng Nam-ðà Nẵng”, in Viện Bảo tàng Lịch sử Việt Nam, Thông Báo Khoa Học, năm 1991, pp 105-09 [“The Ancient Tomb of Ba Roong, Quảng Nam-Da Nang”, in National Museum of Vietnamese History, The Annual Scientific Report, Year 1991, pp 105-09.] (In Vietnamese) 12 Up to nowadays, with Katu people, Indian agates are great precious ornaments for their women; during 1978-79, there was a big site of Sa Huynh culture found by accident in ðại ðồng village, ðại Lộc district, within the midland of Quảng Nam province, close to the land of Katu people; at that time, the villagers had exchanged agates with Katu people in a large number, in many cases, a big piece of agate might be exchanged for a buffalo, see Trần Kỳ Phương, “Bước đầu tìm hiểu địa -lịch sử vương quốc Chiêm Thành (Champa) miền Trung Việt Nam: Với tham chiếu ñặc biệt vào ‘hệ thống trao đổi ven sơng’ lưu vực sơng Thu Bồn Quảng Nam”, Thông tin Khoa học, Thang 3/2004 (Huế: Phân viện Nghiên cứu Văn hoá Nghệ thuật Thành phố Huế, 2004), p 50 [“Preliminary research on the historical geography of the Champa kingdom in Central Vietnam: in regard to ‘riverine exchange network’ of Thu Bồn river basin in Quảng Nam province”, in Scientific Reports, March 2004 (Huế: Vietnam Institute of Culture and Arts Studies, Central Vietnam, Sub-Institute in Huế, 2004), p 50.] (In Vietnamese) 13 Yamagata, “Inland Sa Hùynh Culture”, pp.172-81; Southworth, “River settlement and coastal trade” 294 the mountainous area, exactly overlapped those of the Champa kingdom(s) or polities that emerged during the successive centuries.14 The ‘upland and lowland exchange network’ during the Champa period (from the second to the fifteenth centuries CE) Regarding the ‘upland and lowland exchange network’ during the Champa period in central Vietnam from the second to the fifteenth centuries CE, the economy of the Champa kingdom or polities, beyond an agricultural and fishing base, was largely centred on the coastal trade with India, China, and the other parts of Southeast Asia Champa was the closest source from which China could import many luxury goods, such as ivory, rhinoceros horns, cinnamon and aromatic woods, spices, and so on, while port-entrepôts located along the coast provided useful shelter, fresh water and firewood for ships traveling along the coasts from South Asia to East Asia 15 Thus, the Champa kingdom(s) provided some of the most significant middlemen in the South Sea Trade or Nanhai Trade.16 According to the An Nam Chí Lược [The Brief Records of An Nam), Champa was the largest and most important sea-ports that provided fresh water and firewood to Chinese ships going south until the early fourteenth century (circa 1335).17 This confirmed by the evidence of the remains of the Cham well systems found in the Hội An area and elsewhere in central Vietnam.18 With a geo-historical viewpoint, John Whitmore has considered on this land “as a network of interrelated geographical niches existing in a configuration of 14 Peter Bellwood, Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian Archipelago (Honolulu: University of Hawai’I Press, 1997), p 275 15 William Southworth, “The coastal states of Champa”, in Southeast Asia from prehistory to history, ed Ian Glover and Peter Bellwood (London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), pp 209-33 16 Wang Gungwu, The Nanhai Trade: Early Chinese Trade in the South China Sea (Singapore: Eastern University Press, 2003), pp 107-35 17 Lê Tắc, An Nam Chí Lược, trans Huế University (Huế: Thuận Hóa Publisher & Trung Tam Ngon Ngu Dong Tay, 2002), pp 72-73 [Brief Records of An Nam] (In Vietnamese) 18 Trần Kỳ Phương and Vũ Hữu Minh, “Cửa ðại Chiêm (Port of Great Champa) in the 4th - 15th Centuries”, in Ancient Town of Hội An, ed The National Committee for the International Symposium on the Ancient Town of Hội An (Hanoi: Thế Giới Publishers, 2006), pp 117-22; Nguyễn Văn Kự, Ngô Văn Doanh and Andrew Hardy, Peregrinations into Cham Culture (Hanoi: Centre of Ecole Francaise d’Extreme-Orient, 2005), pp 15-16 295 internal cultural-religious developments and an external system that linked the sea routes and the forests of the inland mountains”.19 The inhabitants of the Champa kingdom(s) (known as the urang Campà), were considered by historians to have been very accomplished merchants, who handled the exchange of commodities between the coastal people and the inland peoples of the mountainous areas.20 These Champa merchants may have established an interior exchange network involving such commodities as salt, fish-sauce, dry sea foods, fabric, agate, carnelian, Chinese jar ceramics, gongs, glass, bronze tools, in exchange for aloes-wood/eaglewood, cinnamon, ivory, rhinoceros horns, spices, cloves, rare animals, rare birds, rare bird feather, ironwoods, etc 21 These luxury products were then collected in the trade centers of the port-cities, especially those with good entrepôts, in order to trade with the foreign merchants who called there from South and East Asia.22 Thu Bồn - The Longest of the Main Rivers in Central Vietnam Thu Bồn river in Quảng Nam province is the longest of the main rivers in central Vietnam The river starts in the southern part of the Trường Sơn Range, which includes the 2,598-metre Ngọc Lĩnh Mountain, the highest mountain in central Vietnam 23 The average amount of rainfall in this area is approximately 4,000 mm per year With this huge amount of rain, the Thu Bồn river is full of water all year round This is the main stream connecting the mountainous and coastal areas, and it has played an important role in the exchange of goods between the uplands and the lowlands Since the fifth century CE, the river itself has been 19 John Whitmore, “The Last Great King of Classical Southeast Asia: ‘Che Bong Nga’ and Fourteenth Century Champa”, paper presented at a ‘Symposium on New Scholarship on Champa’, sponsored by the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, Singapore, 5-6 August 2004 20 Kenneth Hall, “Economic History of Early Southeast Asia”, in The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Volume One, ed Nicholas Tarling (Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp 25658; Anthony Read, Charting the Shape of Early Modern Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asia, 2000), pp 39-55 21 Victor Lieberman, Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c 800-1830, Volume One, Integration on the Mainland (Cambridge University Press, 2003), p 351; Wheeler, “Rethinking the Sea in Vietnamese History”, p 144 22 Southworth, “The coastal states of Champa”, pp 224-25 23 Tam Quach-Langlet, “The Geographical Setting of Ancient Champa”, in Proceedings of the Seminar on Champa, University of Copenhague on May 23, 1987, ed P.-B Lafont and trans Huynh Dinh Te (California: Rancho Cordova, CA, 1994), pp 24-27 296 worshipped by the Cham dynasties as a holy river named Mahanadi (Great River) or Goddess Ganga, the consort of God Siva.24 Thu Bồn river joins its tributaries, such as Vu Gia river, at the Giao Thủy, meaning the Water Crossway, which becomes a large stream flowing down to the lowland basin The Thu Bồn basin is a meeting place of all the main streams in Quảng Nam province The three largest estuaries of the province, including Cửa Hàn Estuary, Cửa ðại Estuary, and Cửa Kỳ Hà Estuary, are connected by lagoons, such as Cổ Cò, ðế Võng and Trường Giang, all meet at the Cửa ðại estuarine port.25 Several prosperous markets were built along the Thu Bồn and Vu Gia rivers, such as Bến Giằng wharf, Bến Hiên wharf, Trà Mi market, Tiên Phước market, Tam Kỳ market, Hà Lam market, Trung Phước market, Hội Khách market, Hà Tân market, Ái Nghĩa market, Vĩnh ðiện market, Câu Lâu market, Bàn Thạch market, Túy Loan market, Hàn market and so on These are the collecting places for the forest products headed for the port-city of Hội An.26 Along the upper reaches of Thu Bồn river is the junction between the mountainous area and the midland at Hòn Kẽm-ðá Dừng wharf of the Thạch Bích community, in Quế Lâm village, in Quế Sơn district, where a seventh century Cham stele was found The inscription states that this stele belonged to King Prakasadharma of the seventh century CE, noting that: “Sri Prakasadharma, king of Campa always victorious, master of the land,… has installed here the god Amaresa (Siva)”.27 This Cham inscription reveals that this area was previously ruled by Cham kings The Forest Products for Export 24 Karl-Heinz Golzio (ed.), Inscription of Campà (Aachen: Shaker Verlag, 2004), p Up to nowadays, the Thu Bồn river is still worshipped by the locals as the Lady of Thu Bồn, her temple was built on the right bank of the river directly toward the north of Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary The temple was built overlapping a Cham ruin A yearly festival celebrating her is organized by the locals during the 22nd of the Second Lunar month There are legends about the lady related with the Cham temples of Mỹ Sơn told by the locals, see Henri Parmentier, Inventaire descriptif des monuments Cams de l’Annam (vol I Description des monuments) (Paris: Leroux [Publications de l’École Francaise d’Extrême- Orient 11], 1909), pp 286-88 25 Trần Kỳ Phương and Vũ Hữu Minh, “Cửa ðại Chiêm (Port of Great Champa) in the 4th - 15th Centuries”, pp 117-22; Wheeler, “Re-thinking the Sea in Vietnamese History”, p 133-42 26 Trần Kỳ Phương, “Bước đầu tìm hiểu địa -lịch sử vương quốc Chiêm Thành (Champa) miền Trung Việt Nam, p 55 27 Golzio, Inscription of Campà, p 10 297 Regarding the special forest products in Central Vietnam during the mid-sixteenth century, we can gain some sense of the variety of these products by referring to the list of local products in the book Ô Châu Cận Lục (The Accounts of Ô Châu Prefecture) written by Dương Văn An in 1555 This is the earliest account of the products of northern central Vietnam, which included: ivory, rhinoceros horn, several different sorts of incense-woods (aloeswood, eagle-wood, sandalwood), white colored printed textile, blue colored printed textile, buffalo skin, pine-resin, buffalo horn, deer skin, deer young horn, doe skin, peacock- tail, pheasant- tail, black pepper, honey, yellow beeswax, rattan , and so on.28 Since all the above-mentioned items are forest products, it is clear that uplanders played an important role on the economic formation of the Champa kingdom(s).29 Those forest products might be regarded as the Cham specialties in the previous centuries These items were collected by uplanders, 30 who then exchanged them with the lowlanders, following the patterns of riverine exchange networks which have been described in the preceding pages We might also compare those forest products with Shiro Momoki’s studies of Champa products recorded in Chinese texts in the previous centuries: Table Products from Champa recorded in Chinese documents: 31 gold, silver, tin, iron, baomu 宝 母 jewels, Chengshuichu 澄 水 珠 pearls, fire pearls 火 珠, amber, crystal, beichi 貝 歯 [cowries?], pusashi 菩 薩 石 stones, rhinoceros horns, elephant tusks, tortoise-shell, kalambak, eaglewood, sandalwood, campher, musk, milk incense, lakawood incense, clove, rose water, petroleum, 28 Dương Văn An, Ô Châu Cận Lục [A new translation], trans Trần ðại Vinh and Hồng Văn Phúc (Huế: Thuận Hóa Publishers, 2001), pp 29-40 [The Accounts of Ô Châu Prefecture] (In Vietnamese) 29 Gerald Hickey, Sons of the Mountains: Ethnohistory of the Vietnamese Central Highlands to 1957 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1982), pp 78-120; Li, Nguyễn Cochinchina, pp 121-25; Nakamura Rie, Cham in Vietnam: Dynamics of Ethnicity (Ph.D dissertation) (University of Washington: Department of Anthropology, 1999), p 60 30 Andrew Hardy, “Eaglewood and the Economic History of Champa and Central Vietnam” in Champa and the Archaeology of My Son (Vietnam), eds Andrew Hardy, Mauro Cucarzi and Patrizia Zolese (Singapore: NUS Press, 2008), pp 114-16 31 Momoki Shiro, “Was Champa a Pure Maritime Polity?: Agriculture and Industry Recorded in Chinese Documents”, paper presented at The Core University Seminar, Kyoto University and Thammasat University: Eco-history and Rise/Demise of the Dry Areas In Southeast Asia, Kyoto University, Japan, 13-16 October 1998 298 cotton, zhaoxia 朝 霞 cloth, patterned cloth 絲 紋 布, white cotten cloth 白 氈 布, mats of palm leaf, Mingjiao 明 角 (?), Wujiao 武 角 (?), yellow beeswax, brimstones, sappanwood, wuman 烏 木 trees [a kind of ebony], guanyin 観 音 bamboos, rice, swallow nests, pepper, betel nuts, coconut palms, jackfruits, haiwuzi 海 梧 子 trees, anise, cubeb pepper, nutmeg, rhinoceros, lions, elephants, orang utans, white monkeys, white pheasants, chinji 秦 吉 birds, parrots, shanji 山 鶏 birds, guifei 帰 飛 birds, tortoises Table Prescribed tribute items exported from Champa to China during the early Ming:32 elephants; elephant tusks, rhinoceros, rhinoceros horns, peacocks, peacocktails, orange-peel incense for human body 橘 皮 抹 身 香; camphor; mixed incense for cloths 薫 衣 香; bensoin; kalambak; local lakawood; sandalwood; cypress 栢 木 (?); burnt crushed incense 焼 砕 香; pear tree, ebony 烏 木; sappanwood; rattanflower incense 花 藤 香(?); turnip-patterned printed cloth 蕪 菁 花 布; red-coloured printed cloth 紅 印 花 布; red oilcloth; white cotton cloth; blackened cotton cloth 烏 綿 布; round-jade-patterned printed cloth 圓 璧 花 布? red-edged cloth in solid colour 花 紅 邊 縵(?); varied cloth in solid colour 雑 色 縵(?); “barbarian” printed towels 番 花 手 巾; “barbarian” printed handkerchiefs 番 花 手; headdresses made of tula cloth 兜 羅 綿 被; bleaching mud for cloth 洗 白 布 泥(?) ‘Upland and lowland exchange network’ in Quảng Nam province: The ‘Salt Road’ and its cultures The period of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was the heyday of the port-cities such as Hội An, Thanh Hà, Nước Mặn in central Vietnam, and is considered by historians to have marked the revival of previous Cham port-cities.33 The nature of the commodity exchange system between lowland and upland in Quảng Nam province is reflected in a popular proverb: “Ai nhắn với nậu nguồn/Măng le gởi xuống cá chuồn gởi lên”/“Whoever goes to see the uplanders please remind them, (if) forest products are brought down, sea products are carried 32 33 Momoki, “Was Champa a Pure Maritime Polity?” Trần Kỳ Phương and Vũ Hữu Minh, “Cửa ðại Chiêm (Port of Great Champa) in the 4th - 15th Centuries”, pp 117-22; Charles Wheeler, “One Region, Two Histories: Cham Precedents in the History of the Hội An region”, in Vietnam: Borderless Histories, ed Nhung Tuyet Tran and Anthony Reid (Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2006), pp.173-84 299 up” Li Tana argued that the close interactions between lowlanders and uplanders contributed to the formation of the state economy of the Nguyễn Lords.34 We can perhaps gain some sense of the tradition of exchange along the Thu Bồn river, thanks to an account of modern-day trading there, as recalled by a local informant Quách Xân (died in 1999) who spent almost 30 years (from 1945 to 75) living with the Katu people in Quảng Nam province throughout the war He exchanged products with the minorities in the province after he became the head of the Commercial Bureau of Quảng Nam-ðà Nẵng province in 1975 Quách Xân described the commodity exchange activities along Thu Bồn river between the Katu people and the Kinh people (or Vietnamese speakers) during the early twentieth century: The western part of ðại Lộc district, including the three villages of ðại Lãnh, ðại ðồng and ðại Sơn, were formerly the sub-districts of ðại An Thượng /Upper ðại An, ðại Hòa Thượng /Upper ðại Hòa and Phú Khê It is a small valley in the shape of the letter Y, with the farming land covering several thousands of hectares In the north is Hiên district, in the south-west is Giằng district, and in the south-east is the village of ðại Lộc district Every year, the floodwaters of the Vu Gia River (the so called Sông Cái/Mother River) and its smaller branch, the Sông Con/ Daughter River, bring a large amount of alluvia down into this valley, making this land very fertile for growing rice, corn and strawberries There are useful transportation routes throughout the valley by means of land roads, as well as by rivers, which connect the two mountainous districts of Hiên and Giằng with ðại Lộc district So, trade interactions between the upland and the lowland are very convenient The old people said that, formerly, there was a periodical market named Hội Khách (today belonging to ðại Sơn village in ðại Lộc district; Hội means Meeting, Khách means Katu ethnic people).35 This market was set up twice a month, when the Katu people brought their forest products down to the market and met with the Kinh 34 35 Li, Nguyễn Cochinchina, p.123 Although, Quách Xân explained the term of ‘Khách’ as ‘Katu people’ but scholars suppose that ‘Khách’ means Chinese merchants (Minh Hương people) who lived in the main markets along the Thu Bồn riverbanks such as Trà Mi, Tiên Phước, ðại Lộc, Quế Sơn, so on, to collect/exchange directly forest products from upper lands then transporting into Hội An, see Trần Văn An, Nguyễn Chí Trung, Trần Ánh, Xã Minh Hương với thương cảng Hội An kỷ XVII-X IX (Quảng Nam: Trung tâm Bảo tồn Di sản -Di tích Quảng Nam, 2005, pp 56-57 [Minh Hương village with Hội An port-city during the XVII-XIX centuries (Quang Nam : Center for Conservation of Heritages- Monuments of Quang Nam, 2005), pp 56-57.] (In Vietnamese) I am grateful to Li Tana for her comments on this 300 merchants in order to trade for salt, iron tools, textiles and other necessities However, thanks to the very prosperous tradings between these peoples, there were many permanent markets built in the midland, such as Hà Tân, Trúc Hạ, An Mỹ, and Hà Nha markets, which attracted more Kinh merchants, who came to engage in trade The Katu people also went further down into these markets to exchange their own goods, or directly deliver their forest products to the houses of the Kinh merchants Furthermore, during such festivals as the Lunar New Year and the Fifth Day of the Fifth Month of Lunar Year, the Katu people enjoyed visiting to the Kinh merchants’ families in the midland Trading with forest products was generally very profitable, so that the community of merchants in this area expanded day-by-day Instead of waiting for the Katu people to bring their products down to the market, the Kinh merchants would go directly into the Katu villages in the mountainous area to trade In many cases, the poorer farmers in the lowlands became the carriers or boat drivers for the rich merchants who traded up and down the main rivers in this region 36 The above description by Quách Xân gives an overview of the typical trading environment between Katu and Kinh merchants (or Vietnamese speaking merchants), as well as between uplanders and lowlanders, along the main rivers (i.e Thu Bồn river) in Quảng Nam province This description of recent modern-day trading activities might give us some sense of the nature of the exchanges that formerly occurred during the Champa era between the Austro-Asiatic speakers (i.e the Katu people) in the upstream areas and the Austronesean speakers in the downstream areas.37 Quảng Nam province’s mountainous area is the homeland of the Katu people who are Mon-Khmer speakers.38 Today, the Katu population in Vietnam numbers 36 Quách Xân, “Giặc Mùa”, in Ngọc Lĩnh, chuyên ñề nghiên cứu, sáng tác Miền Núi & Tây Nguyên, No (ðà Nẵng: Trung tâm Khoa học Xã Hội Nhân Văn, ðại Học ðà Nẵng Nhà Xuất Bản ðà Nẵng, 2000), pp 71-72 [“Seasonal Enemy”, in Ngoc Linh Magazine, Special researches and literary works on Mountainous Area and Central Vietnam Highland , No 1, Center for Social Sciences and Humanity of Danang University, Danang: Danang Publishers, 2000, pp 71-72] (In Vietnamese) 37 Leonard Andaya, Leaves of the Same Tree: Trade and Ethnicity in the Straits of Melaka (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006), pp 40-48 38 According to linguistic experts, Katu language is the closest language to those of the Vietnamese language among the Mon-Khmer speaker groups, see Nguyễn Hữu Hòanh, Tiếng Katu cấu tạo từ (Hà Nội: Nhà Xuất Bản Khoa Học Xã Hội, 1995), pp 21-22 [The structure of words in Katu language (Hanoi: Khoa Học Xã Hội Publishers, 1995), pp 21-22.] (In Vietnamese) 301 roughly 48,946 people in 2001, concentrating in ðông Giang, Tây Giang and Nam Giang districts of Quảng Nam province and a smaller number in Nam ðông district of Thừa Thiên -Huế province; and they have managed to treasure and sustain their own ancient traditional culture remarkably well.39 Another part of the Katu people amounting to about 22,759 people in 2005, they are now living mostly in the Sekong province of Lao PDR, along the border with Vietnam They still retain, in the words of Nancy Costello, “a wealth of interesting customs, traditions, knowledge and folklore about astrology, medicine and other sciences” 40 The Katu people living along the border of Lao and Vietnam still keep close connections together.41 The scattered villages of the Katu people were built from the upper reaches all the way down to the lower reaches of the main rivers in Quảng Nam province, this area, such as the Thu Bồn river, the Vu Gia/ Cái river, the Côn river, and the Túy Loan river Nowadays, the Katu people who live closest to the lowland are concentrated at Phú Túc hamlet, Hòa Bắc village, in Hòa Vang district, west of Danang City, about 15 km from the seashore The Katu people also call themselves ‘Phương’, meaning ‘people living in the upper land in the jungle’.42 In terms of the relationship between Katu and Kinh merchants, whom Katu people call the ‘các lái’ or ‘thương lái’, Le Pichon also mentioned in his monograph in 1938 that the interaction between uplanders and lowlanders in this area followed the watersheds, including the head-water stations of Bến Giằng and Bến Hiên in the ultra-upper reaches of the Vu Gia and Côn rivers He also thought that such interaction occurred previously with the Cham, and subsequently with the Vietnamese speakers (or Annamites) who arrived later.43 Salt, Tears and Bitterness 39 Nguyễn Hữu Thơng (edited), Katu, kẻ sống đầu nước (Huế: Nhà xuất Thuận Hóa, 2004), pp 45-47 [Katu, the people living at the water-head (Hue: Thuan Hoa Publisher, 2004), pp 45-47.] (In Vietnamese) 40 Nancy Costello, “Katu Society: A Harmonious Way of Life”, in Laos and Ethnic Minority Cultures: Promoting Heritage, ed Yves Goudineau (Paris: UNESCO, 2003), p.163; Martin Stuart-Fox, Historical Dictionary of Laos (Maryland: The Scarecrow Press, 2008), p.148 41 Khamluan Sulavan, Thongpheth Kingsada and Nancy A Costello, Katu Traditional Education for Daily Life in Ancient Times (Vientiane: Ministry of Information and Culture, Institute of Research on Lao Culture, 1996), pp 375-76 (In Lao, Katu and English) 42 Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, pp 10-13 43 J Le Pichon, “Les Chasseurs de Sang”, Bulletin des Amis du Vieux Huế, No 4, 1938, p 364 302 In central Vietnam, the local people used to say that: “Ăn rừng, rưng rưng nước mắt”; and “Ngậm ngãi tìm trầm”, which means “it is extremely difficult to get things from the forest”, literally translated as, “if we want to eat things from the forest we have to pay with our tears”; and “it is extremely difficult to endure searching for eaglewood in the forest”, literally, “keeping something very bitter in your mouth while searching for eaglewood” Historians have supposed that because of the difficulties in collecting forest resources and the mystery involved in finding these precious commodities, the Vietnamese quickly learned to imitate Cham and uplander rituals involved in the process.44 Salt is the most important item of trade between lowlanders and uplanders.45 Salt was emphasized in most of the studies of uplanders; indeed, they built a main trading route called ‘Salt Road’.46 During the French colonial in Vietnam salt was used as an economic tool to curb rebelliousness in the uplands.47 In the mid-20th century, Jacques Dournes succinctly described this ‘great road’ from the highland to the coast in his monograph of the ethnic people in the highland of central Vietnam.48 The Salt Road connected the uplands with the lowlands and brought people together, not only for commodities, but for cultural exchanges and intermarriage reasons as well.49 44 Li, Nguyễn Cochinchina, p 124 During the French colonial, since 1897, salt was controlled by the French government under an exclusive right policy All the salt factories of Vietnamese had to sell salt to the French colonial government It was illegal to sell salt in free markets After collecting all salt from the Vietnamese salt makers, the French salt companies sold it back to Vietnamese people with the cost higher in roughly ten times Such as, in 1897, salt was bought from Vietnamese by 0.05 ñồng /100 kg then being sold by 0.5 ñồng /100kg; in 1904, bought by 0.2 ñồng /100kg, sold by 2.1 ñồng /100kg; in 1927, bought by 0.34 ñồng /100kg, sold by ñồng /100kg; in 1945, bought by 2.6 ñồng /100kg, sold by 28 ñồng /100kg; see ðặng Phong, Lịch sử Kinh tế Việt nam, 1945-2000, Tập 1: 19451954 (Hà Nội: Nhà Xuất Bản Khoa Học Xã Hội, 2002), p 66 [The History of Vietnam Economy, 1945-200, Vol 1: 1945-1954 (Hanoi: The Social Sciences Publisher), p 66.] (In Vietnamese) 46 Le Pichon, “Les Chasseurs de Sang”, p 364; Dam Bo (Jacques Dournes), Les Populations Montagnardes du Sud-Indochnois (Numero special de France-Asie) (Lyon: Derain, 1950), p 46; Hickey, Sons of the Mountains, p 251 Oscar Salemink, The Ethnography of Vietnam’s Central Highlanders: A Historical Contextualization, 1850-1990 (London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), pp 35-36, 137 47 Salemink, The Ethnography of Vietnam’s Central Highlanders, p 89; Quách Xân, “Giặc Mùa”, pp 99-102 48 Dournes, Les Populations Montagnardes du Sud-Indochnois, pp 3-47 49 “The geographical, political and ethnological factors drew on the map of the Central Highland the great roads of communications and influent lines as well The reaches of Mekong river which connected Ma people, Stieng people, Bana people, the whole Northwest of the Central Highland region with Cambodia and Lao, the roads in which the trade had been very active, by the canoes that could carry weight of 200 kg Those are the great roads that Sre people used to call them as 45 303 Salt has been produced in several notable traditional villages along the coast of central Vietnam such as Sa Huỳnh village (Quảng Ngãi province), ðề Gi village, Hưng Thạnh village (Bình ðịnh province), Tuyết Diêm village (Phú n province), Hịn Khói village (Khánh Hịa province), Cà Ná village (Ninh Thuận province), and so on;50 up to nowadays, they are still active.51 Since the eighteenth century, Lê Quý ðôn had noted on cooking salt in Thuận Hóa prefecture; he had also mentioned about the tax of salt, so-called “thuế diêm ñiền” as one of the main taxes of the Nguyễn Lords’ government.52 In Danang city there used to be an old hamlet called Nại Hiên Tây where a former Cham well called Giếng Bộng could still be seen until about ten years ago An old Buddhist pagoda, the Long Thủ Pagoda, next to the well-known Danang Museum of Champa Sculpture, still houses a stone stele that was erected in the midseventeenth century (1657) in which most of the names of the donators were the locals 53 The term ‘Nại’ is an old word that means ‘salt’ in the local language People here used to sing an old folksong which included the following lyrics: Nại Hiên xứ í e Nấu muối nước, đan tre làm nồi (Nại Hiên is the region where people played flutes ‘gung botau’, included the tracks going through the mountainous areas from the Southwest to the Northwest, the tracks on which Ma people using elephants to transport goods, the tracks of Sre people going towards Blao or Dalat, the tracks of Raglay people going to the land of Noang people, the tracks of Bana people going to the land of Sedang people, these tracks are always parallel with the chains of mountains They are the ‘Salt Roads” of the highlanders going towards the Southeast down to the coast of Central Vietnam, Bana people down to Qui Nhon, Noang people down to Phan Rang, Ma people, Sre people, Raglay people down to Phan Rang and Phan Thiet”, see Dournes, Les Populations Montagnardes du Sud-Indochnois, pp 45-46 50 Quốc Sử Quán Triều Nguyễn, ðại Nam Nhất Thống Chí, translated into Vietnamese by Phạm Trọng ðiềm, annotated by ðào Duy Anh (Huế: Thuận Hóa Publisher, 1997), Vol 2, pp 397, 450 51 In 1929, the statistic of salt fields in central Vietnam included: 58, 648 hectares in Quảng Ngãi province; 189, 997 hectares in Bình ðịnh province; 68, 005 hectares in Phú Yên province; 132, 273 hectares in Khánh Hòa province; 70, 739 hectares in Bình Thuận province See Nguyễn Thanh Lợi, “Muối Việt xưa nay”, Tạp chí Cẩm Thành, Số 56, 2008 (Quảng Ngãi: Sở Văn hóa, Thơng tin Du lịch), pp 38-44 [“Salt in Vietnam from the old time to the present day”, Cẩm Thành Magazine, No 56, 2008 (Quảng Ngãi: Department of Culture, Information and Tourism), pp 38-44.] 52 Lê Qúy ðôn, Phủ Biên Tạp Lục, Lê Qúy ðơn Tồn Tập, Tập (Hanoi: Nhà Xuất Bản Khoa Học Xã Hội, 1977), pp 340-41 [Desultory notes from the frontier, Completed Works of Lê Qúy ðôn, Vol 1, Hanoi: Social Sciences Publishing House, 1977, pp 340-41] (In Vietnamese) 53 H Cosserat, “La Pagoda Long-Thu, a Tourane”, Bulletin des Amis du Vieux Huế, No 3, 1920, pp 343-45 304 Where they cooked salt from water and made pots from bamboo) The Nại Hiên hamlet is now located on the banks of the Hàn river, which connect with the Túy Loan river flows down from the homeland of the Katu people in the western mountainous areas, roughly 15 km upstream from Nại Hiên hamlet Together with elsewhere produced salt along the coast of central Vietnam, Danang city might have been one of the places where salt was produced and traded with the Katu people/mountainous peoples in this area.54 Apart from salt, Katu traded with Kinh for other commodities as well, such as axes, bush knives, gongs, ornaments, woven mats, cloth, earrings, pottery, alcohol jars, glass beads, and so on In return, the Kinh lowlanders sought honey, beeswax, rattan, textiles, betel leaves, areca nut, aromatic spices, and other forest products from the Katu uplanders.55 The trading of salt with lowlanders in the early twentieth century was recorded in a Katu folksong: He is the master of salt, We are always his friends, Because he provides us with buffaloes to eat, And makes trading convenient, We drink a cup of rice wine together, Our Guol house [Katu village communal house] is his house, Because he is strong and wealthy, We want to make friends with him”.56 54 Trần Kỳ Phương, “Bước đầu tìm ñịa-lịch sử vương quốc Chiêm Thành (Champa) miền Trung Việt Nam”, p 53 55 Tran Duc Sang, “The trading road between the Katu and the Kinh (case study in Thuong Long commune, Nam Dong district, Thua Thiên- Huế)”, Journal of Social Sciences, No 6/ 2004 (Hanoi: National Center for Social Sciences and Humanity, 2004), p 71-86; Gerald Hickey, Free in the Forest: Ethnohistory of the Vietnamese Central Highlands, 1954-1976 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1982), p 251 Amongst these products, jar ceramics, gongs and agates are the most precious ones because they have been used in ritual ceremonies of Katu people and as the symbols of riches 56 Le Pichon, “Les Chasseurs de Sang”, p 404 305 The ‘upland-lowland exchange network’ in central Vietnam: The patterning of multiethnic coexistence in the region Quảng Nam was a melting pot of cultures thanks to its geographical location midway, between the northern and southern Vietnam This accounts for the coexistence among the former local people of Malayo-Polynesian speakers and Mon-Khmer speakers, as well as Kinh people After the victory of King Lê Thánh Tông took over the Champa capital city of Vijaya (today’s Bình ðịnh) in 1471, the king set up a local leader (who was a member of the Cham people) side-by-side with a Vietnamese official, to co-govern this land; the title of the co-rulers in the Thu Bồn basin were so-called “ðại Chiêm ðồng Tri Châu” [Great Champa Prefecture CoLeaders].57 When Nguyễn Hoàng began to assert his control over the Thu Bồn basin in the mid-sixteenth century, he continued a variety of Cham precedents in his strategy of governing the region.58 Charles Wheeler writes: The process of cultural transformation in the Thu Bồn Basin from Cham to Vietnamese was thus more complex than simply “the peaceful infiltration of an ‘avant-garde’ of colonists who established themselves on soil abandoned by Cham” Displacement indeed occurred, whether in massive convulsions or “in fits and starts.” Impressive new linguistic evidence persuasively demonstrates that “much of the disappearance of the Cham [Mon-Khmer] “sic” speakers along the coastal plain must be attributed not to their being killed or even displaced but to their absorption into the emerging [Vietnamese] lowland civilization,” according to Graham Thurgood He quotes Charles Keyes, who theorized that: “Once the various territories had been conquered, Vietnamese migrants would move into and settle these areas Here, they often intermarried with Chams and Khmers, and, even when they did not, they were exposed to the different social and cultural patterns of these Indianized peoples These contacts tended to result in some compromising of the dominant Chinese-derived tradition, at least among the peasantry.59 57 Lê Qúy ðôn, Phủ Biên Tạp Lục, pp 42-43 Wheeler, “One Region, Two Histories”, pp 184-88 59 Wheeler, “One Region, Two Histories”, p 185 58 306 Quách Xân’s description of intermarriages between uplanders and lowlanders in the Thu Bồn basin illustrates well the theory described above: The old men of the Katu people said that, formerly, the ancestors of the Katu people lived in the Trường Sơn range and then spread out into the direction of the sunrise near the midland, on the hills close to the border of Hòa Vang and ðại Lộc districts There still remain the vestiges of rice fields, houses, tombs and properties of these Katu ancestors Afterwards, the ancestors had to shift back to the west, into the forest because the soil in the midland became poor, or disease had decimated the population The migration was also due to the harsh feudal taxation policy of the local rulers, which made their lives even more difficult However, the relationship between the Katu people and the Kinh people still remained very friendly Besides maintaining trading connections, they also intermarried In Hòa Vang district, many Katu young men married Kinh young women and enjoyed good lives together In it, there was a number some of the Katu people lived in the Trhi village of the Hiên district, and in the Thượng Thới hamlet, ðại Lãnh village, in ðại Lộc district, and they used to go to the midland together to visit their ancestors’ tombs, because they were originally Kinh people They carried sticky rice and honey to make offerings in the worship of their ancestors, but most of them could not speak Vietnamese The Katu people of the Axo-Arot villages in the upper part of Hiên district set aside a special forest where they did not allow planting, because this forest contained their ancestors’ tombs They believed that their ancestors were originally Kinh people The scattered hamlets of Rapuop, Atin, Chchoong, and so on, belonged to the lower part of Hiên district where there were many Katu people, who were descended from Kinh people whose ancestors had moved to this area and intermarried with the Katu people a long time ago These people could not even remember their original villages in the midland.60 During the pre-Vietnamese period, the people in the Thu Bồn basin spoke their own language and maintained the old customs of the Cham-even as they mingled with the Katu/Mon-Khmer speakers of the highlands-until the sixteenth century, according to Dương Văn An’s sixteenth century account of the northern banks of the 60 Quách Xân, “Giặc Mùa”, p.75 307 Thu Bồn.61 Thus, during the mid-seventeenth century, these lowlanders may have become Vietnamese speakers whose vocabularies can be seen in the dictionary of Alexandre De Rhodes published in 1651;62 then, up to the eighteenth century the vocabularies of Vietnamese language spoken in the lower parts of the Thu Bồn basin (i.e Hội An area) were not distinct from that in Tonkin (north Vietnam).63 The phenomenon of the linguistic mixture is clearly reflected in the unique dialect of the Vietnamese speakers who live in the Thu Bồn basin, where most of the vowels are changed into different patterns, as one linguistic expert has pointed out: “all the standard vowels have moved towards different directions [patterns], a strange status, hardly found not only in Vietnamese but also in other eastern languages as in these languages, their vowel system is stable” 64 For example, the vowel ‘a’ is pronounced in a very distinct pattern from the normal Vietnamese pronunciation of the other regions in the country.65 Although the Cham kingdoms were gone, the Cham cultural elements survived and remained persistently in central Vietnam; its strong influences were felt in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries so much so that this region was still called Kẻ Chiêm or Xứ Chiêm, meaning the ‘Territory of Champa’, in most of the accounts written by Westerners and Japanese who came to central Vietnam or Cochin-China at that time 66 Thus, the evidence of historical and linguistic research has clearly indicates that a pattern of coexistence characterizes the interactions among the local people in the Thu Bồn basin in particular, as well as in central Vietnam as a whole 61 Dương Văn An, Ô Châu Cận Lục, p 69; Li, Nguyễn Cochinchina, p.101 Such as the words of ả/chị ả (guy); ác/dữ (wicked/cruel); ác nghiệp (bad karma); ác qụa (craven); ách nạn (misfortune); blá/ nói dối nói blá (false/ to tell lies); and so on; see Alexandre De Rhodes, Dictionarium Annamiticum, Lusitanum et Latinum Roma, 1651, pp.1-2; 37 63 Hoàng Thị Châu, “On a Lingua Franca in Hội An-Da Nang in the Eighteenth Century”, in Hội An Ancient Town, ed The National Committee for the International Symposium on the Ancient Town of Hội An (Hanoi: Thế Giới Publishers, 2006), p.154 64 ðòan Thiện Thuật, “Hội An Dialect”, in Hội An Ancient Town, ed The National Committee for the International Symposium on the Ancient Town of Hội An (Hanoi: Thế Giới Publishers, 2006), pp.142, 147 65 For examples, the words of ‘nhà (house)’ = ‘nhoòa’; ‘làm (working)’= ‘loồm’; ‘ăn (eating)’= ‘een’; ‘gạo (rice)’= ‘goộ’, and so on 66 Olga Dror and Keith Taylor (editors and annotators), Views of Seventeenth -Century Vietnam: Christoforo Borri on Cochinchina & Samuel Baron on Tonkin (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program Publications, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 2006), pp 15-19, pp 91-94; Li, Nguyễn Cochinchina, p 63; George Dutton, The Tay Son Uprising: Society and Rebellion in Eighteenth-Century Vietnam (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006), p 91 62 308 Conclusion: I have argued that the exchange network between uplanders and lowlanders did not only follow the river watersheds Exchange patterns also followed land routes, which connected the central Vietnam coast and the Lower Mekong river basin in the west by means of trails through the small mountain passes within the land of Katu people belonged the uplands of Quảng Nam province in the Trường Sơn Range.67 The network of main periodical markets such as Bến Hiên, Bến Giằng, Trà Mi, Tiên Phước, Hội Khách, Hà Tân, Trung Phước, Ái Nghĩa, Túy Loan, and so on, located in the upper land and the midland of this province had played important roles of gates for the exchange of commodities from central Vietnam coast to southern Laos Obviously, until the eighteenth century, Lê Qúy ðôn noted that Quảng Nam being the neighbor of western countries or ‘chư phiên’ (i.e Lao);68 and he also asserted that, “Quảng Nam is the richest country under heaven” where having plenty of products imported from the North (China) through Hội An port-city.69 Bibliography: Andaya, Leonard Leaves of the Same Tree: Trade and Ethnicity in the Straits of Melaka Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006 Bellwood, Peter Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian Archipelago Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1997 Bronson, Bennet “Exchange at the upstream and downstream ends: Notes toward a functional model of the coastal state in Southeast Asia’ In Economic exchange and social interaction in Southeast Asia: Perspectives from prehistory, history, and ethnography, pp 39-52 Edited by 67 Le Pichon, “Les Chasseurs de Sang”, pp 366-67; Nguyễn Hữu Thông (edited), Katu, kẻ sống ñầu nước, pp 215-31 Recently, a researcher has described the roads linked Katu people and Kinh people as follows: “The commodities exchange between the Katu in Thuong Long and the Kinh also took place in some other places in the East and took days on foot in Pơ gơ, Píc Ria Pơ gơ means “wooden tub,” a famous trading place Before that, the Kinh went there to purchase wood products, many others brought along salt and steel tools to exchange for honey, rattan, betel nut, and chay (bark) The role of trading place has developed until now, it has become Nam ðong Market in Huong Giang Commune Píc Ria is the stopping place of the Katu, in Quang Nam Province It means a “resting place” of the Katu, who have lived long in Nam ðông (in Thượng Quảng and Thương Lộ Communes) Going far to the east, the Katu followed the only land road (now highway No.14B) linking the Lowland with the Mountainous Area, in order to go to the La Son cross-roads, where Loc Son Market is located (in Loc Son Commune, in the edge of highway No 1A) with about 3-4 days going on foot.”, see Tran Duc Sang, “The trading road between the Katu and the Kinh (case study in Thuong Long commune, Nam Dong district, Thua Thiên- Huế)”, p 75 68 Lê Qúy ðôn, Phủ Biên Tạp Lục, p.231 69 Lê Qúy ðôn, Phủ Biên Tạp Lục, pp 234-35, 337; Li Tana and Anthony Reid (edited), Southern Vietnam under the Nguyễn, Documents on the Economic History of Cochinchina (ðàng Trong), 1602-1777 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1993), pp.116-17, 124-25 309 Karl L Hutterer Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1977 Bruce Lockhart and William Duiker Historical Dictionary of Vietnam Maryland: The Scarecrow Press, 2006 Cosserat, H “La Pagoda Long-Thu, a Tourane” Bulletin des Amis du Vieux Huế, No 3, pp 341-48, 1920 Costello, Nancy “Katu Society: A Harmonious Way of Life” In Laos and Ethnic Minority Cultures: Promoting Heritage, pp 163-175 Edited by Yves 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of Singapore, Singapore, 5-6 August 2004 Yamagata Mariko “Inland Sa Hùynh Culture along the Thu Bồn River valley in Central Vietnam” In Uncovering Southeast Asia’s Past, pp 168-183 Edited by Elisabeth Bacus, Ian Glover & Vincent Pigott Singapore: NUS Press, 2006 313 ... presented at The Core University Seminar, Kyoto University and Thammasat University: Eco-history and Rise/Demise of the Dry Areas In Southeast Asia, Kyoto University, Japan, 13-16 October 1998... (Hà Nội: Nhà Xuất Bản Khoa Học Xã Hội, 1995), pp 21- 22 [The structure of words in Katu language (Hanoi: Khoa Học Xã Hội Publishers, 1995), pp 21- 22.] (In Vietnamese) 301 roughly 48,946 people... included the tracks going through the mountainous areas from the Southwest to the Northwest, the tracks on which Ma people using elephants to transport goods, the tracks of Sre people going towards