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The role of language in adult education and poverty reduction in Botswana Mompoloki Bagwasi, University of Botswana Introduction Raditloaneng (2002) makes a distinction between economic and non-economic poverty. Economic poverty assumes that a certain amount of income is essential for people to afford basic needs. This type of poverty focuses on material aspects of poverty such as income below the poverty datum line, unemployment and lack of ownership of assets. Non-economic poverty, on the other hand, refers to the deprivation of non-material things, which lead to low self-esteem, loss of identity, minimal participation in civic life, inadequate access to information and education. This paper is of the view that such a classification is only useful in as far as giving the topic of poverty a fair and balanced discussion and coverage, otherwise in reality the two are connected, that is, a deprivation of material aspects leads to low self-esteem and minimal participation in education and little access to information or vice-versa. This paper examines the role of language in reducing poverty in a community by enhancing its self esteem, image, identity, and encouraging participation in education and civic society. It argues that in order for adult education programs to reduce poverty it has to be guided by a language policy that would enable its learners to participate in community activities and access relevant information that can improve their lives. Importance of language policy in adult education The national language policy currently in place in Botswana, is that Setswana is the national language of the country (Republic of Botswana 1985:8). So, despite the existence of other local languages, Setswana is the only indigenous language that is used as a medium of instruction in government schools, where both adults and children are educated. Adult education is a program that involves adults in formal and non-formal learning activities with the purpose of facilitating the personal, socio-economic, cultural and political development of individuals and their communities. In order to achieve this goal the adult education program needs to seriously consider the language situation of the individuals and communities who are to benefit from it. For example, the program needs to answer these questions: what language or languages do individuals in the adult education program speak, do their languages enable them to participate freely in the economic and social activities of their country, and how can their languages be promoted and developed to meet current needs and standards? The answers to these questions call for an education language policy that would enable adults not only to learn Global Wealth and Poverty Global Wealth and Poverty Bởi: OpenStaxCollege How poor is poor for these beggar children in Vietnam? (Photo courtesy of Augapfel/flickr) What does it mean to be poor? Does it mean being a single mother with two kids in New York City, waiting for her next paycheck before she can buy groceries? Does it mean living with almost no furniture in your apartment because your income doesn’t allow for extras like beds or chairs? Or does it mean the distended bellies of the chronically malnourished throughout the peripheral nations of Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia? Poverty has a thousand faces and a thousand gradations; there is no single definition that pulls together every part of the spectrum You might feel you are poor if you can’t afford cable television or your own car Every time you see a fellow student with a new laptop and smartphone you might feel that you, with your ten-year-old desktop computer, are barely keeping up However, someone else might look at the clothes you wear and the calories you consume and consider you rich Types of Poverty Social scientists define global poverty in different ways, taking into account the complexities and the issues of relativism described above Relative poverty is a state of living where people can afford necessities but are unable to meet their society’s average standard of living People often disparage “keeping up with the Joneses”—the idea that you must keep up with the neighbors’ standard of living to not feel deprived But it is true that you might feel ”poor” if you are living without a car to drive to and from work, without any money for a safety net should a family member fall ill, and without any “extras” beyond just making ends meet 1/11 Global Wealth and Poverty Contrary to relative poverty, people who live in absolute poverty lack even the basic necessities, which typically include adequate food, clean water, safe housing, and access to health care Absolute poverty is defined by the World Bank (2011) as when someone lives on less than a dollar a day A shocking number of people––88 million––live in absolute poverty, and close to billion people live on less than $2.50 a day (Shah 2011) If you were forced to live on $2.50 a day, how would you it? What would you deem worthy of spending money on, and what could you without? How would you manage the necessities—and how would you make up the gap between what you need to live and what you can afford? Slums in India illustrate absolute poverty all too well (Photo courtesy of Emmanuelle Dyan/ flickr) Subjective poverty describes poverty that is composed of many dimensions; it is subjectively present when your actual income does not meet your expectations and perceptions With the concept of subjective poverty, the poor themselves have a greater say in recognizing when it is present In short, subjective poverty has more to with how a person or a family defines themselves This means that a family subsisting on a few dollars a day in Nepal might think of themselves as doing well, within their perception of normal However, a westerner traveling to Nepal might visit the same family and see extreme need The Underground Economy Around the World What the driver of an unlicensed hack cab in New York, a piecework seamstress working from her home in Mumbai, and a street tortilla vendor in Mexico City have in common? They are all members of the underground economy, a loosely defined unregulated market unhindered by taxes, government permits, or human protections Official statistics before the worldwide recession posit that the underground economy accounted for over 50 percent of non-agricultural work in Latin America; the figure went as high as 80 percent in parts of Asia and Africa (Chen 2001) A recent article in the Wall Street Journal discusses the challenges, parameters, and surprising benefits of this informal marketplace The wages earned in most underground economy jobs, especially in peripheral nations, are a pittance––a few rupees for a handmade bracelet at 2/11 Global Wealth and Poverty a market, or maybe 250 rupees (around five U.S dollars) for a day’s worth of fruit and vegetable sales (Barta 2009) But these tiny sums mark the difference between survival and extinction for the world’s poor The underground economy has never been viewed very positively by global economists After all, its members don’t pay taxes, don’t take out loans to grow their businesses, and rarely earn enough to put money back into the economy in the form of consumer spending But according to the International Labor Organization (an agency of the United Nations), some 52 million people worldwide will lose their jobs due to the ongoing worldwide recession And while those in core nations know that unemployment rates and limited government safety nets can be frightening, it is nothing compared to the loss of a job for those barely eking out an existence Once that job disappears, the chance of staying afloat is very slim Within ...*OREDO:HDOWK 5HSRUW 2FWREHU 5HVHDUFK,QVWLWXWH 7KRXJKWOHDGHUVKLSIURP&UHGLW6XLVVH5HVHDUFK DQGWKHZRUOGŒVIRUHPRVWH[SHUWV &RQWHQWV *OREDOZHDOWKRYHUYLHZ +RXVHKROGZHDOWK$JOREDOSRUWUDLW 7KHJOREDOZHDOWKS\UDPLG %XEEOHVFUDVKHVDQGZHDOWK $FHQWXU\RIGDWD :HDOWKDQGDJH 3URVSHFWVIRUSHUVRQDOZHDOWKLQ :HDOWKRIQDWLRQV 8QLWHG6WDWHV -DSDQ &KLQD ,QGLD )UDQFH 8QLWHG.LQJGRP 6ZLW]HUODQG &]HFK5HSXEOLF 6LQJDSRUH 7DLZDQ ,QGRQHVLD $XVWUDOLD 6RXWK$IULFD &KLOH &DQDGD $XWKRUV 'LVFODLPHU,PSULQW )RUPRUHLQIRUPDWLRQSOHDVHFRQWDFW 0LFKDHO2Œ6XOOLYDQ+HDGRI3RUWIROLR 6WUDWHJ\7KHPDWLF5HVHDUFK&UHGLW 6XLVVH3ULYDWH%DQNLQJ PLFKDHORŒVXOOLYDQ#FUHGLWVXLVVHFRP 5LFKDUG.HUVOH\+HDGRI*OREDO5HVHDUFK 3URGXFW,QYHVWPHQW%DQNLQJ5HVHDUFK ULFKDUGNHUVOH\#FUHGLWVXLVVHFRP &29(53+272,672&.3+272&20$+238(23+272,672&.3+272&203(7(*$5 */2%$/:($/7+5(3257B ,QWURGXFWLRQ 7KH&UHGLW6XLVVH*OREDO:HDOWK5HSRUWDQGWKH DFFRPSDQ\LQJPRUHGHWDLOHG*OREDO:HDOWK'DWDERRN SURYLGHWKHPRVWFRPSUHKHQVLYHVWXG\RIZRUOGZHDOWK 8QOLNHRWKHUVWXGLHVWKH\PHDVXUHDQGDQDO\]HWUHQGVLQ ZHDOWKDFURVVQDWLRQVIURPWKHYHU\ERWWRPRIWKH ŔZHDOWKS\UDPLGŕWRWKHXOWUDKLJKQHWZRUWKLQGLYLGXDOV 7KLVVHFRQG:HDOWK5HSRUWVHHVWKHFRQWLQXDWLRQ RIRXUFORVHFROODERUDWLRQZLWK3URIHVVRUV$QWKRQ\ 6KRUURFNVDQG-LP'DYLHVUHFRJQL]HGDXWKRULWLHVRQ WKLVWRSLFDQGWKHDUFKLWHFWVDQGSULQFLSDODXWKRUVRI Ŕ3HUVRQDO:HDOWKIURPD*OREDO3HUVSHFWLYHŕ2[IRUG 8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV 6LQFHODVW\HDUŒVLQDXJXUDOUHSRUWJOREDOZHDOWKKDV LQFUHDVHGWR86'WULOOLRQIURP86'WULOOLRQLQ OHGE\JURZLQJZHDOWKLQ6RXWK$IULFD,QGLD $XVWUDOLD&KLOHDQG6LQJDSRUH/RRNLQJDKHDGZHH[SHFW WRVHHWRWDOZRUOGZHDOWKLQFUHDVHE\WR86' WULOOLRQE\HQG&KLQDVKRXOGDGGDWRWDORI86' WULOOLRQWRWKHVWRFNRIJOREDOZHDOWKLQWKHQH[WILYH \HDUVVXUSDVVLQJ-DSDQDVWKHVHFRQGZHDOWKLHVWFRXQWU\ LQWKHZRUOGZLWKWRWDOKRXVHKROGZHDOWKUHDFKLQJDOPRVW 86'WULOOLRQLQ7KH86$VKRXOGUHPDLQWRSRI WKHZHDOWKOHDJXHWKRXJKZLWK86'WULOOLRQE\ 7KLV:HDOWK5HSRUWGLIIHUVIURPRWKHUVWXGLHVLQ VHYHUDOZD\V)RUH[DPSOHZHHPSOR\QHZGDWDDQG DQDO\VLVRQORQJWHUPSDWWHUQVLQZHDOWKDQGRQWKHOLQN EHWZHHQZHDOWKDQGDJLQJ$VZHRXWOLQHRQSDJH WKHŔOLIHF\FOHŕOLQNEHWZHHQZHDOWKDQGDJHLVNH\WRWKH ILQDQFLDOVHUYLFHVLQGXVWU\DVWKLVUHODWLRQVKLSGULYHVWKH DOORFDWLRQRIVDYLQJVDQGSHQVLRQLQYHVWPHQW ,QSDUWLFXODUWKHVWXG\RIZHDOWKWKURXJKWLPHKLJK OLJKWVWKHULVHLQZHDOWKLQVHYHUDOGHYHORSHGFRXQWULHVLQ WKHSDVWWZRGHFDGHVDFFRPSDQLHGE\VKDUSLQFUHDVHV LQGHEWLQVRPHFDVHV,QWHUHVWLQJO\EDVHGRQWKHH[SH ULHQFHRIWKHGHYHORSHGHFRQRPLHVGXULQJWKHWKFHQ WXU\HPHUJLQJPDUNHWVKDYHVFRSHWRLQFUHDVHWKHLU ZHDOWKWRLQFRPHUDWLRV7KHDYHUDJHDVVHWWRLQFRPH UDWLRLVH[DFWO\LQHPHUJLQJPDUNHWVEDUHO\RI WKHILJXUHRIUHFRUGHGLQKLJKLQFRPHFRXQWULHV 7KH&UHGLW6XLVVH*OREDO:HDOWK5HSRUWOD\VWKH IRXQGDWLRQIRUDORQJUXQQLQJH[DPLQDWLRQE\WKH&UHGLW 6XLVVH5HVHDUFK,QVWLWXWHRIRQHRIWKHFUXFLDOUHVHDUFK DUHDVLQHFRQRPLFVDQGDYLWDOGULYHURIIXWXUHPHJD WUHQGV0RUHRYHULWFRQWLQXHVWKHWKRXJKWOHDGHUVKLS DQGSURSULHWDU\UHVHDUFKXQGHUWDNHQE\WKH5HVHDUFK ,QVWLWXWHRYHUWKHSDVWWKUHH\HDUV +DQV8OULFK0HLVWHU &KLHI([HFXWLYH2IILFHU&UHGLW6XLVVH3ULYDWH%DQNLQJ &KLHI([HFXWLYH2IILFHU&UHGLW6XLVVH6ZLW]HUODQG %XJLV0DUNHW6LQJDSRUH */2%$/:($/7+5(3257B *OREDOZHDOWKRYHUYLHZ 2XUDQDO\VLVVSDQVWKHHQWLUHZHDOWKVSHFWUXPIURPWKHYHU\ZHDOWK\ZKR GULYHWUHQGVLQILQDQFLDOPDUNHWVWRWKHIDVWJURZLQJWKURXJKWRWKHO [...]... Poverty and Wealth in Postsocialist China 5 the underlying processes that stratify Chinese society, we emphasize institutional context and historical legacies For example, to understand the situation of industrial workers in a postsocialist China, we must consider China s long history of sustained investment in industry From the very first years after the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949,... Peking University xueguang zhou, Professor, Department of Sociology, Stanford University creating wealth and poverty in postsocialist china pa rt i p ov e rt y, w e a lt h , a n d s t r at i f ic at ion : t h e i n t e rc on n e c t ions chapter one Poverty and Wealth in Postsocialist China: An Overview Deborah Davis and Wang Feng China today is an economic giant deeply embedded in global trade and. .. economic gains initially left almost no poor household worse off than before and even reduced income inequality among households (Fei, Ranis, and Kuo 1979) In high-growth, postsocialist China, however, greater affluence has dramatically reduced the incidence of subsistence poverty but increased income inequality, resulting in a pattern of rising inequality similar to that found in Brazil, Mexico, and Indonesia.8... discussion of how inclusion of cash value of benefits increases the gap Rising inequality in China cannot be divorced from the international political economy within which China has engineered its impressive economic growth China s economic growth both fueled and has been fueled by the most recent expansion of global capitalism Increasingly engaged in global manufacturing and trade, both state and nonstate... Russia and Eastern Europe in initial outcomes or pace of change Instead of suffering a devastating economic downturn in its initial retreat from 3 4 Deborah Davis and Wang Feng socialist autarky, China experienced two decades of double-digit growth and a dramatic drop in poverty In contrast to the “shock therapy” that characterized postsocialist transformations in Europe and Central Asia, China followed... prices in recent years will further distinguish the Chinese population between a Poverty and Wealth in Postsocialist China 13 wealthy strata whose wealth derives from ownership of capital or property and a majority who rely on their labor Urban home ownership is only one example of how ties to organizations and relationships originating in the socialist era shaped subsequent inequalities of wealth in. .. the worldwide mapping of wealth, poverty, and inequality At the same time, the social and political processes shaping and defining the dynamic redistribution provide fertile ground for us to rethink the theoretical approaches to the study of poverty and wealth The earlier wave of research in postsocialist societies focused overwhelmingly on determinants of income inequalities and revolved around the... types of THE WEALTH —S AND POVERTY OF NATIONS WHY SOME ARE SO RICH AND SOME SO POOR DAVID S. LANDES ISBN 0393-04017-8 USA $30.00 CAN. $39.99 F or the last six hundred years, the world's wealthiest economies have been mostly European. Late in our century, the balance has begun to shift toward Asia, where countries such as Japan have grown at astounding rates. Why have these dom- inant nations been blessed, and why are so many others still mired in poverty? The answer lies in this important and timely book, where David S. Landes, taking his cue from Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations, tells the long, fascinat- ing story of wealth and power throughout the world: the creation of wealth, the paths of winners and losers, the rise and fall of nations. He studies history as a process, attempting to understand how the world's cul- tures lead to—or retard—economic and military suc- cess and material achievement. Countries of the West, Landes asserts, prospered early through the interplay of a vital, open society focused on work and knowledge, which led to increased productivity, the creation of new technolo- gies, and the pursuit of change. Europe's key advantage lay in invention and know-how, as applied in war, transportation, generation of power, and skill in metal- work. Even such now banal inventions as eyeglasses and the clock were, in their day, powerful levers that tipped the balance of world economic power. Today's new economic winners are following much the same roads to power, while the laggards have somehow failed to duplicate this crucial formula for success. The key to relieving much of the world's poverty lies in understanding the lessons history has to teach us—lessons uniquely imparted in this towering work of history. DAVID S. LANDKS is professor emeritus of history and economics at Harvard University and the author of Revolution in Time and Prometheus Unbound. JACKET DESIGN BY PAUL SMITH FRONT JACKET ENGRAVING © CORBIS BETTMANN BACK JACKET PAINTING © NATIONAL MUSEUM OF AMERICAN ART, SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, WASHINGTON, D.C. / ART RESOURCE, NEW YORK AUTHOR PHOTOGRAPH BY JANE REED, HARVARD NEWS OFFICE "Truly wonderful. No question that this will establish David Landes as preeminent in his field and in his time." —John Kenneth Galbraith "David Landes has written a masterly survey of the great successes and failures among the world's historic economies. He does it with verve, broad vision, and a whole series of sharp opinions that he is not shy about stating plainly. Anyone who thinks that a society's eco- nomic success is independent of its moral and cultural imperatives obviously has another think coming." —Robert Solow "David Landes's new historical study of the emergence of the current distribution of wealth and poverty among the nations of the world is a picture of enormous sweep and brilliant insight. The sense of historical contingency does not detract from the emergence of repeated themes in the encounters which led to European economic leadership. The incred- ible wealth of learning is embodied in a light and vigorous prose which carries the reader along irresistibly." —Kenneth Arrow THE WEALTH AND POVERTY OF NATIONS Also by DAVID S. LANDES BANKERS AND PASHAS THE UNBOUND Global Crisis, Remittances, and Poverty in Asia Global Crisis, Remittances, and Poverty in Asia © 2012 Asian Development Bank All rights reserved. Published in 2012. Printed in the Philippines. ISBN 978-92-9092-698-6 (Print) ISBN 978-92-9092-699-3 (PDF) Publication Stock No. BKK124410 Cataloging-In-Publication Data Asian Development Bank. Global crisis, remittances, and poverty in Asia. Mandaluyong City, Philippines: Asian Development Bank, 2012. 1. Global crisis. 2. Remittances. 3. Poverty 4. Asia. I. Asian Development Bank. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) or its Board of Governors or the governments they represent. ADB does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this publication and accepts no responsibility for any consequence of their use. By making any designation of or reference to a particular territory or geographic area, or by using the term “country” in this document, ADB does not intend to make any judgments as to the legal or other status of any territory or area. ADB encourages printing or copying information exclusively for personal and noncommercial use with proper acknowledgment of ADB. Users are restricted from reselling, redistributing, or creating derivative works for commercial purposes without the express, written consent of ADB. Note: In this publication, “$” refers to US dollars. 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines Tel +63 2 632 4444 Fax +63 2 636 2444 www.adb.org For orders, please contact: Department of External Relations Fax +63 2 636 2648 adbpub@adb.org Printed on recycled paper Foreword I nternational migration is a global phenomenon affecting nearly all countries in the world. Its role and impact is going to be much more significant in the future given the increasing effects of global economic and demographic imbalances, globalization, and climate change. Not surprisingly, therefore, the dynamics of international migration and remittances have attracted the attention of policy makers around the world. This can partly be gauged from the regular meetings on the issue in international organizations such as the International Monetary Fund, the United Nations, and the World Bank, as well as the notable annual Global Forum on Migration and Development, which is the largest and most comprehensive global platform for dialogue and cooperation on international migration and development. Within this context, developing Asia has been a net exporter of migrant workers and their rapidly growing remittances have become a stable source of foreign exchange incomes, helping maintain the stability and resilience of the Asian economy and improving the welfare of migrant and other households. However, migration can also have negative repercussions for the host and home countries. Asia has traditionally been the main source of migrant workers for many countries in the world and therefore receives the most remittances. Of the top 10 countries receiving the most remittances in the world, most are in Asia. But Asia has also become host to an increasing number of migrant workers as intra-Asian migration has become more pronounced. Remittances to Asia and the Pacific have been increasing considerably, from only $9 billion in 1988 to about $176 billion in 2010. Countries in South Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific received almost half of remittances in the world in 2011 (World Bank 2011). Overall, international remittances are now the second largest source of external funding for developing countries, next only to foreign direct investment and official development assistance. Their flows are also the most stable in comparison with other financial flows, helping to strengthen the balance of payments position and domestic economic stability (Frankel 2009). Remittances to some Asian countries have been very significant even in ... in: global poverty absolute poverty subjective poverty relative poverty 8/11 Global Wealth and Poverty Answer D Faith has a full-time job and two children She has enough money for the basics and. .. (http://www.worldbank.org) World Poverty 2012a Poverty in Africa, Famine and Disease.” Retrieved January 2, 2012 (http://world -poverty. org/povertyinafrica.aspx) World Poverty 2012b Poverty in Asia, Caste and Progress.”... between relative poverty, absolute poverty, and subjective poverty While those in relative poverty might not have enough to live at their country’s standard of living, those in absolute poverty not