Field Theory and Experiment in Social Psychology Concepts and Methods

Field Theory and Experiment in Social Psychology: Concepts and Methods Author(s): Kurt Lewin Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol 44, No (May, 1939), pp 868-896 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2769418 Accessed: 13/07/2014 17:00 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Journal of Sociology http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY AND EXPERIMENT IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY: CONCEPTS AND METHODS KURT LEWIN ABSTRACT in integrating The fieldtheoreticalapproachis instrumental divergentphysiological, psychological,and sociologicalfactson the basis of theirinterdependence.To explain social behaviorit is necessaryto representthe structureof the total situationand the distributionof the forcesin it Certaingeometriesare offeredas adequate forrepresentingsocial fields.The problemof adolescence and the concept "social group" are discussedin detailas examples I suppose,have reasonto be satisfied withthe The sociologists, recenttrendsinpsychology Traditionally, mostpsychologists seem tohavefeltmoreorlessobligedto emphasizethebiologicalcharacter oftheindividual, to believein therealityofphysicalandphysiologiand to cal processes, but to be rathersuspiciousofsocialcategories regardas mysticthosewhoclaimedthatsocialfactswereas realas physicalones seemto Recently,however,a growingnumberof psychologists have abandonedthisview They seemto be persuadedthatsocial forpsychology thanthe factsare equallyor evenmoreimportant so-called"physiological facts."These psychologists recognizethat the childfromhis firstday of lifeis objectivelya partof a social settingand woulddie withina fewdaysifhe wereto be withdrawn fromit Also,theso-called"subjective"psychological worldof the in a muchearlierstageby individual,his life-space, is influenced socialfactsand socialrelationsthananyonewouldhave expecteda fewdecadesago Already,at a fewmonths, thechildseemsto react to anotherperson'ssmileand voice in a ratherspecificway It is probablysafeto say thatthe childis able to perceiveand to disofanotherpersonat an thefriendliness and unfriendliness tinguish earlierage thanhe is ableto distinguish thepatternofphysicallines in a countenance whichexpresses thesesocialattitudes withthisearlyage, the child'sbehavioris moldedin Beginning everyrespectby hissocialsituation.Of course,his morale,his religion,and hispoliticalvaluesaredetermined byhisbeinga partof, and reactingto, thesocietyin whichhe lives If one considersthe 868 This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 869 of culturalanthropology findings and of experimental psychology, onecan,I think,establishevidencethatsocialinfluences enterevery actionof the individual,evenactionswhichseemto have nothing todowithsociety Humanbehavioris eithera directedactionor an emotionalexpression.Experimental psychology has shownthattheformation of goals dependsdirectlyupon the laws whichgovernthe level of aspiration, particularly uponthe effect whichsuccessor failurehas in raisingand loweringthe level of aspiration(7, IO, I3).' These makeit evidentthatthe levelof aspirationis greatly experiments influenced by suchsocial factsas thepresenceor absenceof other personsor by the competitive or noncompetitive characterof the situation.It has been shown,too, that the goal-setting depends upon certainideal goals,upon whatthe sociologists call the "ideology" of the person.Culturalanthropology proves that these ideologiesvaryextremely cultures.As to theemoamongdifferent tionalexpression, experiments have shownthat,forinstance,the emotionalreactionto failurecan be changedto a greatextentby appropriatepraise or changein social atmosphere(7, I5) This oftension(g) thegeneralthesisthatthemanagement substantiates by the individualdependsupon his particularsocial and cultural setting Fromthisit shouldbe apparentthatexperimental is psychology in helpingthesociologists instrumental to realizetheirmostardent dream:the demonstration of the fundamental, direct,and wideofsocialfactsonbehavior spreadeffect Thereis a growingnumberof psychologists who emphasizethe "historical,"social side of psychological facts;and eventhe hardboiledbelieversin a stimulus-reaction showa peculiar psychology interestin gettingas muchof,and as closeto, socialfactsas they can I believethereis no longeranyneedforthetraditional oppositionbetweenpsychologists inthisbasicissue andsociologists I ofbehavior intothesocialdependency thisinsight Unfortunately, rather doesnotendtheproblemforthepsychologist His problems I Numbersin parenthesesreferto workscited in the bibliography at theend of the article This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 870 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY beginhere.For the sociologist, too, theyshouldbeginhere.Psycannotpossiblybe satisfied chology,includingsocial psychology, withany "generalities"(howevercorrecttheymay be) It has to judgescientific conceptsand theorieslargelyby theirabilityor inand to abilityto handle problemsof dynamicinterdependence handlethemin a mannersufficiently to attacktheconcrete specific ortheclinic tasksofthelaboratory Of course,forhundredsof yearsthe beliefwas prevalentthat personality, will,and emotionwerenot subjectto strictlaws and that theycould not be studiedexperimentally A similarview is traditionally strongin sociology.In the long run,however,dira in bothsociologyand psychology necessitasis boundto be stronger thanthosemetaphysical and sociology prejudices, seemsto be ready now forimportant stepsaway fromtheseprejudices.Psychology as a sciencemightbe said to be somewhatmoreadvancedtechniat leastinsomeofitsareas However,on the callyand conceptually, in regardto social psychology, whole,and particularly it, too, is facingthetaskofdeveloping a generalapproachwhichoffers specific for of a vast and conceptualtools solvingthe concreteproblems diversified area Socialpsychology indicates, probablybetterthananyotherpart ofpsychology andofsociology, whatis needed.Its progress depends upon an overcoming of certainmajordifficulties, whichincludeat leastthefollowing: a) The integrating of vast areas of very divergentfactsand aspects: The developmentof a scientificlanguage (concepts) which is able to treat cultural,historical,sociological,psychological, and physicalfactson a common ground b) The treatingofthesefactson thebasis oftheirinterdependence c) The handlingofbothhistoricaland systematical problems d) The handlingofproblemsrelatedto groupsas wellas to individuals e) The handlingof all "sizes" of objects or patterns(social psychologyhas to includeproblemsof a nationand its situation,as well as of a play groupof threechildrenand theirmomentary struggle) pressure,etc.) f) Problemsof"atmosphere"(suchas friendliness, g) Experimentalsocial psychologywill have to finda way to bringthe largesize patternsintoa framework small enoughforthetechnicalpossibilities of experimentation This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 87I The varietyof factswhichsocialpsychology has to treatmight reallyseemfrightening to evena boldscientific mind.Theyinclude as "values" (suchas religious and moralvalues),"ideologies"(such or communism), "the styleof livingand thinking," conservatism and other so-called "cultural" facts.They include sociological problems, i.e., problemsofgroupand groupstructure, theirdegree ofhierarchy and typeoforganization; or suchproblemsas thediftheirrigidity or ference betweena ruraland an urbancommunity, fluidity, degreeof differentiation, etc They also includeso-called of a person,his "psychological" problems,such as the intelligence goals and fears,and his personality They includesuch "physiological"factsas theperson'sbeinghealthyor sick,strongor weak, the colorof his hairand of his complexion They include,finally, such "physical"factsas the size of the physicalarea in whichthe personora groupis located to It is utterly fruitless and merelya negativescientific treatment put thesefactsinto classificatory pigeonholes, howeveraccurately builtand fittedtheymay be It is widelyacceptedtodaythatwe needpositivemeansofbringing thesevarioustypesoffactstogether in sucha waythatone can treatthemon onelevelwithoutsacrificingtherecognition oftheirspecificcharacteristics The problemof adolescencewhichwe will discussas an exampleshows,I think, particularlyclearlythat a way must be foundto treat bodily andgroup-belongingness withinonerealm changes,shiftofideology, of scientific language,in a singlerealmof discourseof concepts The questionis "How canthatbe done?" Behaviorismhas triedto answerthis questionby interpreting reflex.One ofthemainreasonsforthe as a conditioned everything appeal of suchapproachis the same as thatwhichlies behindthe it appearedto popularappealofthe"unityofscience"idea: namely, basis (althoughin factit put everyproblemon a "physiological" did not), and in thisway it seemedto promiseintegration of the factsononelevel divergent in sociologyand socialpsychology Today mostresearchworkers will agree that the programof describingand explainingsociopsychological processesby conceptsand laws of physicsor physi- This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 872 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY ologymightat best be something to talkaboutas a distantpossibilityfora speculative philosopher But sucha waywoulddefinitely notbe a realistic research program forattacking thesociopsychological problems oftoday On theotherhand,to elaborateon the"fundamentaldifferences" betweenphysics,sociology,and psychology and to restsatisfied withsuchdistinctions is no helpeither To discussthese problemsadequatelywould involvea more thoroughtreatment of certainquestionsof comparativetheoryof sciencethanis possiblehere.As faras I can see thesolutionliesin the direction(a) that a scienceshouldbe considereda realmof problemsratherthan a realmof material;(b) that the different realmsofproblems mightnecessitate different universes ofdiscourse of constructs and laws (such as thoseof physics,aesthetics,psychology,and sociology);and (c) that any one of them refers ofmaterial moreorlessto thesameuniverse For anypracticalpurposeofresearch-andthat,afterall,is what shouldfeelfullyfree counts-scienceslikesociologyor psychology whichtheythinkmostadequatefor to use thosetypesofconstructs handlingtheirproblems;and theyshouldattemptto findtheintegrationwe have discussedon theirownlevel Theyshouldnotfeel outofphilosophiofanothersciencemerely obligedto use constructs or popularmetaphysics cal reasons(e.g.,becausesomephilosophies apply"truereality"to physicalentitiesonly) On theotherhand, in theirown right,thosesciencesdo not need to feelingconfident be afraidofusingmethodsorconcepts(e.g.,mathematical concepts) whichmightor mightnot have similarities with thoseof other sciences The field-theoretical approachis intendedto be a practicalvehicle ofresearch.As is truewithanytool,itscharacteristics canbe underinstoodfullyonlyby the use of it in actual research.Therefore, I in abstractum, stead of statinggeneralmethodological principles ofa preferto discusstheproblemof adolescenceand thedefinition social groupas an illustration Our purposein discussingthemis nottheproving ofcertainfactsortheories(whichmightormightnot be fullycorrect)but to surveycertainmajoraspectsof the fieldtheseexamplesI willtherefore, theoretical approach.In discussing fromtimeto time,pointto similaraspectsin otherproblems.A This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORYIN SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY 873 articleby Mr Lippitt2offers forthcoming a moredetailedexample ofactualresearch II We have chosentheproblemof adolescencebecausethechanges in behaviorwhichare supposedto be characteristic forthisperiod seem,at firstsight,to giveexcellent backingto a biologicalviewin sociology.Obviously,adolescencehas something to withsexual hormonesand with certainperiodsof bodilygrowth.The more of theproblemof adolescence,however,seemto recenttreatments emphasizeitssocialaspect Theypointparticularly to thefactthat the behaviortypicalforthisage is ratherdifferent in different societies(4, 23) Considerableargumentation has been advancedfor andagainstbothviews However,in regardto theproblemof adolescence, as in relation to othersocialand psychological it doesnothelpmuchto problems, arguewhetheradolescenceis a biologicalor psychological effect.It does not help verymucheitherto tryto describe,on a statistical in basis,to whatdegreethisproblemis biologicalor psychological nature.Even if an answercouldbe found,it wouldbe of as little of the degreeto which value as, for instance,the determining heredityand environment affectintelligence We stillwould not have gainedany insightinto the way in whichbodilyand social factorsareworking the together and againsteachother,integrating concretebehaviorof the adolescent.It would seem to be more fruitful to startwithan analysisof the settingin a concretecase This case shouldbe chosennotso muchaccordingto thefrequency of occurrence as accordingto theamountofinsightit offers intoa whichis typicalat least fora part of the settingin constellation question In regardto the problemof adolescence,it mightbe helpfulto referfirstto caseswhichshowtheso-called"typical"difficulties of adolescentbehavior.A field-theoretical analysisofsucha situation shouldgivesomehintsas to whatconditions wouldincreaseor decreasethesesymptoms The periodofadolescencecan be said to be a periodoftransition Journalof in the July,1939, issueof the American Scheduledforpublication Sociology This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 874 OF SOCIOLOGY THE AMERICANJOURNAL a more It seemsto imply,at least undercertaincircumstances, rapidor deepershiftthan the periodbefore.Afterthe ratherimportantchangesaroundthe age ofthreeyears,oftena morestable situationhas arisen.Maybe minorcriseshave comeup; but parby special ticularlyin caseswherethe adolescenceis characterized a relatively quietor stabletimemighthave preceded disturbances, one can thenatureof thetransition, it If one triesto characterize pointtoseveralaspects a) One can viewadolescenceas a changein group-belongingness by himselfand by othersas a The individualhas been considered child.Now he does notwishto be treatedas such He is readyto separatehimselffromthingschildishand to tryseriouslyto enter adult lifein mannersand in outlookon occupation,as on lifein fromone groupto anotheris general.Anychangein belongingness forthebehavioroftheperson;themorecentral ofgreatimportance is the change forthepersonthisbelonging is, the moreimportant is a "sociallocomotion."Thatmeans A shiftingroup-belongingness it changesthepositionofthepersonconcerned in psyrecognized It is a simplefact,but stillnot sufficiently thatthebehaviorofa persondependsabove chologyand sociology, all upon his momentary position.Often,the world looks very an eventwhichchangesthe regionin before and after different whicha personis located.That is the reasonwhy,forinstance,a fait accompliis so fearedin politics A changein position,forinfromonegroupto another,changesnotonly stance,thelocomotion of a personbut moreor less thetotal themomentary surroundings region,easilyaccessiblefrom setting:whathas beena neighboring thepreviousposition,mightnowbe farther away or no longeraccessibleat all On theotherhand,different regionsare nowneighbors,and newonesmaybe accessible.The shiftintothegroupof whichpretheadults,forinstance,makespossiblecertainactivities The but whichare nowsociallypermitted viouslywereforbidden individualmightattendcertainparties,have accessto certainactivities.On theotherhand,certaintaboosexistfortheadultsthat notexistforthechild(Fig i, a and b) to thatoftheadultsis a b) The changefromthegroupofchildren it is shiftto a moreor less unknownposition.Psychologically, This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 875 an unknownregion,comparableto coming equivalentto entering forexample, in thefieldoflearning, intoa newtown.Experiments differences betweena givesomekindofpictureofthefundamental a b of child and adult The actual FIG i.-Comparison of the space offreemovement activityregionsare represented The accessible regionsare blank; the inaccessible shaded (a) The space offreemovementofthechildincludestheregionsI-6 representing activitiessuch as gettinginto the movies at children'srates,belongingto a boy's activitiessuch as drivinga club,etc The regions7-35 are not accessible,representing car, writingchecks forpurchases,political activities,performanceof adults' occupations,etc (b) The adultspace of freemovementis considerablywider,althoughit too is boundedby regionsofactivitiesinaccessibleto the adult,such as shootinghis enemy or enteringactivitiesbeyondhis social or intellectualcapacity (representedby regions including29-35) Some of the regionsaccessible to the child are not accessible to the adult, forinstance,gettinginto the moviesat children'srates,or doing thingssocially taboo foran adult whichare permittedto the child (representedby regionsI and 5) situationwhichis familiarto an individualand thatwhichis uncan be represented as a psychologically familiar.The unfamiliar unstructured region(i6) This meansthatthatregion cognitively This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 876 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY into clearlydistinguishable parts It is not is not differentiated wherea certainactionwilllead and in what direccleartherefore tionone has to moveto approacha certaingoal Thislackofclearnessofthedirection in thefieldis one ofthemajorreasonsforthe surroundofbehavior"to be foundinunknown typical"uncertainty ings Studieson social pressureand on ascendantand submissive behavior(I 2, 27) clearlyindicatethatan individualin an unfamiliar is lessreadyto putup a fightor to showascendantbesurrounding equivalentto a surrounding is dynamically havior.An unfamiliar thelack of a cognitively clear softground.Or,to be morespecific, one The instructure is likelyto makeeveryactiona conflicting dividual,not knowingwhetherthe actionwill lead him closeror uncertainas to whether farther away fromhis goal,is necessarily ornothe shouldcarryit out (i6) leads to an openingup ofnew The child'sdevelopment naturally are characterized by more unknownregions.Periodsof transition thanthe usual impactof suchnew regions.Enteringa newsocial verysimilarto beingthrownintoa coggroupcan meansomething ground field,beingforcedto standon unfirm nitivelyunstructured the"rightthing"is beingdone The unwhether and notknowing can certaincharacterof the adolescent'sbehaviorand his conflicts the partlybe explainedby thelack of cognitiveclarityconcerning adult'sworldwhichhe is goingto enter(Fig 2) It clearlyfollows is greaterthe morethe individualhas prethat thisuncertainty viouslybeenkeptout of the adultworldand has beenkeptin the darkaboutit to theindividual closeand important c) One regionparticularly one's ownbodycan be treatedin is his ownbody Psychologically the somerespectsin thesamewayas one's environment Generally That means he knows individual"knows"his body sufficiently whathe can expectfromit and how it willreactundergivencircumstances.The timeof sexual maturitybringswithit changes disturbedby his own body whichmakethe individualsometimes ariseandmakethis Moreor less strangeand newbodyexperiences whichis so close and vital to the individual partof the life-space strangeandunknown.In thiscase thechangedoesnotmeanmerely theusual uncertainties of a newand strangeenvironment; but,in This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 882 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY symptomsof behaviorof the marginalman are Characteristic They tend to unbalanced emotionalinstabilityand sensitivity too much or shyness,exhibiting behavior,eitherto boisterousness beofcontradictory shiftbetweenextremes tension,and a frequent a C b and adulthood man.(a) Duringchildhood as a marginal FIG 4.-The adolescent theinseparatedgroups, (C) areviewedas relatively the"adults"(A) and"children" adult(a', a2) beingsureoftheirbelonging to dividualchild(c., C2) and theindividual to a group(Ad) whichcan be belonging theirrespective groups.(b) The adolescent (C) andtheadults'(A) groupbelongviewedas an overlapping regionofthechildren's toeitherone between them,notbelonging ingto bothofthem,oras standing manshowsa typicalaversionto thelessprivihavior.The marginal legedmembersof his owngroup.This can be notedin the hostile attitudeof somesubgroupsof the Negroesor otherraces against oftheirownrace,andthehard-of-hearing againstthedeaf members for the marginalman can To someextentbehaviorsymptomatic easilyshifted be foundin the adolescent.He too is oversensitive, sensitiveto the fromone extremeto the other,and particularly This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 883 ofhisyounger fellows.Indeed,hispositionis sociologishortcomings callythe same as thatof the marginalman: he does not wishto belonganylongerto a groupwhichis, afterall,lessprivileged than thegroupof adults,but at the same timehe knowsthathe is not fullyacceptedby the adults.The similarities betweentheposition ofthemembers oftheunderprivileged and theadolescent minority and betweentheirbehaviorseemsto me so greatthatone might characterize thebehaviorofthemarginalmembers oftheminority groupas thatofpermanent adolescence of theadolescentin thefollowWe mightsumup our discussion ingmanner: a) The basic factconcerning thegeneralsituationof theadolescentcanbe represented as thepositionofa personduringlocomotion fromone regionto another.This includes(i) the wideningof the life-space(geographically, socially,and in timeperspective[Figs I, 2, and 31) and (ii) the cognitively unstructured characterof the newsituation(Fig 2) the adolescenthas a socialposib) Somewhatmorespecifically, tion"between"theadultand thechild,similarto a marginalmemberofan underprivileged minority group(Fig 4, b) c) Thereare stillmorespecificfactorsinvolvedin adolescence, such as the new experiences withone's own body,whichcan be represented as the baffling changeof a centralregionof the establishedlife-space Fromthisrepresentation onecan deriveconceptually: I The adolescent'sshyness,sensitivity, and aggressiveness, owand instability ofground(followsfroma, b, and ingto unclearness c) II A moreor less permanent conflict betweenthe variousattifromb) tudes,values,ideologies, andstylesofliving(follows III Emotionaltensionresultingfromthese conflicts(follows froma, b,andc) IV Readinessto takeextreme attitudesand actionsand to shift froma, b,andc) hispositionradically(follows V The "adolescentbehavior"shouldappearonlyifthestructure and dynamicofthefieldis suchas represented by a, b, and c The degreeand particulartypeofbehaviorshoulddependuponthede- This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 884 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY greeofrealization ofthisstructure anduponthestrength oftheconflicting forces.Aboveall, thedegreeofdifference and ofseparation betweenadultsand children fora particular whichis characteristic cultureis important; also,theextentto whichtheparticular adolesin thepositionof a marginalman According centfindshimself to fieldtheory,actual behaviordependsupon everypartof the field ofthe adolescentshouldbe It followsthatthedegreeofinstability greatlyinfluenced also by such factorsas generalstabilityor inoftheparticular individual stability III BeforeI discussthemethodological aspectofourexample,I wish to illustrate by an additionalexampleoneparticular point,namely, ofeventsand objectsbytheirinterdependence thecharacterizations or dissimilarity of appearance.Alratherthan by theirsimilarity readyin the exampleof adolescence,onlysucha proceduremade possiblethe linkingof such divergentfactorsas group-belongingness,bodilychanges,andattitudes involved To mymind,it is hopelessto linkthedifferent problems in a propermannerby usingclassificatory in socialpsychology conceptsof thetypeof theLinneansystemin botany.Instead,social of "constructs."These will have to use a framework psychology notexpress"phenotypical" but so-called constructs similarities, definedas "typesofreactions" "dynamical"properties-properties In otherwords,theseconstructs or "typesofinfluences." represent The transition fromphenotypical certaintypesofinterdependence constructs based conceptsto dynamic(genetic, conditional-reactive) on interdependence is, to mymind,one ofthemostimportant prerequisitesfor any sciencewhichwishesto answerquestionsof is in the midstof a processof transition causation.Psychology to of and have thistype concept.Socialpsychology, sociology too,will in thisdirection.It is truethatsucha transition to turndefinitely amountofphenocan be madeonlyifand whenthereis a sufficient andclassificatory workhasbeendone This typical"facts"gathered seemsnowto havebeenreachedbothin psychology state,however, andinsociology of thisshiftto conAs an exampleof the typeand importance This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 885 of I mightpointto thedefinition structsbasedon interdependence, the in will be used extensively this Since concept "social group." to briefremarks articlebyMr Lippitt,I canlimitmyself of the concept"group"has a somewhatchaotic The definition and metaphysiwithphilosophical history.The termis interwoven waswhether Oneofthemainpointsofdiscussion cal considerations an mind and therefore entityover is or not thegrouphas a group and above the individual.Besides this,the discussionwas domibetween by the emphasisupon the difference nated frequently whetherone has to deal merelywith and Gesellschaft, Gemeinschaft or whetherthereexistssomething mattersof formalorganization likea "naturalgroupunity,"basedon suchfactorsas empathy development whohas observedthehistorical To thepsychologist mostof the of the conceptof "whole,"or Gestalt,in psychology, familiar.It about thegroupmindsoundsstrangely argumentation thata dynamic tookpsychology manystepsbeforeit was discovered oftheir fromtheproperties whichare different wholehas properties recently(in partsor fromthe sum of theirparts Even relatively made the statementwas frequently the earlyGestaltpsychology) that"the wholeis morethanthesumof its parts." Today sucha can be considered hardlyadequate The wholeis not formulation properties "more"thanthe sum of its parts,but it has different fromthesumofits shouldbe: "The wholeis different The statement ofvalueof parts." In otherwords,theredoesnotexista superiority the whole.Both wholeand parts are equallyreal On the other of its own This statement properties hand,the wholehas definite has lost all its magichalo and has becomea simplefactofscience, sinceit was discoveredthatthisholdsalso forphysicalpartsand todayrecogwholes(Koehler,citedin 6) In addition,psychology of unity:there dynamic of all degrees there exist wholes nizesthat of independent objects;then aggregates exist,on the one extreme, wholesof smalldegreesof unity,of mediumdegreesof unity,of a wholesofsucha at theotherextreme, highdegreeofunity;finally, highdegreeofunitythatitis hardlyadequateto speakofparts valueintheconceptofgroupmind hasbeenofscientific Whatever ofdynamical problems resolvesitselfintotheconcreteand familiar andsocialpsychology wholesinsociology This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 886 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY of a groupas a dynamicwholeshouldincludea defiConceiving nitionofgroupwhichis based on interdependence of themembers (orbetter,ofthesubpartsofthegroup).It seemsto me ratherimportantto stressthispointbecausemanydefinitions ofa groupuse the similarity of groupmembersas the constituent factorrather than theirdynamicinterdependence Frequently,forinstance,a groupis definedas composedofa numberofpersonswhoshowcertain similarities, particularly a similarity of attitudes.I thinkone shouldrealizethatsucha definition is principally different froma definition ofa groupbasedon interdependence ofitsmembers.It is verypossiblethata numberofpersonshave a certainsimilarityforinstance, ofsex,ofrace,ofeconomic position, ofattitudes-without beinga groupin thesenseofbeinginterdependent partsofone socialwhole.For instance,womenall overthe world,or unskilled or the farmers, workers, mayshowa certainamountof similarity It mightevenbe possibletopickouta groupofNegroesinLouisiana, poor whitetrashin Kentucky,and peasantsin China withgreat It mightbe properto distinguish, economicsimilarity in thisrespect,"types" or "classes."3However,that does not implythat thesenumbersof personsare interdependent to any greatextent in moderntimesis forsome of these One of the developments economicalclassesto showan increasing degreeofinterdependence, in i.e., theyshow trends the directionof developmentto internationalgroups A group,on theotherhand,doesnotneedto consistofmembers whichshowgreatsimilarity As a matteroffact,it holdsforsocial groups,as forwholesinanyfield,thata wholeofveryhighdegreeof unitymaycontainverydissimilar parts.Doubtless,forinstance,a man,wife,and babywithinone familymayshowmuchgreaterdisthan each of the membersof thisgroupshowsto other similarity individuals(babies,men,women)outsideofthisgroup.The degree ofunityofa groupgoes,byno means,handin handwiththedegree ofitsmembers.It is typicalofwell-organized ofsimilarity groupsof whichare difhighdegreeofunityto includea varietyofmembers Theterm group "socialclass"is usedgenerally todesignate bothaninterdependent ofpersons whoshowsimilar anda number properties This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 887 ferent andhavedifferent functions withinthewhole.Not similarity, buta certaininterdependence ofmembers constitutes a group One shouldrealizethat even a definition of group-membership by equalityof goal or equalityof an enemyis stilla definition by similarity The sameholdsforthedefinition ofa groupby thefeelingofloyaltyor ofbelongingness oftheirmembers.However,such an equality,as wellas theequalityofgoal or ofenemy,constitutes sometimes, also,a certaininterdependence ofthepersonswhoshow ifone wishesto use the feelingofbethesesimilarities Therefore, longingas thecriterion ofa group,onecan so,ifonepointsto the interdependence establishedby thisfeeling.However,one should realizethatloyaltyorfeeling ofbelongingness is onlyoneofa variety ofpossibletypesof interdependence whichmayconstitute a group (othersare, e.g., economicdependence,love, livingtogetherin a certainarea) The kind of interdependence of the members(i.e., whatholdsthegrouptogether) is equallyas important a characteristicofa groupas thedegreeoftheirinterdependence and thegroup structure or dissimilarity, ratherthaninterdependence, Stressing similarity is typicalforthe descriptive "classificatory" epoch,whichcan be observedin a relativelyearlystageof development in practically everyscience(I9) It governsalso,to a largedegree,theeveryday thinking betweenwhatpeople concerning groups.The discrepancy "shoulddo,iftheywouldbe guidedby theirrealinterest," andwhat is the causedby factthata personfeels theyactually frequently himselfbelongingto thoseto whomhe is similaror to whomhe wishesto be similar.On theotherhand,his "real interest"would demandthathe shouldfeelbelonging to thoseuponwhomhis dependenceis greatest.Thus, the behaviorof personsbelongingto underprivileged groupscan hardlybe understood withoutrealizing in sucha groupis determined thatthemembership by actualinterbut thatmanyunderprivileged dependence personsfeelthemselves (andoftenare)moresimilartopeopleoutsidethatgroup(I 7) In relationto the problemof group-belongingness, as wellas to onemustbecomesensitive to thedifference anyothersocialproblem, of betweenconceptsbasedon interdependence (including similarity and thosebased on similarity withoutinterdeinterdependence) This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 888 OF SOCIOLOGY THE AMERICANJOURNAL pendence.I am persuadedthat in the furtherdevelopmentof willmoreand morepertheformer sociologyand socialpsychology vadeandguide CONCLUSIONS of theproblemof adolescenceand the This cursoryexamination of "social group" is meant to illustratethe following definition approach: thefield-theoretical generalpointsconcerning mannera varietyoffactsof a) It is possibleto linkin a definite point which,froma classificatory individualand socialpsychology ofview,seemto have verylittlein common(suchas theprocessof planning,problemsof timeperspective, learningand orientation, conflicts and tension,group-belongingness individualmaturation, man,andbodilychanges) and themarginal b) This can be accomplishedby the use of constructswhich rather objectsand eventsin termsofinterdependence characterize It may seemthat or dissimilarity similarity thanofphenotypical will make the problemof classificainterdependence emphasizing to it is moredifficult because,generally, tion even moredifficult on and its affected being in of its others effect describea fact terms thanin termsofitsapproperties) byothers(itsconditional-genetic properties).However,as soonas onegrasps pearance(phenotypical an objector the idea, it becomesevidentthatif one characterizes of fact is placed the everytype eventby thewayit affects situation, to anyotherfactwhich on thesameleveland becomesinterrelated ornotoneis permitted ofwhether affects thesituation.The problem to combine,e.g., conceptsof values withthoseof bodilyweight, withthesimpletruththatbothfactsinvanisheswhenconfronted thesamesituation fluence The transitionto constructswhich expressinterdependence includes: shouldgraduoffactsby "classification" c) The systematization "derivation," allybe replacedby an orderbasedon "construction," oflaws(21) and "axiomatization" d) It is possibleto takeintoaccount"general"trends,as wellas (forinstance,to more"specific"onesinvariousdegreesofspecificity fromone regionto anotherto linkthegeneralfactoroflocomotion to an unknownregion,or to a the morespecificone oflocomotion This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD TIHEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 889 to thestate and finally locomotion fromone socialgroupto another, ofthemarginalman"between"twogroups).Insteadofpickingout isolatedfacts,and lateron tryingto "synthesize"them,the total fromthe besituationis taken into accountand is represented meansa method approach,therefore, ginning.The field-theoretical specifiof"gradualapproximation" by wayofa stepwiseincreasing city.Pickingout isolatedfactswithina situationmaylead easily represento a picturewhichis entirely distorted.A field-theoretical correctat tation,on theotherhand,can and shouldbe essentially anydegreeofperfection e) Whetheror nota certaintypeofbehavioroccursdependsnot on the presenceor absenceof one factor of a numberof factsas and forces) (structure viewedin isolationbutupontheconstellation of the specificfieldas a whole.The "meaning"of the singlefact dependsuponits positionin thefield;or,to say the samein more partsof a fieldare mutuallyinterdynamicalterms,the different in socialpsychology importance dependent.Thisis offundamental ofruraland urban e.g.,theeffect It goesa goodwayin explaining, schoolsand orphanages(5, 25, surroundings (i, 13, 24), of nursery ofintelligence, theeffect or,moregenerally, 26),on thedevelopment tenof the stateof the environment (its degreeof differentiation, sion,etc.) on the stateof theperson,becausepersonand environfield mentarebothpartsofonedynamical of a fieldas a whole,suchas its degreeof diff) The properties and its atmosphere, shouldbe emphasized its fluidity, ferentiation, sufficiently of sociopsychological factsby dynamic g) The representation constructs permitsderivationof the conditionswhich influence or theotherand of the conditionsunder behaviorin one direction which"exceptions"shouldbe expected.It coverstheusual case as one wellas theexceptional there approachare correct, h) If theviewsofthefield-theoretical a greatnumberof experimentally is a goodprospectofapproaching seemedout of reach: if the patternof problemswhichpreviously moreimportant thetotalfieldis generally than,forinstance,size,it socialconstellations experibecomespossibleto studyfundamental mentallyby "transposing"theminto an appropriategroup-size This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 890 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY a changewhich understands by"transposition" (Gestaltpsychology characteristics unaltered[6].) If the leaves the essentialstructural he doesnotneed is able to createsucha transposition, experimenter to be afraidof creating"artificial,""unlifelike"situations.(Exifmerelyone or anotherfactoris realperiments becomeartificial ized,butnottheessentialpattern.) points, Finally,I shouldlike to stresscertainmethodological one concerning theconimportance, whichseemto meofparticular and sociology, anotherconcerning ceptualtoolsofsocialpsychology theirtechniqueof facta thirdconcerning theirresearchprogram, finding inpsychology and sociology should i) It is truethatall constructs to each be operational(2); i.e., it shouldbe possibleto co-ordinate of themobservablefactsor procedures.However,it is equallyimof the constructs, i.e., their portantthatthe conceptualproperties The latter be welldetermined interrelations, logical-mathematical I think,has beenrelatively inpsychology moreneglected necessity, One of themostimportant amongtheseconceptualproblemsis the psychological or a geometry whichis able to represent finding socialfieldadequately factswhich ofco-existing has to dealwitha multitude Psychology andhavea relativepositionto eachother;inmatheareinterrelated knowsa maticalterms,it has to deal witha "space." Mathematics questionas to typesofspaces It is an empirical varietyofdifferent is best suitedto represent the dynamical what kindof geometry ofthatrealmoffactswhichis treatedina particular interdependence science.SinceEinsteinit has beenknownthatEuclideangeometry, was theonlygeometry whichpreviously appliedin physics,is not for the fitted best representing empiricalphysical space For a recently called geometry, developednonquantitative psychology, in dealingwithproblemsof "topology,"can be used satisfactorily field(i8) This spaceperand positionin a psychological structure of the positioninsideor outsideof a certain mitsrepresentation region,therelationbetweenpartsand whole,and a greatnumberof All of this is done in a mathematically structural characteristics exactway but does notpresupposethe quantitativedetermination field.The ofsize,whichis generally notpossiblein a psychological This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 89I thosedynamical topologicalspace is too "general"forrepresenting disproblemswhichincludethe conceptofdirection, psychological morespecific tance,or force.Theycan be treatedwitha somewhat whichI have called"hodologicalspace" (i6) Thisspace geometry, precisemannerofequality permitsus to speakin a mathematically ofdirection, and ofchangesin distance,withoutpreand differences and distances, supposingthe "measuring"of angles,directions, field whichis usuallynotpossibleina sociopsychological too,dealswitha It is, I suppose,beyondquestionthatsociology, facts"-in otherwords, interdependent "multitudeof co-existent with the "empiricalspace."4The sociologistsand psychologists whathasbeenlongknown,thattheempirical space shouldrecognize of factsexistingat a giventime is nothingotherthana multitude Indeed,sociology has andshowing certaintypesofinterdependence fora longtimeused a greatnumberof spatial concepts(such as social approach,changein directionof action,etc.) The popular prejudicethat the physicalspace is the only empiricalspace has regardtheirspatialconceptsas merelyan analogy madesociologists and physics intothemeaningofspaceinmathematics Betterinsight that the social fieldis shouldreadilylead to the understanding space,whichis as "real" as a physicalone actuallyan empirical is notsuitedforadequatelyrepresentEuclideanspace generally ofa socialfield-forinstance,therelativeposition ingthestructure ofgroups,or a sociallocomotion.For example,in a socialfieldwhat lineor an angleof 200 cannotbe determined is meantby a straight and thehodologi(at leastnotat present).However,thetopological cal spaceare,as faras I can see,applicablewithinsociology proper as in psychology, For,in sociology, as wellas in socialpsychology able to determine relationsofpartsand wholeand oneis frequently changesin distanceor directionwithoutbeingable to determine relationsofsize,distance,or angle In addition,these quantitative suitableforrepresenting seemto be particularly thepegeometries and of combination which is culiar "cognitive" "dynamic"factors, and socialfields,as wellas a number ofpsychological characteristic This does not mean that everysociologicaltermwhichsoundsgeometricalis really a geometricalconcept The term "social distance," for instance,is probably not a geometricalconcept(20) This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 892 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY of the sociopsychological of otherfundamental dynamic properties (i6) inpsychology and sociology The useofthesamekindofgeometry wouldnotimplythattheyareone and thesamescience.The questionof the "unity"of bothsciencescouldremainopen However, would,ofcourse,be greatlyfacilitated thetaskofsocialpsychology ofconceptual tools bysucha similarity sociology, as wellas ofthesolutionofthisproblem, Independent it is goingto willhaveto decidewhatkindofgeometry psychology, of its field.Before thespatialcharacteristics applyin representing norpsychology neither can hope sociology thisquestionis answered, derivationsmoresolid than the "statistical to producescientific offactstreatedmoreorlesswithout rules"basedon a co-ordination fields positioninspecific regardto theirparticular and sociologycontain"historical"and ahisj) Both psychology Differently torical("systematical")problemscloselyinterwoven againsttoo repeatedly sociology has beenfighting frompsychology, greatan emphasison the historicalaspectof its problemsalmost to dynamicconstructs makesit The transition fromthebeginning necessary to see thisproblemas clearlyas possible.It cannotbe the to eliminatethe historicalside of task of sociologyor psychology the a field-theoretical approachcancontrary, theirproblems.On ofeveryfact character notavoidtakingintoaccountthehistorical historical anditsspecific setting it shouldbe recognized thatsystematic of problems Nevertheless, different from historical are of problems origin interdependence the "nature"and conditionsof a social The questionconcerning "cause and effect"-isa systeprocess-inotherwords,concerning andsociology.The first andmaintask maticonebothinpsychology as thedetermiof a field-theoretical approachcan be characterized nation of "what situationsare empiricallypossible and which laws situationsare not"; thisis identicalwiththe taskof finding For instance,does a dictatorship suppressdiscussion? necessarily or of deDoes it need scapegoats? What formsof dictatorships the groupstructure, mocraciesare possible,and howdo theyaffect styleofliving,theideology,and individualbehavior?Questionsof sucha systematic typeofcausationwillhaveto be answeredexperi- This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 893 mentallybeforethe dynamicaspect of "historical"problemsof origincanbe treatedsatisfactorily fact-finding shouldbe stressed k) Finally,a point concerning fora fieldimportant whichis technicalin naturebut nevertheless as wellas to other theoretical approach.It appliesto experimental investigations thatthe validityof sociopsychoIt has alreadybeenemphasized of isoshouldbe judgednot by theproperties logicalexperiments lated eventsor singleindividualswithinthe fieldbut mainlyby ofthesocialgroupor thesocialsituawhether or nottheproperties This impliesthatone tionas a wholeare adequatelyrepresented and observationin social of the foremosttasks of fact-finding of the is to supplyreliabledata aboutthoseproperties psychology fieldas a whole How shouldthisbe done? Suppose,forinstance,thatthelifeof wereto be observedduringa cerfivemembers a groupcontaining tain period.Let us assumethat fiveobserversare available.The mightseemto be to assignone observerto each naturalprocedure data ofthegroup,andinthiswaytogatherall thenecessary member is hardly sucha procedure aboutthegrouplife Generally, however, willbringhomewillbe fiveminiathebestone Whattheobservers of fiveindividuals.It is truetheoretically that, ture"biographies" if thesebiographieswereto be perfectin securingall individual data, and if,in addition,thetimeindexesforeveryactionwereaccurateup to the second,the total grouplife mightbe "reconstructed"on thebasis ofsuchmaterial.In reality,of course,these accurateas to willbe neithercompletenorsufficiently biographies it willnotbe possibleto reconstruct even time.As a rule,therefore, recordofthesize suchsimpledata aboutgrouplifeas: a continuous ofsubgroups, theirchange,and theirdegreeofunity and character the thiswillbe as impossible as to construct meaningfully Generally, fromseparateaccounts ofan individual behaviorandthepersonality of the historyof his variousmuscles.Anyobservation necessarily withthetaskofobservconfronted meansselection.The observer, ing an individual,naturallywill selectthosefactswhichare importantfortheindividualeveniftheydo notmattermuchforthe forthegroupas a group.He simplywillnot"see" factsimportant This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 894 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY iftheydo notimand atmosphere) whole(e.g.,foritsorganization behavior in theindividual's strongly reflect mediately gatheredin thisfashion At best,thedata aboutgroupproperties reconstructed." are"indirectly biographies on thebasisofindividual They cannotclaim to have the strengthof directobservations ofthegroupas a aboutproperties However,suchdirectobservations as easily carried be through can they Frequently are possible whole on singleindividuals.In our and as accuratelyas an observation it is possibleto assignoneofthefiveobservers example,forinstance, in the group, occurring of the subgrouping to directobservations I thekindand characterof interactions anotherone to recording sociopsychological of am persuadedthat,as a rule,forthe study and morereis boundto be morefruitful sucha procedure problems ofone observerto eachindividualofthe liablethantheassignment group ofindividual observation Ofcourse,giventhesocialdata,specific mayproveveryvaluable I not doubt,however, "biographies" and thebehaviorof ofthecharacter thatevenfortheunderstanding an individualthe firsttypeof observationwillgenerallybe more thana recordoftheindividualwithoutthedata abouthis significant of thegroupwillprosocialbackground.Because the observation oftheposition videmoreandbettermaterialforthecharacterization and theroleofthisindividualwithinthegroup,theywilldetermine, thanwhatcould ofhisactionmoreaccurately themeaning therefore, himmoreor less as a separatedentity.5 be achievedby observing procedure tomeifsucha sociological It wouldbe notat all surprising would becomea key techniqueeven forproblemsof individual psychopathology on autoThe articleby RonaldLippitt,dealingwithexperiments grouplife,willgivea moreconcreteillustracraticand democratic conceptsand techniquesmightbe tion of how field-theoretical handledinactualresearch offact5 The stressing approachin regardto thetechnique ofthefield-theoretical thatundercerdoesnot,ofcourse,excludethepossibility in socialpsychology finding forcertain can be treatedas a symptom ofan individual thebehavior tainconditions ofthegroup properties This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 895 BIBLIOGRAPHY i BALDWIN,BIRD T.; FILLMORE,EVA A.; and HADLEY, LoRA Farm Children: An Investigation ofRural ChildLife in SelectedAreas ofIowa New York: D Appleton-Century, I1930 Pp xxii+337 BRIDGEMAN,PERCY WILLIAM Macmillan, I932 The Logic of ModernPhysics New York- Pp 228 BROWN,J F Psychology and theSocial Order.New York: McGraw-Hill, I936 Pp V+529 COLE,LUELLA.Psychology ofAdolescence.New York: Farrar& Rinehart, I936 Pp ix+ 503 Residence CRISSEY,ORLOL MentalDevelopment as Relatedto Institutional and EducationalAchievement ("Universityof Iowa Studiesin ChildWelfare," Vol XIII, No I [II937) Pp 8i ELLIS, WILLIS D (ed.) A Source Book of GestaltPsychology.London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co Ltd., I938 Pp ix+403 FAJANS, SARA "Erfolg, Ausdauer und Aktivitat beim Sauglings und XIII" Kleinkind: Untersuchungzur Handlungs-und Affektpsychologie ["Success, Perseveranceand Activityin the Infant and Young Child: Studiesin the PsychologyofActionand EmotionXIII"], ed Kurt Lewin, XVII (I933), 268-305 Psychologische Forschung, FRANK,JEROMED "Some PsychologicalDeterminantsof the Level of Aspiration," American Journal ofPsychology,XLVII (I935), 285-93 FRANK,LAWRENCEK "The Management of Tensions," American Journal of Sociology, XXXIII (I928), 705-36 Io "Time Perspective." (To be publishedin the Journalof Social IV [I939].) Philosophy, ii HOPPE, FERDINAND "Erfolg und Misserfolg" ["Success and Failure"], Psychologische Forschung, XIV (I1930), I-62 M "An ExperimentalStudy of AscendantBehavior in Pre- I2 JACK,LOIS school Children," in LOIS M JACK,ELIZABETH MOORE MANWELL, IDA GAARDERMENGERT, and OTHERS, Behavior of the Preschool Child ("University of Iowa Studies in ChildWelfare," Vol IX, No [I1934]) Pp I7I I3 JONES, H E.; CONRAD, H S.; and BLANCHARD,M B "Environmental Handicap in Mental Test Performance," Universityof California Publicationsin Psychology,V, No (I932), 63-99 MARGARETE."Leistung, Anspruchsniveau und Selbstbewustsein" I4 JUCKNAT, ["Achievement, Level of Aspiration and Self-Esteem"], Psychologische Forschung,XXII (I937), 89-I 79 I5 KEISTER, MARY ELIZABETH The Behavior of Young Children in Failure: An Experimental Attempt To Discoverand To ModifyUndesirable Responses of Preschool Children to Failure ("University of Iowa Studies," Vol XIV [I937].) This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 896 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY i6 LEWIN,KURT The ConceptualRepresentation and Measurement ofPsychologicalForces ("Contributionsto PsychologicalTheory," Vol I, No Press [I1938]) Durham,N.C.: Duke University "Bringingup JewishChildrenin the United States," Menorah I7 Journal,I939 (In press.) Principlesof TopologicalPsychology.New York: McGraw-Hill, i8 I936 I9 Pp Vii+23I "The Conflict betweenAristotelian and GalileianModes ofThought in ContemporaryPsychology,"Journalof GeneralPsychology, V (I193I), I4I-77 20 2I 22 23 24 25 26 27 "Psycho-sociological Problemsof a MinorityGroup," Character III (I935), I75-87 andPersonality, Die Verwandtschaftsbegriffe in Biologieund Physik Berlin: Gebrulder Borntraeger, I1920 Pp 34 MURPHY, Lois BARCLAY Social Behavior and Child Personality:An ExploratoryStudy of Some Roots of Sympathy.New York: Columbia University Press, I937 Pp viii+344 REUTER, E B "The Sociology of Adolescence," AmericanJournal of Sociology, XLIII (I937), 4I4-27 MYRAE "An Investigationinto the Validityof Normswith SHIMBERG, Special Referenceto Urban and Rural Groups," Archivesof Psychology, XVI, No I04 (I928-29), 5-84 WELLMAN,BETH L "Mental Growth from Preschool to College," Journal ofExperimental Education,VI (I937), I27-38 "The Effectof PreschoolAttendanceupon the I.Q.,"Journalof Experimental Education,I (I93 2-33), 48-69 WIEHE, F "Die Grenzendes Ichs," reportedfromthe manuscriptin Kurt Lewin,A DynamicTheoryof Personality,pp 26I-64 New York: McGraw-Hill,I935 IOWA CHILD WELFARE RESEARCH STATION This content downloaded from 161.73.186.58 on Sun, 13 Jul 2014 17:00:50 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions [...]... possibleto linkin a definite point which,froma classificatory individualand socialpsychology ofview,seemto have verylittlein common(suchas theprocessof planning,problemsof timeperspective, learningand orientation, conflicts and tension,group-belongingness individualmaturation, man,andbodilychanges) and themarginal b) This can be accomplishedby the use of constructswhich rather objectsand eventsin termsofinterdependence... possiblethe linkingof such divergentfactorsas group-belongingness,bodilychanges,andattitudes involved To mymind,it is hopelessto linkthedifferent problems in a propermannerby usingclassificatory in socialpsychology conceptsof thetypeof theLinneansystemin botany.Instead ,social of "constructs."These will have to use a framework psychology do notexpress"phenotypical" but so-called constructs similarities, definedas... TIHEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 889 to thestate and finally locomotion fromone socialgroupto another, ofthemarginalman"between"twogroups).Insteadofpickingout isolatedfacts ,and lateron tryingto "synthesize"them,the total fromthe besituationis taken into accountand is represented meansa method approach,therefore, ginning.The field- theoretical specifiof"gradualapproximation" by wayofa stepwiseincreasing city.Pickingout... notavoidtakingintoaccountthehistorical historical anditsspecific setting it shouldbe recognized thatsystematic of problems Nevertheless, different from historical are of problems origin interdependence the "nature "and conditionsof a social The questionconcerning "cause and effect"-isa systeprocess-inotherwords,concerning andsociology.The first andmaintask maticonebothinpsychology as thedetermiof a field- theoretical... specificfieldas a whole.The "meaning"of the singlefact dependsuponits positionin thefield;or,to say the samein more partsof a fieldare mutuallyinterdynamicalterms,the different in socialpsychology importance dependent.Thisis offundamental ofruraland urban e.g.,theeffect It goesa goodwayin explaining, schoolsand orphanages(5, 25, surroundings (i, 13, 24), of nursery ofintelligence, theeffect or,moregenerally,... faras I can see,applicablewithinsociology proper as in psychology, For ,in sociology, as wellas in socialpsychology able to determine relationsofpartsand wholeand oneis frequently changesin distanceor directionwithoutbeingable to determine relationsofsize,distance,or angle In addition,these quantitative suitableforrepresenting seemto be particularly thepegeometries and of combination which is culiar "cognitive"... JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 885 of I mightpointto thedefinition structsbasedon interdependence, the in will be used extensively this Since concept "social group." to briefremarks articlebyMr Lippitt,I canlimitmyself of the concept"group"has a somewhatchaotic The definition and metaphysiwithphilosophical history.The termis interwoven waswhether Oneofthemainpointsofdiscussion... grouplife,willgivea moreconcreteillustracraticand democratic conceptsand techniquesmightbe tion of how field- theoretical handledinactualresearch offact5 The stressing approachin regardto thetechnique ofthefield-theoretical thatundercerdoesnot,ofcourse,excludethepossibility in socialpsychology finding forcertain can be treatedas a symptom ofan individual thebehavior tainconditions ofthegroup properties This... theproperties logicalexperiments lated eventsor singleindividualswithinthe fieldbut mainlyby ofthesocialgroupor thesocialsituawhether or nottheproperties This impliesthatone tionas a wholeare adequatelyrepresented and observationin social of the foremosttasks of fact-finding of the is to supplyreliabledata aboutthoseproperties psychology fieldas a whole How shouldthisbe done? Suppose,forinstance,thatthelifeof... PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 893 mentallybeforethe dynamicaspect of "historical"problemsof origincanbe treatedsatisfactorily fact-finding shouldbe stressed k) Finally,a point concerning fora fieldimportant whichis technicalin naturebut nevertheless as wellas to other theoretical approach.It appliesto experimental investigations thatthe validityof