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2. A topic that we will not be able to pursue in detail is the demarcation between different types of meaning. Different types of meaning relatedness of the same form have, in fact, been identified and labeled. One such case of lexical ambiguity is ‘‘classical poly- semy’’ or ‘‘polycentric categorization’’ (see Taylor 1989, 2003), in which, for example, the English word chest can mean the ‘upper front part of the human body’, ‘a case or a box with a lid’, or a ‘treasury of a public institution’. In such cases, as noted by Dunbar (2001: 2), ‘‘the extensions do not overlap, but there is a conceptual relationship.’’ Classical po- lysemy, understood in this way, should be distinguished from what is usually known as ‘‘vagueness,’’ where a word is unmarked for a certain category, as in the English word doctor, which is vague with reference to gender. The distinction between vagueness and polysemy is blurred as the same lexical forms can also profile parts of different domains in their respective semantic base. For instance, the adjective fast in a fast car as opposed to fast in a fast drink or the noun window understood either as a glass pane or a wooden frame evoke different domains and profile different attributes of the things they refer to. Such examples as fast or window involve profiling of parts associated with an object within one conceptual domain and are called ‘‘natural’’ (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2002), ‘‘system- atic,’’ or ‘‘complementary polysemy’’ (see Pustejovsky 1991; Pustejovsky and Boguraev 1999; Pustejovsky and Bouillon 1999). Another class representing related senses involves con- ceptual categories such as bird, which embraces all varieties of birds, from prototypical category members such as sparrows or robins, through eagles and owls, to peripheral category exemplars such as penguins or ostriches. 3. Nerlich, Todd, and Clarke (1998) report cases of young children who tell one another jokes such as these: Why does the teacher wear sunglasses? Because her class is so bright; or, What’s the hardest thing when learning to ride a bike? The road. 4. For instance, in his important book on diachronic prototype semantics, Geeraerts (1997) proposes two major causes of semantic change, ‘‘expressivity’’ and ‘‘efficiency.’’ Efficiency is shaped by two counteracting principles: the principle of isomorphism (avoidance of polysemy and homonymy) and the principle of prototypicality, which, as Geeraerts showed in a number of case studies, secures the structural stability of concepts with the simultaneous maintenance of informational density and their flexible adaptability. 5. The following topics are examples of those researched in Cognitive Linguistics: category chaining of classifiers in Japanese (Lakoff 1987; Matsumoto 1993) and Shona (Palmer and Woodman 1999); nominal categories in Dutch (Geeraerts, Grondelaers, and Bakema 1994), Dyirbal (Dixon 1968; Lakoff 1987), and English (Sweetser 1987); verbal ca- tegories in Australian and Austronesian (Wilkins and Hill 1995), French (Hewson 1997), Dutch (Verhagen 1992), Portuguese (Soares da Silva 2003), Cora (Casad 2001), and Polish (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 1995, 1996); cross-language perspectives (Raukko 1995;New- man 1996); Finnish conjunctions (Herlin 1998); adverbs and prepositions in English (Lindner 1981; Herskovits 1986; Lakoff 1987; Brugman 1981; Langacker 1987, 1991; Schulze 1988; Dirven 1993; Sandra and Rice 1995), French (Vandeloise 1991), Dutch (Cuyckens 1991, 1995), Polish (Kalisz 1990; Krzeszowski 1990), and Czech, Russian, and other Slavic languages (Janda 1990); adjectives and possessives in English (Taylor 1992, 1996), semantics of Mesoamerican color terms (MacLaury 1992); evidential categories in Wanka Quechua (Floyd 1999); verbs in Orizaba Nahuatl (Tuggy 2003); and various grammatical categories, such as case (Janda 1990), modality (Sweetser 1990), and passives (Verhagen 1992). Mangasser-Wahl (2000) contains a history of the concept of prototypicality and its lin- guistic use. 6. His conclusion is weakened somewhat by Dunbar (2001), who claims that linguistic and logical criteria adequately capture the distinction between polysemy (ambiguity) and 160 barbara lewandowska-tomaszczyk vagueness provided their use is restricted to denotational rather than referential phenomena. 7. See Laurence and Margolis (1999: 9): ‘‘A concept encodes the conditions that are single necessary and jointly sufficient for something to be in its extension.’’ 8. Monosemy as opposed to polysemy can be perceived in terms of the ‘‘minimalist/ maximalist’’ difference and the ‘‘abstractivist/cognitivist’’ difference (for a discussion, see Nerlich and Clarke 2003). 9. About two decades ago, the productivity of polysemy mechanisms was discussed in terms of general linguistic functions and cognitive principles (Nunberg 1978; Norrick 1981; Ross 1981). Lehrer (1990) shows the inadequacy of such a radical generative stand and proposes that even though a number of regularities can be identified, some meanings, even though motivated in Lakoff’s (1987) sense, are unpredictable by general rules alone. They should instead be accounted for by more specific cognitive principles interacting with a variety of other functions and principles. 10. See also Tyler and Evans (2003: 95) for the concept of a ‘‘protoscene’’: an abstract, primary meaning component. Tyler and Evans argue for a basically monosemic analysis of polysemy in Cognitive Linguistics and propose a dividing line between ‘‘what counts as a distinct sense conventionalized in semantic memory, and a contextual inference produced on-line for the purpose of local understanding’’ (106). 11. Cecil Brown (1983), an anthropologist, quotes examples of languages where ‘eye’ (the more salient element) was extended to cover ‘face’, but not vice versa. This process is frequently accompanied by assigning overt marking to this extended form and the poly- semy is then dropped. 12. However, Zlatev (2003) rejects a distinction between polysemy and monosemic generality: he dispenses with the polysemy analysis in the case of spatial prepositions in Indo-European languages and argues against positing a constant ‘‘basic meaning.’’ Criti- cism of a polysemy position which—in some cases—does allow for an analysis in terms of ‘‘the same psychologically primitive concept,’’ comes from such researchers as Rakova (2003), who argues for a ‘‘no polysemy’’ view of conceptual structure. 13. See Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk (2004: 408): The consequence of Bierwisch’s two- level model to the analysis of polysemic items is ‘‘a postulate of the existence of the identical semantic, i.e. monosemous, level with alternative conceptual interpretations, limiting thus, in fact, the range of polysemy in language. Bierwisch’s model is consonant with the modularity thesis concerning the division of work between linguistic and other cognitive faculties of the mind. The semantic representations Bierwisch postulates have a predicate- argument structure and are based on semantic primitives that underlie them. Even though Langacker’s and Bierwisch’s models are cognitive models, they refer in fact to different realities. In both models polysemic items involve relatedness of senses. While, however in Langacker’s network model, the subsuming schema, to use Tuggy’s term (1993), if of a similar cognitive character as its instantiations, in the two-level model, the two are qual- itatively different—the ‘superschema’ represents a unitary linguistic meaning, while the instantiations, which carry meanings differences, are conceptual in nature.’’ 14. It may be interesting to note that such processes can be modeled in the connec- tionist architecture systems of neural activation as constraint-satisfaction rather than rule systems (MacWhinney 2000: 142–43). Such systems, as MacWhinney (1989) explains, can deal with violations in word combinatorics. He gives the combination another sand as an example. ‘‘Typically,’’ MacWhinney says, ‘‘the word another requires a count noun and sand is a mass noun. However, when the listener is confronted with this particular com- bination, it is still possible to retrieve an interpretation by treating sand as a count noun. polysemy, prototypes, and radial categories 161 This can be done by thinking of bags of sand, types of sand, alternative meanings of the word sand, or even the act of applying sandpaper to something’’ (2000: 143). MacWhinney (1989) discusses these semantic extension effects in terms of the process of ‘‘pushy poly- semy.’’ These and similar cases of polysemy are accounted for by some cognitive linguists in terms of Construction Grammar (Fillmore 1985; Goldberg 1995; Croft, this volume, chapter 18). Brugman (2001), for instance, analyzes polysemy of English light verbs in terms of force-dynamic relations, in which the semantic-syntactic function of grammatical constructions, expressed by aspect/Aktionsart and semantic roles, contributes to the polysemic interpretation of individual verbal senses. 15. It is worth noting that some linguists with a structuralist rather than a cognitive background, for instance Cowie (1982) or Lipka (1986, 1988), also argued that the dis- tinction between polysemy and homonymy is a matter of degree. 16. 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