Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume III - South Asia - Q,R ppt

Qalandar 245 Needham, Rodney (1958). "A Structural Analysis of Purum Society." American Anthropologist 60:75-101. Shakespear, John (1912). The Lushei Kuki Clans. London: Macmillan. HUGH R PAGE, JR Qalandar ETHNONYMS: Bandarwili, Bhaluwali, Khanibidash Orientation Identification. Qalandar (pronounced like the English word 'colander") are a widely dispersed, endogamous popula- tion of nomadic entertainers found throughout South Asia. Practicing a variety of entertainment strategies, their name and ethnic identity are based on their skill in handling, train- ing, and entertaining with bears and monkeys. Location. Qalandar are scattered throughout Pakistan and North India, most heavily concentrated in the Punjab. The word "Punjab" is derived from Indo-Persian panch (five) and ab (water). The five rivers of the Punjab are, from north to south, the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej. The inter- national boundary established in 1947 separating Pakistan from India cuts across four of these rivers and divided the Punjab politically between the two nations. Disputes over dis- tribution of water and religious conflict among Hindus, Mus- lims, and Sikhs keep tensions high along the frontier, thus prohibiting free movement of Qalandar along their tradi- tional travel routes from Peshawar to Lahore in Pakistan to Amritsar and Delhi in India. Demography. There is no accurate demographic or census information on Qalandar in either Pakistan or India. Today, there are about 4,000 Qalandar in Pakistan and many times more in north India. Sufficient and predictable sources of water have sustained the development of dense networks of small agriculture-based villages, towns, and trade and metro- politan centers. The high population density of the area (about 192 persons per square kilometer) forms an ideal eco- nomic niche for the Qalandar. The dense and perdurable membership of these sedentary communities forms a peripa- tetics' niche, where there is a constant demand for specialized goods and/or services that sedentary communities cannot, or will not, support on a full-time basis. Combining entertain- ment skills with spatial mobility, Qalandar have survived by exploiting these resources since earliest times. linguistic Affiliation. In both their language and cultural habits, contemporary Qalandar share common ancestry with Rom (Gypsies) and the Romany language of Gypsies and other traveler populations throughout the world. In addition to their own language, Qalandri (part unique, with some argot, and secret to the extent that it is only spoken among themselves), Qalandar are adept linguists, speaking as many as five languages and being familiar with many regional dia- lects. No Qalandar are literate. Their perpetually nomadic life-style precludes attending schools, and a strong sense of ethnic unity and strict adherence to traditional values out- weigh for them the benefits of prolonged cultural contact necessary for formal education. History and Cultural Relations It is very likely that nomadic specialists such as the Qalandar may be as ancient as settled communities themselves. How- ever, it is not until the late Vedic era (ca. 1000-700 B.C.) that we find historical confirmation of nomadic entertainers with 246 Qalandar performing bears and monkeys. Qalandar figure in sedentary folklore, traditions, and history. Their nomadic activities and pride in ethnic identity largely govern Qalandar relations with other communities. Qalandar prefer to limit relations with client communities to specific interactions and settings re- lated to entertainment routines. Outside these situations they try to maintain a nondescript or "invisible" posture. This enables them unobtrusively to observe and gather informa- tion about community activities in order to adjust routines and determine their stay in an area. Practically every village and urban settlement is visited at least twice annually. Their relations with client communities are essentially those of pro- fessional strangers, people who are not "organically con- nected" to the membership of host settlements through tradi- tional bonds of kinship, propinquity, or occupation. Thus, unlike nomadic populations of smiths, basket makers, or ge- nealogists who benefit from regular bonds with clients, Qa- landar understand that novelty rather than predictability is the key to their success. Thus groups vary their travel routes in order to maximize the productivity of established enter- tainment routines. Whereas Qalandar know a great deal about the structure and social organization of host settle- ments, clients understand very little about Qalandar life and cultural habits. Consequently members of the sedentary world tend to address and refer to Qalandar by names associ- ated with entertainment skills or nomadic activities. For ex- ample, they are most often called Bandarwili (monkey lead- ers) or Bhaluwili (bear leaders). Today individuals, as well as cursory government census records, tend to classify Qalandar under these occupational designations and often impute sep- arate domains of ethnic or cultural membership to each cate. gory. Qalandar are also lumped under the more inclusive and culturally nebulous ethnic rubric Khinibadosh. An ancient Persian construct incorporated into Hindi and Urdu, Khinibid6sh glosses as 'house-on-shoulder" and is compa- rable to English use of the terms "nomad" or "Gypsy." In dealing with the external world Qalandar also identify them- selves by these ubiquitous but ethnically nebulous terms. They use this strategy in order to focus outsiders' attention on specific activities and to promote ambiguity about their private domains and actual group resources. This method of public posturing inhibits collection of accurate census, in- come, or other information sought by government, police, so- cial service agencies, and others desiring access to, or control over, their private affairs or nomadic activities. Qalandar also realize that promoting ambiguous information about them- selves neutralizes knowledge as an external source of power that might be used to curtail their freedom and cultural flexi- bility. Toward this end they actively cultivate inaccurate in- formation about their income, traditions, origins, values, reli- gion, and other cultural habits. To share valid information or otherwise involve outsiders with internal matters is a major source of shame and loss of pride for Qalandar. The nature of their peripatetic life-style and subsistence activities places Qalandar outside normative rules regulating caste and class interactions in the communities they service. Throughout South Asia, Qalandar and a few other populations of peripa- tetic specialists are the only groups that enjoy equal access to all levels of local social systems. Settlements Qalandar own no land or permanent shelters. They subsist by traveling from place to place, leading animals and transport- ing their limited physical possessions and tents on donkeys. Qalandar tents (puki) are the Bender type common to peripa- tetics throughout Asia and Europe: barrel-vaulted ribs sup- ported by vertical endpoles and horizontal ridgepoles, cov- ered with a patchwork cloth. In rural areas tents are pitched in fallow or newly harvested fields near villages, along canal banks, and along railway lines. In urban settings Qalandar camp in vacant lots and undeveloped industrial sites. Wher- ever located, tents and camps are considered private do- mains. Families keep vicious dogs to patrol the camp perime- ters and Qalandar may assume unfriendly postures toward outsiders seeking entry, or passage through, these areas. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. About 15 per- cent of Qalandar families own bears, the most common being the Kashmiri black bear with its distinctive white V on the chest. A few own the larger and more difficult to handle Asian brown bear. Both species adapt poorly to the hot, arid climate and the growing number of hard-surfaced roads con- necting villages and urban centers. Easily irritable and prone to attack, a disturbed animal may kill its handler with a single blow. It is the danger and novelty of bear routines that appeal most to an audience, and this is therefore the most lucrative form of entertainment strategy. Because bears are dangerous and costly, especially since the Russian invasion of Afghani- stan in 1979 and the proliferation of refugees in mountain areas where bears are found, most Qalandar keep and train performing rhesus monkeys (macaques). Like young bears, baby macaques are purchased from hill tribes and are trained to perform routines that mimic human situations-imitating police or soldiers, marital disputes, and relations among in- laws, as well as performing traditional feats of dancing and riding bicycles. Monkeys are less expensive to maintain and breed in captivity than bears. Qalandar also use trained dogs and goats to perform balancing acts. In addition to their animal-handling activities, Qalandar are also skilled jugglers, acrobats, magicians, impersonators, and beggars. They an- nounce their presence in a community or neighborhood through small, highly resonant drums and/or goatskin bag- pipes. These instruments are also used to provide rhythm and background music for their routines. Intensity of spatial mo- bility and entertaining schedules correspond with postharvest activities in rural areas: villagers are more affluent following the rice and wheat harvests and these periods mark marriage and other festive events on the rural scene. During these an- nual cycles Qalandar may travel and perform in as many as three villages daily. Payment is in kind and transported until they reach a market where it is sold for cash, silver, or gold. As postharvest resources diminish, Qalandar move toward urban settings where their activities are rewarded with cash, though many entertainers will strike bargains for sugar, fresh meat, cast-off clothing, and the like as recompense. Although pros- titution is more common in an urban milieu, in rural areas fe- males may exchange sexual favors for camping privileges and grazing rights. Along with young children, females also earn cash and considerable food working as professional beggars. Qalandar 247 The staple diet throughout the year consists of rice, chappatis (flat breads), cooked lentils and cereals, vegetables, goat's milk, and tea. If harvests have been plentiful Qalandar fami- lies often have sufficient resources to sustain them through- out the year. Following harvests, families that have been dis- persed will gather to conduct intra-Qalandar business such as arrangement of marriages, repayment of loans, settlement of outstanding disputes, reaffirmations of relations among kin, and the forging of new alliances, before dispersing again. Industrial Arts. Qalandar invest their energies in enter- tainment skills and interpersonal relations. They manufac- ture no craft items for sale. Trade. Excess earnings of wheat and rice are sold for cash, which in turn is used to purchase silver and gold. The nail clippings and hair from bears may be sold as charms that vil- lagers believe protect them from a host of diseases and evil spirits. Division of Labor. All members are expected to contrib- ute labor and earnings toward the daily welfare of the tent family. Their division of labor is essentially one of situational pragmatism-that is, whoever is present when a task needs doing simply does it, depending on their level of experience and skill. Qalandar stress lifelong flexibility of individual skills and task performance rather than exclusive domains of influence or activities based on sex or age. While females may train animals within the confines of camps, they seldom per- form in public as animal handlers, because bears and mon- keys are more difficult to handle in public settings and Qa- landar believe that men are better animal handlers overall. More importantly, Qalandar believe that females are more perceptive and aggressive and better suited for dealing with strangers and so will have greater success as beggars and gatherers. During periods of high mobility in the rural areas, females will guard tents and camps and accept the responsi- bility for meal preparation and child care. In urban settings, males perform these tasks, freeing females to beg and gather. Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kinship. All Qalandar consider themselves kin to the ex- tent that they trace themselves back to a common, but un- known, apical ancestor. They are related to each other in many different and involuted ways and the kin terminology is descriptive in nature (i.e., separate terms for each relation- ship). Qalandar often joke that no one actually knows for cer- tain who his biological father really is. One's father (pater) is the husband of his or her mother at the time of birth. Chil- dren of the same mother or children who have nursed from the same breast are considered siblings. The children of suc- cessive generations of siblings are considered members of the same zat or descent group. An individual may not marry his or her own sibling or a parental or grandparental sibling. De- scent is traced bilaterally through the mother and pater at birth. Marriage. Qalandar are strictly endogamous and all mar- riages are arranged by parents and/or parental siblings. En- gagements, marriages, and frequent divorces occupy a large part of Qalandar time and figure heavily in determining the alliances among families traveling together. All marriages and most divorces are arranged and involve payment of bride- price (bovar) for females. Either spouse and/or their parents may negotiate a divorce and remarriage so long as reimburse- ment of the bride-price can be agreed upon. Qalandar prefer parallel-cousin marriage because they believe it helps to maintain sibling solidarity. Domestic Unit. Qalandar use the term puki for both tent and family. Puki is the basic social and productive unit, struc- turally similar to Western notions of nuclear family. The tent is the commensal unit comprised of a female, her spouse, and their unmarried children. A new tent or puki is created by both marriage and divorce. Once betrothed, individuals never return to or reside in their natal tent. Each tent is self- sufficient; however, families usually form temporary alliances with other tents to travel and work together. Inheritance. Only the physical tent structure is corpo- rately held by a family; all other physical and animal posses- sions are individually owned. Following death, possessions are distributed among tent members. Any livestock that has been purchased with loans is sold and the cash used to settle accounts with creditors. Socialization. From infancy, children are incorporated into income-producing activities, first as beggars, then as par- ticipants in entertainment routines. Qalandar believe that children learn best through imitation and example, and from birth they are carried or placed where they can observe tent and camp activities. There are no separate worlds for adults and children. Praise for appropriate behavior rather than cor- poral punishment for misadventures is most common. Chil- dren are encouraged to become economically independent as soon as possible and all are capable of supporting themselves by age 9. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. A collection of tents in temporary al- liance in order to work and travel together forms a dera. Typi- cal dEra contain three to seven tents with a balanced distribu- tion of skilled performers and animal acts. DEra membership involves complex social and economic considerations, in- cluding marriage-planning strategies and proximity to skilled individuals, especially bear leaders. Other considerations in- clude common interests, friendship, kin loyalties, and efforts to maintain sibling solidarity. These motivations must be moderated by practical concerns related to the overall distri- bution of human skills and animal resources. Dera organiza- tion is based on mutual agreements among tents to work and travel together in a spirit of biradarana, which prescribes mu- tual support, understanding, tolerance, and cooperation. Families unwilling to share biradarana are simply encouraged or forced to move on. Political Organization. DEra are acephalous and decisions affecting the group, such as travel routes and tenure in an area, are achieved through consensus among tents. Deference is usually paid to opinions of older and/or more experienced individuals. Social Control. Group pressure and consensus among d&ra members serve to regulate everyday activities. Tents un- willing to go along with group opinions break away, travel alone, or most commonly join other d&ra or make new alli- ances to form new dEra. Freedom (azadi) to move is the most effective form of social control; however, Qalandar have an 248 Qalandar elaborate jural system comprised of their own lawyers, judges, and a complex trial process for resolving serious conflicts. Conflict. Qalandar recognize that internal conflict and disputes among tents can seriously affect their survival. Major sources of conflict involve fights between spouses and among entertainers working together about the distribution of earn- ings, adultery, disagreements over travel routes, and excessive parental demands on married children, as well as individual acts of inappropriate behavior such as theft, drunkenness, ex- cessive sexual joking, serious injury, murder, or involvement of outside authorities in any kind of internal Qalandar affairs. When senior members of a dEra cannot negotiate a compro- mise among disputing parties, adversaries and their support- ers will seek out Qalandar lawyers (waikel), who in turn select judges (surbara), thus setting in motion an elaborate and pro- longed legal proceeding culminating in a trial. Before pro- ceeding to trial litigants and their supporters must agree to post a cash bond with judges binding them to the decisions (karna) or rulings of the jural body called for a particular dis- pute. Depending on the offense, sanctions involve public apologies, fines, banishment, or execution. Lacking institu- tions or specialized roles for enforcing legal decrees, enforce- ment devolves on the disputants, their families, and their friends. Conflict fuels perpetual processes of fission and fu- sion among tents and contributes to changing patterns of alli- ance and spatial mobility throughout the year. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs and Practices. Rather than having a for- mal set of religious beliefs or practices, Qalandar rely on sa- cred activities and religious holidays in order to pursue their entertainment strategies. They are essentially agnostics or re- ligious pragmatists, professing Muslim, Hindu, or Christian beliefs depending on whichever affiliation best serves their momentary purposes. They do believe in the 'evil eye" and the effectiveness of charms or amulets (tabiz) in protecting them from a spectrum of spirits and ghosts. Arts. Qalandar produce no art or artifacts, as they invest all their energies and pride in their knowledge and skills as professional entertainers. Medicine. Excluded from access to modern hospitals, Qalandar rely on druggists and homeopathic practitioners for serious illnesses. Most suffer from chronic malaria and sea- sonal enteric diseases such as typhoid and cholera. Colos- trum is considered 'hot" and newborns are fed sugar water for the first three weeks after birth. This solution of water and brown sugar is readily contaminated by flies and infant mor- tality from enteric infections is very high. Senior females serve as midwives at birth, though strong women often deliver their own children. Death and Afterlife. When an individual becomes too old or unable to walk he or she is considered dead, and left be- hind. Death is considered a part of life and bodies are simply washed, wrapped in a clean white cloth, sprinkled with per- fume, and buried in an unmarked grave within thirty-six hours of death. Ideally siblings and parents care for the body; however, if not available, d&ra members dispose of the body. Regardless of economic potential around a campsite follow- ing a death, Qalandar will immediately move on to their next destination. They are always aware that flexibility and free- dom from both internal and external constraints are critical for their survival as nomadic entrepreneurs. See also Kanjar, Peripatetics Bibliography Berland, Joseph C. (1982). No Five Fingers Are Alike: Cogni- tive Amplifiers in Social Context. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Berland, Joseph C. (1983). "Behind Cloth Walls." Natural History 92:50-60. Berland, Joseph C., and Matt. T. Salo, eds. (1986). "Peripa- tetic Peoples: An Introduction." Nomadic Peoples (Toronto) 21-22 (special issue). Misra, P. K., and K. C. Malhotra, eds. (1982). Nomads in India. Anthropological Survey of India. Calcutta. Rao, Aparna (1985). "Des nomades miconnus. Pour une ty- pologie des communautis piripatitiques." L'Homme 25: 97-119. JOSEPH C. BERLAND Reddi 249 Rai ETHNONYM: Raji Along with the Limbu, the Rai form the two subgroups of the Kiranti. The largest Tibeto-Nepalese group in eastern Nepal, the Rai are also found in India, Sikkim, and Bhutan. Subsisting primarily as rice agriculturalists, Rai also have a tradition of men migrating to cities for work and men serving as Gurkhas. The Rai are composed of two major subgroups, the Khambu and Yakhu, each of which is composed of patri- lineal clans and lineages. The Rai speak a Kiranti dialect. Unlike the Limbu, little is known about the Rai. In some areas, particularly in India, Rai have combined traditional shamanism and ancestor worship with beliefs and practices taken from Buddhism and Hinduism. See also Kiranti; Limbu Rajput guages began to appear. The Rajput bards sang the praises of their overlords in Hindi; the earliest of these material ballads is the Prithiraj Raso, which tells how Prince Prithiraj carried off his bride. Rajput princes were great builders, and con- structed magnificent palaces, fortresses, and stately shrines, of which the Saivite temples at Khajuraho in Bundelkhand and the Dilwara Jain temples at Mount Abu are outstanding examples in contrasting styles. Rajput men and women are still much involved with elaborate ceremonies, especially weddings, for these are the rituals of Rajput identity. Suttee is no longer performed- indeed, it has long been illegal-but funerals are still cause for celebration of grandeurs past. There are modem Rajputs who are followers of the Swa- minarayan sect, of Ramanuja, or of Vallabhacharya. These groups are all vegetarians, but other Hindu Rajputs, the ma- jority, are Shaivites. Not only do these Shaivites eat meat, but many are also partial to smoking tobacco, taking opium, or drinking liquor. Muslim Rajputs avoid these latter practices, although most of them are nonvegetarian. See also Jat; Kshatriya Bibliography Enthoven, Reginald E. (1922). "Rajputs." In The Tribes and Castes of Bombay, edited by Reginald E. Enthoven. Vol. 3, 269-297. Bombay: Government Central Press. Reprint. 1975. Delhi: Cosmo Publications. People who identity themselves as Rajputs are found across northwestern India, the Ganges plains, Madhya Pradesh, and Himalayan valleys. Following Indian independence, the twenty-three Rajput states that formed what was called Raj- putana were consolidated into the modem state of Rajasthan. The great majority are Hindu, but more than one million are Muslim. In the past, Rajputs formed the fighting, landown- ing, and ruling castes. They claim to be the descendants of the Kshatriyas of ancient tradition, and from this association they derive their identity as a distinct group, superior to other groups in their traditional territory. Rajputs are hereditary soldiers and landowners, but the demand for soldiers is now limited and few Rajputs have any occupation except as landowners. While some Rajputs farm their land themselves, many own enough land so that they can hire others to perform manual labor. The chief feature of Rajput social organization is their di- vision into hierarchically ranked clans and lineages. One hundred and three Rajput clans are well known. Additionally, rankings based on regional location, the degree of centralized political control within regions or Rajput states, and hyper- gamy were all important elements of the traditional Rajput social order. Since independence, Rajput power has been de- clining as other castes seek economic and political indepen- dence from Rajput control. Still, the Rajput tradition and identity permit even poor Rajput farmers to consider themselves the equal of powerful landholders of their clan and superior to any high official of the professional classes. No people in India can boast of finer feats of arms or brighter deeds of chivalry, and Rajputs still form one of the main recruiting fields for the Indian army of today. The Rajput courts were centers of culture; Sanskrit litera- ture and drama flourished and the modem vernacular lan- Mintum, Leigh, and John T. Hitchcock (1966). The Rajputs of Khalapur, India. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Russell, R. V., and Hira Lal (1916). "Rajput." In The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, edited by R. V. Russell and Hira Lal. Vol. 4, 410-470. London: Macmillan. Reprint. 1969. Oosterhout: Anthropological Publications. Tod, James (1899). The Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, or the Central and Western Rajpoot States of India. Calcutta: Bengal Press. New ed., edited by William Crooke. 1920. Lon- don: Oxford University Press. [Numerous other editions.] ALLIYA S. ELAHI Reddi ETHNONYMS: Bhumanchi Reddi, Kapu, Kil Reddi, Motad Reddi, Paknat Reddi, Pandava Reddi, Panta Reddi, Raja Reddi, Suryavanisa The name "Reddi" is also the name of a section of Kapus, landowners of the Telugu country, who hold high-ranking po- sitions in Hindu society and from whose martial branch the Reddi kings of Rajamundry are believed to have sprung. The number of Reddi clans is so great that a complete count is im. 250 Reddi possible. The information provided here pertains to the Reddis who live within Andhra Pradesh. The present habitat of the Reddis is the section of the Eastern Ghats that stretches from the confluence of the Mackund and Goperu rivers southward across the great Godavari gorges to the fringe of the deltaic plain between the Godavari and Kistna rivers. The Reddis' habitat can be divided into three distinct zones: the hill settlements, the riverside settlements, and the settlements of the Andhra Plains. The Reddis are essentially hill people; they make their home high in the valleys of the main ranges, on the slopes and spurs of the foothills, and in the narrow gorges of the Godavari. There is little variation in material culture and house construction among the many groups of Reddis; these features all remain more or less con- stant in occurrence and design. The language most prevalent is Telugu. Berries, cucumbers, ripe fruit, and young tender maize are eaten raw. Most other foods are roasted, stewed, or made into gruel. A popular way of preparing meats is by roasting. The meats most commonly used are rats, mice, squirrels, small birds, and lizards. Meat, most vegetables, and fish are cooked in a highly spiced stew called kura. When serving meat stewed in this way the liquid is strained off and served separately. The most economical and most often eaten item in a Reddi household is javoa, a kind of gruel. It consists of flour made from grain, pulses, sago pith, dried mango kernels, or dried mushrooms cooked in a large pot of water. Men and women do not remain single in Reddi society except in cases of serious and lasting illness or mental defi- ciency. Marriage age for boys is between 18 and 20; this is when a boy is first considered able to do the full work of a man. According to Reddi tradition neither the boy nor the girl voices an opinion in the selection of a mate. In the 1940s, prepuberty marriage was becoming quite popular, but now it is not so common-and indeed is illegal. Bibliography Fiirer-Haimendorf, Christoph von (1945). The Reddis of the Bison Hills. London: Macmillian. Fiirer-Haimendorf, Christoph von (1982). Tribes of India: The Struggle for Survival. Berkeley: University of California Press. LeSHON KIMBLE Refugees in South Asia While refugees in South Asian countries nowhere consti- tute a cohesive social group (with the possible exception of some groups from Afghanistan in western Pakistan), they are so numerous at the present time (1991) that an outline of their demography is appropriate in this volume. Three South Asian countries hold a total of about 4,085,800 refugees today, of whom only 293,000 are native to the region. Most do not live in formal refugee camps, but many do benefit, if only a little, from funds that have been funneled to them from Western nations and food provided by the United Na- tions High Commissioner for Refugees. The countries of origin of refugees, estimates of their cur- rent numbers in each host country, and the main reason for their flight to that country are listed in the following table. Host Country Origin Number Reason for Flight India Sri Lanka 228,000 civil war between Sinhalese and secessionist Tamils India Tibet 100,000 repression of Tibetan (China) culture and religion by occupying Chinese forces India Bangladesh 65,000 mainly Biharis India Afghanistan 11 India Myanmar (Burma) India Nepal elsewhere Tibet (China) ,100 anticommunist freedom fighters (Mujaheddin) 800 opponents of the military dictatorship 900 14,000 repression of Tibetan culture and religion by occupying Chinese forces Pakistan Afghanistan 3,666,000 anticommunist freedom fighters (Mujaheddin) Pakistan Iran Pakistan Iraq 1,100 opponents of the fundamentalist Islamic government 1,700 opponents of the Ba'ath government To put these figures into perspective, we might add that although South Asia contains 23 percent of the world's population, it currently holds less than 10 percent of the world's refugees. Africa remains the region of biggest refugee movements across national boundaries at this time. See also Tamil of Sri Lanka Bibliography Smyser, W. R (1991). "New Priorities in Refugee Care." The World and 1 6:142-149. PAUL HOCKINGS . a parental or grandparental sibling. De- scent is traced bilaterally through the mother and pater at birth. Marriage. Qalandar are strictly endogamous and all mar- riages are arranged by parents and/or parental siblings. En- gagements, marriages, and frequent divorces occupy a large part of Qalandar time and figure heavily in determining the alliances among families traveling together. All marriages and most divorces are arranged and involve payment of bride- price (bovar) for females. Either spouse and/or their parents may negotiate a divorce and remarriage so long as reimburse- ment of the bride-price can be agreed upon. Qalandar prefer parallel-cousin marriage because they believe it helps to maintain sibling solidarity. Domestic Unit. Qalandar use the term puki for both tent and family. Puki is the basic social and productive unit, struc- turally similar to Western notions of nuclear family. The tent is the commensal unit comprised of a female, her spouse, and their unmarried children. A new tent or puki is created by both marriage and divorce. Once betrothed, individuals never return to or reside in their natal tent. Each tent is self- sufficient; however, families usually form temporary alliances with other tents to travel and work together. Inheritance. Only the physical tent structure is corpo- rately held by a family; all other physical and animal posses- sions are individually owned. Following death, possessions are distributed among tent members. Any livestock that has been purchased with loans is sold and the cash used to settle accounts with creditors. Socialization. From infancy, children are incorporated into income-producing activities, first as beggars, then as par- ticipants in entertainment routines. Qalandar believe that children learn best through imitation and example, and from birth they are carried or placed where they can observe tent and camp activities. There are no separate worlds for adults and children. Praise for appropriate behavior rather than cor- poral punishment for misadventures is most common. Chil- dren are encouraged to become economically independent as soon as possible and all are capable of supporting themselves by age 9. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. A collection of tents in temporary al- liance in order to work and travel together forms a dera. Typi- cal dEra contain three to seven tents with a balanced distribu- tion of skilled performers and animal acts. DEra membership involves complex social and economic considerations, in- cluding marriage-planning strategies and proximity to skilled individuals, especially bear leaders. Other considerations in- clude common interests, friendship, kin loyalties, and efforts to maintain sibling solidarity. These motivations must be moderated by practical concerns related to the overall distri- bution of human skills and animal resources. Dera organiza- tion is based on mutual agreements among tents to work and travel together in a spirit of biradarana, which prescribes mu- tual support, understanding, tolerance, and cooperation. Families unwilling to share biradarana are simply encouraged or forced to move on. Political Organization. DEra are acephalous and decisions affecting the group, such as travel routes and tenure in an area, are achieved through consensus among tents. Deference is usually paid to opinions of older and/or more experienced individuals. Social Control. Group pressure and consensus among d&ra members serve to regulate everyday activities. Tents un- willing to go along with group opinions break away, travel alone, or most commonly join other d&ra or make new alli- ances to form new dEra. Freedom (azadi) to move is the most effective form of social control; however, Qalandar have an 248 Qalandar elaborate jural system comprised of their own lawyers, judges, and a complex trial process for resolving serious conflicts. Conflict. Qalandar recognize that internal conflict and disputes among tents can seriously affect their survival. Major sources of conflict involve fights between spouses and among entertainers working together about the distribution of earn- ings, adultery, disagreements over travel routes, and excessive parental demands on married children, as well as individual acts of inappropriate behavior such as theft, drunkenness, ex- cessive sexual joking, serious injury, murder, or involvement of outside authorities in any kind of internal Qalandar affairs. When senior members of a dEra cannot negotiate a compro- mise among disputing parties, adversaries and their support- ers will seek out Qalandar lawyers (waikel), who in turn select judges (surbara), thus setting in motion an elaborate and pro- longed legal proceeding culminating in a trial. Before pro- ceeding to trial litigants and their supporters must agree to post a cash bond with judges binding them to the decisions (karna) or rulings of the jural body called for a particular dis- pute. Depending on the offense, sanctions involve public apologies, fines, banishment, or execution. Lacking institu- tions or specialized roles for enforcing legal decrees, enforce- ment devolves on the disputants, their families, and their friends. Conflict fuels perpetual processes of fission and fu- sion among tents and contributes to changing patterns of alli- ance and spatial mobility throughout the year. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs and Practices. Rather than having a for- mal set of religious beliefs or practices, Qalandar rely on sa- cred activities and religious holidays in order to pursue their entertainment strategies. They are essentially agnostics or re- ligious pragmatists, professing Muslim, Hindu, or Christian beliefs depending on whichever affiliation best serves their momentary purposes. They do believe in the 'evil eye" and the effectiveness of charms or amulets (tabiz) in protecting them from a spectrum of spirits and ghosts. Arts. Qalandar produce no art or artifacts, as they invest all their energies and pride in their knowledge and skills as professional entertainers. Medicine. Excluded from access to modern hospitals, Qalandar rely on druggists and homeopathic practitioners for serious illnesses. Most suffer from chronic malaria and sea- sonal enteric diseases such as typhoid and cholera. Colos- trum is considered 'hot" and newborns are fed sugar water for the first three weeks after birth. This solution of water and brown sugar is readily contaminated by flies and infant mor- tality from enteric infections is very high. Senior females serve as midwives at birth, though strong women often deliver their own children. Death and Afterlife. When an individual becomes too old or unable to walk he or she is considered dead, and left be- hind. Death is considered a part of life and bodies are simply washed, wrapped in a clean white cloth, sprinkled with per- fume, and buried in an unmarked grave within thirty-six hours of death. Ideally siblings and parents care for the body; however, if not available, d&ra members dispose of the body. Regardless of economic potential around a campsite follow- ing a death, Qalandar will immediately move on to their next destination. They are always aware that flexibility and free- dom from both internal and external constraints are critical for their survival as nomadic entrepreneurs. See also Kanjar, Peripatetics Bibliography Berland, Joseph C. (1982). No Five Fingers Are Alike: Cogni- tive Amplifiers in Social Context. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Berland, Joseph C. (1983). "Behind Cloth Walls." Natural History 92:5 0-6 0. Berland, Joseph C., and Matt. T. Salo, eds. (1986). "Peripa- tetic Peoples: An Introduction." Nomadic Peoples (Toronto) 2 1-2 2 (special issue). Misra, P. K., and K. C. Malhotra, eds. (1982). Nomads in India. Anthropological Survey of India. Calcutta. Rao, Aparna (1985). "Des nomades miconnus. Pour une ty- pologie des communautis piripatitiques." L'Homme 25: 9 7-1 19. JOSEPH C. BERLAND Reddi 249 Rai ETHNONYM: Raji Along with the Limbu, the Rai form the two subgroups of the Kiranti. The largest Tibeto-Nepalese group in eastern Nepal, the Rai are also found in India, Sikkim, and Bhutan. Subsisting primarily as rice agriculturalists, Rai also have a tradition of men migrating to cities for work and men serving as Gurkhas. The Rai are composed of two major subgroups, the Khambu and Yakhu, each of which is composed of patri- lineal clans and lineages. The Rai speak a Kiranti dialect. Unlike the Limbu, little is known about the Rai. In some areas, particularly in India, Rai have combined traditional shamanism and ancestor worship with beliefs and practices taken from Buddhism and Hinduism. See also Kiranti; Limbu Rajput guages began to appear. The Rajput bards sang the praises of their overlords in Hindi; the earliest of these material ballads is the Prithiraj Raso, which tells how Prince Prithiraj carried off his bride. Rajput princes were great builders, and con- structed magnificent palaces, fortresses, and stately shrines, of which the Saivite temples at Khajuraho in Bundelkhand and the Dilwara Jain temples at Mount Abu are outstanding examples in contrasting styles. Rajput men and women are still much involved with elaborate ceremonies, especially weddings, for these are the rituals of Rajput identity. Suttee is no longer performed- indeed, it has long been illegal-but funerals are still cause for celebration of grandeurs past. There are modem Rajputs who are followers of the Swa- minarayan sect, of Ramanuja, or of Vallabhacharya. These groups are all vegetarians, but other Hindu Rajputs, the ma- jority, are Shaivites. Not only do these Shaivites eat meat, but many are also partial to smoking tobacco, taking opium, or drinking liquor. Muslim Rajputs avoid these latter practices, although most of them are nonvegetarian. See also Jat; Kshatriya Bibliography Enthoven, Reginald E. (1922). "Rajputs." In The Tribes and Castes of Bombay, edited by Reginald E. Enthoven. Vol. 3, 26 9-2 97. Bombay: Government Central Press. Reprint. 1975. Delhi: Cosmo Publications. People who identity themselves as Rajputs are found across northwestern India, the Ganges plains, Madhya Pradesh, and Himalayan valleys. Following Indian independence, the twenty-three Rajput states that formed what was called Raj- putana were consolidated into the modem state of Rajasthan. The great majority are Hindu, but more than one million are Muslim. In the past, Rajputs formed the fighting, landown- ing, and ruling castes. They claim to be the descendants of the Kshatriyas of ancient tradition, and from this association they derive their identity as a distinct group, superior to other groups in their traditional territory. Rajputs are hereditary soldiers and landowners, but the demand for soldiers is now limited and few Rajputs have any occupation except as landowners. While some Rajputs farm their land themselves, many own enough land so that they can hire others to perform manual labor. The chief feature of Rajput social organization is their di- vision into hierarchically ranked clans and lineages. One hundred and three Rajput clans are well known. Additionally, rankings based on regional location, the degree of centralized political control within regions or Rajput states, and hyper- gamy were all important elements of the traditional Rajput social order. Since independence, Rajput power has been de- clining as other castes seek economic and political indepen- dence from Rajput control. Still, the Rajput tradition and identity permit even poor Rajput farmers to consider themselves the equal of powerful landholders of their clan and superior to any high official of the professional classes. No people in India can boast of finer feats of arms or brighter deeds of chivalry, and Rajputs still form one of the main recruiting fields for the Indian army of today. The Rajput courts were centers of culture; Sanskrit litera- ture and drama flourished and the modem vernacular lan- Mintum, Leigh, and John T. Hitchcock (1966). The Rajputs of Khalapur, India. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Russell, R. V., and Hira Lal (1916). "Rajput." In The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, edited by R. V. Russell and Hira Lal. Vol. 4, 41 0-4 70. London: Macmillan. Reprint. 1969. Oosterhout: Anthropological Publications. Tod, James (1899). The Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, or the Central and Western Rajpoot States of India. Calcutta: Bengal Press. New ed., edited by William Crooke. 1920. Lon- don: Oxford University Press. [Numerous other editions.] ALLIYA S. ELAHI Reddi ETHNONYMS: Bhumanchi Reddi, Kapu, Kil Reddi, Motad Reddi, Paknat Reddi, Pandava Reddi, Panta Reddi, Raja Reddi, Suryavanisa The name "Reddi" is also the name of a section of Kapus, landowners of the Telugu country, who hold high-ranking po- sitions in Hindu society and from whose martial branch the Reddi kings of Rajamundry are believed to have sprung. The number of Reddi clans is so great that a complete count is im. 250 Reddi possible. The information provided here pertains to the Reddis who live within Andhra Pradesh. The present habitat of the Reddis is the section of the Eastern Ghats that stretches from the confluence of the Mackund and Goperu rivers southward across the great Godavari gorges to the fringe of the deltaic plain between the Godavari and Kistna rivers. The Reddis' habitat can be divided into three distinct zones: the hill settlements, the riverside settlements, and the settlements of the Andhra Plains. The Reddis are essentially hill people; they make their home high in the valleys of the main ranges, on the slopes and spurs of the foothills, and in the narrow gorges of the Godavari. There is little variation in material culture and house construction among the many groups of Reddis; these features all remain more or less con- stant in occurrence and design. The language most prevalent is Telugu. Berries, cucumbers, ripe fruit, and young tender maize are eaten raw. Most other foods are roasted, stewed, or made into gruel. A popular way of preparing meats is by roasting. The meats most commonly used are rats, mice, squirrels, small birds, and lizards. Meat, most vegetables, and fish are cooked in a highly spiced stew called kura. When serving meat stewed in this way the liquid is strained off and served separately. The most economical and most often eaten item in a Reddi household is javoa, a kind of gruel. It consists of flour made from grain, pulses, sago pith, dried mango kernels, or dried mushrooms cooked in a large pot of water. Men and women do not. remain single in Reddi society except in cases of serious and lasting illness or mental defi- ciency. Marriage age for boys is between 18 and 20; this is when a boy is first considered able to do the full work of a man. According to Reddi tradition neither the boy nor the girl voices an opinion in the selection of a mate. In the 1940s, prepuberty marriage was becoming quite popular, but now it is not so common-and indeed is illegal. Bibliography Fiirer-Haimendorf, Christoph von (1945). The Reddis of the Bison Hills. London: Macmillian. Fiirer-Haimendorf, Christoph von (1982). Tribes of India: The Struggle for Survival. Berkeley: University of California Press. LeSHON KIMBLE Refugees in South Asia While refugees in South Asian countries nowhere consti- tute a cohesive social group (with the possible exception of some groups from Afghanistan in western Pakistan), they are so numerous at the present time (1991) that an outline of their demography is appropriate in this volume. Three South Asian countries hold a total of about 4,085,800 refugees today, of whom only 293,000 are native to the region. Most do not live in formal refugee camps, but many do benefit, if only a little, from funds that have been funneled to them from Western nations and food provided by the United Na- tions High Commissioner for Refugees. The countries of origin of refugees, estimates of their cur- rent numbers in each host country, and the main reason for their flight to that country are listed in the following table. Host Country Origin Number Reason for Flight India Sri Lanka 228,000 civil war between Sinhalese and secessionist Tamils India Tibet 100,000 repression of Tibetan (China) culture and religion by occupying Chinese forces India Bangladesh 65,000 mainly Biharis India Afghanistan 11 India Myanmar (Burma) India Nepal elsewhere Tibet (China) ,100 anticommunist freedom fighters (Mujaheddin) 800 opponents of the military dictatorship 900 14,000 repression of Tibetan culture and religion by occupying Chinese forces Pakistan Afghanistan 3,666,000 anticommunist freedom fighters (Mujaheddin) Pakistan Iran Pakistan Iraq 1,100 opponents of the fundamentalist Islamic government 1,700 opponents of the Ba'ath government To put these figures into perspective, we might add that although South Asia contains 23 percent of the world& apos;s population, it currently holds less than 10 percent of the world& apos;s refugees. Africa remains the region of biggest refugee movements across national boundaries at this time. See also Tamil of Sri Lanka Bibliography Smyser, W. R (1991). "New Priorities in Refugee Care." The World and 1 6:14 2-1 49. PAUL HOCKINGS . Qalandar 245 Needham, Rodney (1958). "A Structural Analysis of Purum Society." American Anthropologist 60:7 5-1 01. Shakespear, John (1912). The Lushei Kuki Clans. London: Macmillan. HUGH R PAGE, JR Qalandar ETHNONYMS: Bandarwili, Bhaluwali, Khanibidash Orientation Identification. Qalandar (pronounced like the English word 'colander") are a widely dispersed, endogamous popula- tion of nomadic entertainers found throughout South Asia. Practicing a variety of entertainment strategies, their name and ethnic identity are based on their skill in handling, train- ing, and entertaining with bears and monkeys. Location. Qalandar are scattered throughout Pakistan and North India, most heavily concentrated in the Punjab. The word "Punjab" is derived from Indo-Persian panch (five) and ab (water). The five rivers of the Punjab are, from north to south, the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej. The inter- national boundary established in 1947 separating Pakistan from India cuts across four of these rivers and divided the Punjab politically between the two nations. Disputes over dis- tribution of water and religious conflict among Hindus, Mus- lims, and Sikhs keep tensions high along the frontier, thus prohibiting free movement of Qalandar along their tradi- tional travel routes from Peshawar to Lahore in Pakistan to Amritsar and Delhi in India. Demography. There is no accurate demographic or census information on Qalandar in either Pakistan or India. Today, there are about 4,000 Qalandar in Pakistan and many times more in north India. Sufficient and predictable sources of water have sustained the development of dense networks of small agriculture-based villages, towns, and trade and metro- politan centers. The high population density of the area (about 192 persons per square kilometer) forms an ideal eco- nomic niche for the Qalandar. The dense and perdurable membership of these sedentary communities forms a peripa- tetics' niche, where there is a constant demand for specialized goods and/or services that sedentary communities cannot, or will not, support on a full-time basis. Combining entertain- ment skills with spatial mobility, Qalandar have survived by exploiting these resources since earliest times. linguistic Affiliation. In both their language and cultural habits, contemporary Qalandar share common ancestry with Rom (Gypsies) and the Romany language of Gypsies and other traveler populations throughout the world. In addition to their own language, Qalandri (part unique, with some argot, and secret to the extent that it is only spoken among themselves), Qalandar are adept linguists, speaking as many as five languages and being familiar with many regional dia- lects. No Qalandar are literate. Their perpetually nomadic life-style precludes attending schools, and a strong sense of ethnic unity and strict adherence to traditional values out- weigh for them the benefits of prolonged cultural contact necessary for formal education. History and Cultural Relations It is very likely that nomadic specialists such as the Qalandar may be as ancient as settled communities themselves. How- ever, it is not until the late Vedic era (ca. 100 0-7 00 B.C.) that we find historical confirmation of nomadic entertainers with 246 Qalandar performing bears and monkeys. Qalandar figure in sedentary folklore, traditions, and history. Their nomadic activities and pride in ethnic identity largely govern Qalandar relations with other communities. Qalandar prefer to limit relations with client communities to specific interactions and settings re- lated to entertainment routines. Outside these situations they try to maintain a nondescript or "invisible" posture. This enables them unobtrusively to observe and gather informa- tion about community activities in order to adjust routines and determine their stay in an area. Practically every village and urban settlement is visited at least twice annually. Their relations with client communities are essentially those of pro- fessional strangers, people who are not "organically con- nected" to the membership of host settlements through tradi- tional bonds of kinship, propinquity, or occupation. Thus, unlike nomadic populations of smiths, basket makers, or ge- nealogists who benefit from regular bonds with clients, Qa- landar understand that novelty rather than predictability is the key to their success. Thus groups vary their travel routes in order to maximize the productivity of established enter- tainment routines. Whereas Qalandar know a great deal about the structure and social organization of host settle- ments, clients understand very little about Qalandar life and cultural habits. Consequently members of the sedentary world tend to address and refer to Qalandar by names associ- ated with entertainment skills or nomadic activities. For ex- ample, they are most often called Bandarwili (monkey lead- ers) or Bhaluwili (bear leaders). Today individuals, as well as cursory government census records, tend to classify Qalandar under these occupational designations and often impute sep- arate domains of ethnic or cultural membership to each cate. gory. Qalandar are also lumped under the more inclusive and culturally nebulous ethnic rubric Khinibadosh. An ancient Persian construct incorporated into Hindi and Urdu, Khinibid6sh glosses as 'house-on-shoulder" and is compa- rable to English use of the terms "nomad" or "Gypsy." In dealing with the external world Qalandar also identify them- selves by these ubiquitous but ethnically nebulous terms. They use this strategy in order to focus outsiders' attention on specific activities and to promote ambiguity about their private domains and actual group resources. This method of public posturing inhibits collection of accurate census, in- come, or other information sought by government, police, so- cial service agencies, and others desiring access to, or control over, their private affairs or nomadic activities. Qalandar also realize that promoting ambiguous information about them- selves neutralizes knowledge as an external source of power that might be used to curtail their freedom and cultural flexi- bility. Toward this end they actively cultivate inaccurate in- formation about their income, traditions, origins, values, reli- gion, and other cultural habits. To share valid information or otherwise involve outsiders with internal matters is a major source of shame and loss of pride for Qalandar. The nature of their peripatetic life-style and subsistence activities places Qalandar outside normative rules regulating caste and class interactions in the communities they service. Throughout South Asia, Qalandar and a few other populations of peripa- tetic specialists are the only groups that enjoy equal access to all levels of local social systems. Settlements Qalandar own no land or permanent shelters. They subsist by traveling from place to place, leading animals and transport- ing their limited physical possessions and tents on donkeys. Qalandar tents (puki) are the Bender type common to peripa- tetics throughout Asia and Europe: barrel-vaulted ribs sup- ported by vertical endpoles and horizontal ridgepoles, cov- ered with a patchwork cloth. In rural areas tents are pitched in fallow or newly harvested fields near villages, along canal banks, and along railway lines. In urban settings Qalandar camp in vacant lots and undeveloped industrial sites. Wher- ever located, tents and camps are considered private do- mains. Families keep vicious dogs to patrol the camp perime- ters and Qalandar may assume unfriendly postures toward outsiders seeking entry, or passage through, these areas. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. About 15 per- cent of Qalandar families own bears, the most common being the Kashmiri black bear with its distinctive white V on the chest. A few own the larger and more difficult to handle Asian brown bear. Both species adapt poorly to the hot, arid climate and the growing number of hard-surfaced roads con- necting villages and urban centers. Easily irritable and prone to attack, a disturbed animal may kill its handler with a single blow. It is the danger and novelty of bear routines that appeal most to an audience, and this is therefore the most lucrative form of entertainment strategy. Because bears are dangerous and costly, especially since the Russian invasion of Afghani- stan in 1979 and the proliferation of refugees in mountain areas where bears are found, most Qalandar keep and train performing rhesus monkeys (macaques). Like young bears, baby macaques are purchased from hill tribes and are trained to perform routines that mimic human situations-imitating police or soldiers, marital disputes, and relations among in- laws, as well as performing traditional feats of dancing and riding bicycles. Monkeys are less expensive to maintain and breed in captivity than bears. Qalandar also use trained dogs and goats to perform balancing acts. In addition to their animal-handling activities, Qalandar are also skilled jugglers, acrobats, magicians, impersonators, and beggars. They an- nounce their presence in a community or neighborhood through small, highly resonant drums and/or goatskin bag- pipes. These instruments are also used to provide rhythm and background music for their routines. Intensity of spatial mo- bility and entertaining schedules correspond with postharvest activities in rural areas: villagers are more affluent following the rice and wheat harvests and these periods mark marriage and other festive events on the rural scene. During these an- nual cycles Qalandar may travel and perform in as many as three villages daily. Payment is in kind and transported until they reach a market where it is sold for cash, silver, or gold. As postharvest resources diminish, Qalandar move toward urban settings where their activities are rewarded with cash, though many entertainers will strike bargains for sugar, fresh meat, cast-off clothing, and the like as recompense. Although pros- titution is more common in an urban milieu, in rural areas fe- males may exchange sexual favors for camping privileges and grazing rights. Along with young children, females also earn cash and considerable food working as professional beggars. Qalandar 247 The staple diet throughout the year consists of rice, chappatis (flat breads), cooked lentils and cereals, vegetables, goat's milk, and tea. If harvests have been plentiful Qalandar fami- lies often have sufficient resources to sustain them through- out the year. Following harvests, families that have been dis- persed will gather to conduct intra-Qalandar business such as arrangement of marriages, repayment of loans, settlement of outstanding disputes, reaffirmations of relations among kin, and the forging of new alliances, before dispersing again. Industrial Arts. Qalandar invest their energies in enter- tainment skills and interpersonal relations. They manufac- ture no craft items for sale. Trade. Excess earnings of wheat and rice are sold for cash, which in turn is used to purchase silver and gold. The nail clippings and hair from bears may be sold as charms that vil- lagers believe protect them from a host of diseases and evil spirits. Division of Labor. All members are expected to contrib- ute labor and earnings toward the daily welfare of the tent family. Their division of labor is essentially one of situational pragmatism-that is, whoever is present when a task needs doing simply does it, depending on their level of experience and skill. Qalandar stress lifelong flexibility of individual skills and task performance rather than exclusive domains of influence or activities based on sex or age. While females may train animals within the confines of camps, they seldom per- form in public as animal handlers, because bears and mon- keys are more difficult to handle in public settings and Qa- landar believe that men are better animal handlers overall. More importantly, Qalandar believe that females are more perceptive and aggressive and better suited for dealing with strangers and so will have greater success as beggars and gatherers. During periods of high mobility in the rural areas, females will guard tents and camps and accept the responsi- bility for meal preparation and child care. In urban settings, males perform these tasks, freeing females to beg and gather. Kinship, Marriage, and Family Kinship. All Qalandar consider themselves kin to the ex- tent that they trace themselves back to a common, but un- known, apical ancestor. They are related to each other in many different and involuted ways and the kin terminology is descriptive in nature (i.e., separate terms for each relation- ship). Qalandar often joke that no one actually knows for cer- tain who his biological father really is. One's father (pater) is the husband of his or her mother at the time of birth. Chil- dren of the same mother or children who have nursed from the same breast are considered siblings. The children of suc- cessive generations of siblings are considered members of the same zat or descent group. An individual may not marry his or her own sibling or