Ukrainians of Canada 357 Ukrainians of Canada ETHNONYMS: Bukovynians, Galicians, Ruthenians, Ukrain- ian-Canadians Orientation Identification. Ukrainian-Canadians are one of the larger and more prominent ethnic groups in Canada. These people, or more likely their ancestors, originated in Ukrainian terr- tory in Eastern Europe. Ukrainian ethnographic territory cor- responds roughly (not exactly) with the area of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the Soviet Union. The Black Sea lies to the south of this land, and its northern neighbors in. clude Russia and Poland. The political boundaries of this ter- ritory have undergone many changes up to and during the twentieth century. Only rarely throughout these permuta- tions were the governing bodies controlled by Ukrainians themselves. Indeed, Ukrainian immigrants to Canada carried Austrian, Polish, Russian, and other passports, and could be identified better on the basis of their language, culture, and religion than by their citizenship. Ancestry and culture con- tinue to be the primary criteria for the identification of Ukrainian-Canadians. Language and religion have tended to decline as perceived prerequisites for inclusion in the group, replaced somewhat by participation in the organized Ukrain- ian community and by a personal sense of Ukrainianness. The Ukrainian-Canadian community does not have sharply defined membership. Large segments of its population live more or less closely in relation to it. Location. The first settlements of Ukrainians in Canada were concentrated in the prairie provinces of Manitoba, Sas- katchewan, and Alberta. In the earlier years, most were rural homesteaders. Although the prairie provinces still maintain large communities, Ukrainians have been spreading some- what more randomly across the country. Migration within the country reflects the search for economic advantages and the best personal quality of life. The trend to urbanization has been pronounced for a number of decades, and now 75 per- cent of the Ukrainian population of Canada lives in cities. In this respect, the Ukrainian community now resembles the general population of the country. Demography. Ukrainian people have historically been quite sedentary, and only small numbers emigrated beyond Ukrainian territories prior to the end of the nineteenth cen- tury. In the last 120 years, however, they have dispersed widely. Some two million live in North America, two million in Siberia, 250,000 in South America, 90,000 in other coun- tries in Europe, and 35,000 in Australia. In the 1981 census, 529,615 Canadians declared Ukrainian ancestry, and an- other 225,000 claimed partial Ukrainian heritage. Represent- ing some 2.7 percent of the population, Ukrainian- Canadians are the fifth largest ethnic group in the country. Only about 15 percent of these individuals are immigrants themselves; the remainder are Canadian-born. The city of Winnipeg has had a large Ukrainian population since early in this century. In 1981, the major Ukrainian-Canadian urban centers included Edmonton (63,000, 10 percent of the city's population), Winnipeg (59,000, 10 percent), and Toronto (51,000, 2 percent). Over 20,000 additional persons in each of these cities reported partial Ukrainian ancestry. Particu- larly in the prairies, numerous small towns and rural areas continue to record a high incidence of Ukrainian settlement, sometimes exceeding 50 percent of the local populace. Linguistic Affiliation. Ukrainian is a Slavic language. Though many Ukrainians use the more formal literary lan- guage, others speak a Galician dialect with varying degrees of English influence. The community is increasingly English- speaking, with Ukrainians in French-speaking Canada often bilingual or trilingual. The percentage of Ukrainian- Canadians who use Ukrainian in the home has decreased in recent decades, dropping below 20 percent. Those who do speak Ukrainian regularly are often older. History and Cultural Relations Ukrainian immigration to Canada took place in three major waves. The first and largest influx (170,000 individuals) took place between 1891 and the beginning of World War 1. The vast majority of this group left from the provinces of Galicia and Bukovyna, a small segment of western Ukrainian terr- tory controlled by the Austro-Hungarian Empire at that time. They were mostly peasant farmers wanting to escape poverty, exploitation, and overpopulation. Canada was then actively soliciting such agricultural immigrants to develop its vast and empty prairies. Ukrainian immigrants settled in somewhat compact blocks on homesteads across the large belt of aspen parkland spanning the prairies. The 67,000 Ukrainians who arrived in the interwar period composed the second wave of immigrants. Manitoba was the most popular destination for this group. Work in agriculture and railway construction awaited many. The third immigration consisted primarily of persons displaced after World War 11, which was particularly devastating in Ukrainian territories. This group of up to 40,000 people tended to be more urban, more educated, and more politically and nationally motivated than their earlier counterparts. They settled primarily in Canada's urban areas, with Ontario receiving almost half of their number. Since 1952, immigration of Ukrainians to Canada has been light. The general attitude of the Canadian establishment in the earlier years was to anglicize or "Canadianize" the Ukrain- ians once they arrived. Ukrainian community development was more or less tolerated depending on how the elite per- ceived that the organizations might help facilitate assimila- tion. Attitudes also varied according to economic and politi- cal trends. "Anti-alien" sentiments rose sharply during World War 1. Bilingual education systems were dismantled and thousands of Ukrainians were kept under surveillance, in- terned, and sometimes deported with little justification. In spite of a few such experiences, however, Ukrainians have been generally quite pro-Canadian. They perceive Canada as a country that treated them much better and offered them greater prospects than Austro-Hungary, Poland, the Russian Empire, or later the Soviet Union. Ukrainians were very in- strumental in establishing Canada's policy of multicultur- alism in the 1960s. In theory at least, this policy promotes the cultural identity of the myriad of peoples that populate the country, seeing strength in this diversity. Support for multiculturalism seems to be somewhat on the wane in "En- glish" Canada in the 1980s. Cultural relations between Ukrainians in Canada and those in the Soviet Union, at least until recently, have been somewhat distant. They have been 358 Ukrainians of Canada deterred by the wars, the distance, and the cold war attitudes on both sides. Economy Agriculture was by far the predominant occupation of Ukrainians in the first half of the twentieth century. Other occupations tended to be in the primary sector and included logging, mining, construction, and building railroads. This situation gradually changed, however, and the structure of the Ukrainian-Canadian work force now resembles that of the general population in almost all respects. But Ukrainians are still somewhat overrepresented in agriculture (7 percent work on farms as compared to the 4 percent Canadian aver- age) and underrepresented in most of the elite groups that hold power in the country. Kinship, Marriage and Family Ukrainian-Canadian marriage and kinship practices do not differ substantially from general Canadian norms. Predomi- nant are monogamous marriage, nuclear families, and bilat- eral descent. Ukrainian kinship terms in many dialects ex- hibit a degree of bifurcation; terms differ for maternal versus paternal uncles and aunts. Such perceptions are being sup- planted by a more classical Eskimo-type kinship system, espe- cially since English is now often used. Godparents have tradi- tionally been regarded as significant relatives. In-group marriage was encouraged by Ukrainian-Canadian society, particularly by parent generations, though the rate of inter- marriage is high. Socialization. The means and degree of socialization of Ukrainian-Canadians varies a great deal depending on the size of the local community, the commitment of family mem- bers, and personal choice. The church has traditionally played a major role in this process, as has upbringing. More involved families in larger centers often choose to take advan- tage of Ukrainian kindergartens, Ukrainian schools (and, re- cently, public bilingual education), Ukrainian scouts, choirs, dance groups, sports organizations, and many other pursuits. The adult community reaffirms itself in many performances, meetings, and other social events. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The Ukrainian community has more organizations than any Canadian ethnic group its size. The plethora of organizations reflects the division of the commu- nity into Catholic and Orthodox sectors, each with religious and secular institutions, and men's, women's, and youth divi- sions. Differences in immigration history, region of origin, political views, generation, past membership in military units, professions, and other factors are all reflected in the organiza- tional scheme of the Ukrainian-Canadian community. Re- cently, a great number of somewhat independent organiza- tions have been set up to deal with academic pursuits, various art forms, local history, and other specific interests. The Ukrainian Canadian Committee was established in 1940 as an umbrella organization for the noncommunist Ukrainian community. It has achieved varying degrees of success in co- ordinating the diverse groups. There is no specific effective mechanism for exerting social control or resolving conflict in the Ukrainian-Canadian community. Political Organization. Ukrainians in Canada have no overarching political structure. Most earlier Ukrainian set- tlers were not politically sophisticated, partly because of their relative exclusion from political power in their native territor- ies. Disenchantment over living and working conditions in Europe (and, later, often in Canada) promoted radical leftist views in the first decades of this century. Later, immigrants tended to the right of the political spectrum. At present, Ukrainians are a complex and varied electoral group, still demonstrating some tendency to marginality on the left and the right in comparison with the general populace. Politicians sometimes perceive the Ukrainian community to be a signifi- cant voting block and address it accordingly. The great major- ity of the Ukrainian community does not approve of the pres- ent Soviet Ukrainian state under Russian domination. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs and Practitioners. The Ukrainian Catholic and Ukrainian Greek Orthodox churches are the predominant traditional denominations in the Ukrainian- Canadian community, claiming some 190,000 and 99,000 adherents, respectively (the latter figure includes a minority of other Orthodox denominations as well). In the 1981 cen- sus, Ukrainians also reported adherence to Roman Catholi- cism (89,000), the United church (71,000), and many other forms of Christianity. Some 42,000 indicated no religious preference. In spite of declining attendance in the two tradi- tional Ukrainian churches, especially among the younger generations, they continue to maintain substantial signifi- cance in Ukrainian-Canadian society. The Ukraine adopted the Byzantine form of Christianity one thousand years ago, and thus eastern Christian traditions of worship are followed. Compared to most western Christian practices, the rites are quite ancient and ritualistic. The older Julian calendar is tra- ditionally retained by these churches, and thus Christmas is celebrated on January 7. The Ukrainian Catholic (Uniate, Greek Catholic) church acknowledges the leadership of the pope in Rome, although theoretically it retains its Orthodox rite. The Ukrainian Greek Orthodox church of Canada, es- tablished in 1918, is independent. Both the Ukrainian Cath- olic and the Orthodox communities in Canada have under- gone some westernization in terms of their spiritual culture. General acceptance of latinized rituals, the English language, and the newer Gregorian calendar is more widespread among the Catholics. Ceremonies. Ukrainian culture was very rich in traditional lore into the beginning of the twentieth century, in part, be- cause it was relatively isolated from cosmopolitan influences and the leveling pressures of industrialization. Most emi- grants, then, identified with a rich tradition of rituals and cus- toms. Social life was generally disrupted upon migration be- cause of the isolation and because Canadian policies for settling the prairies precluded tight-knit village settlements. Nonetheless, in many communities, various customs were maintained, adapted, and sometimes reconstructed to estab- lish a unique Ukrainian-Canadian ritual culture. The most important ceremony dealing with the life cycle is the wedding, which is often large and features food, drink, socializing, dancing, and gift-giving. The cultural response to death has been partially influ- enced by the community's Eastern Christian spirituality as Umatilla 359 well as by connections with its peasant origins. These factors are reflected in the services conducted during burial, a less- ened tendency to isolate the living from the corpse, somewhat particular grave markers, and traditional cemetery visitations at prescribed intervals. In general, however, funeral practices and attitudes now conform closely to those of the Canadian mainstream. The most important calendar holidays are Christmas (Rizdvo) and Easter (Velykden'), both of which retain many Ukrainian features. The main focus at Christmas is on the Christmas Eve supper, consisting traditionally of twelve meatless dishes. Caroling, church service, and visiting follow. Christmas is celebrated twice each year by many Ukrainian families in Canada, once on December 25 and again, some- what differently, on January 7. The highlight at Easter is breaking the Lenten fast with a blessed family meal on Sun- day after church service. A pre-Lenten party (Pushchennia), New Year's Eve (Malanka) on January 13, and harvest festival (Obzhynky) celebrations are common in many communities. Other holidays include Ukrainian Independence Day, the anniversary of Taras Shevchenko (Ukraine's national poet), and numerous smaller religious feasts. Ukrainian- Canadians also participate in Canadian holidays such as Val- entine's Day, Canada Day, Halloween, Thanksgiving, and so on. Arts. The arts are very important to Ukrainian-Canadian culture. Indeed, they compose the most prominent aspect of Ukrainian-Canadian life in the minds of many Ukrainians and non-Ukrainians alike. Many folk arts were brought over from Europe by the early immigrants, as they lived in a culture where domestic objects were mostly handmade and activities were directly organized. In Ukraine, the style and form of these arts were quite specific. The arts came to be closely identified with Ukrainian consciousness itself. With the tran- sition to the urban, technological, and consumer-oriented world of twentieth-century Canada, the old activities and crafts lost much of their practical worth. On the other hand, many retained or even gained value as symbols of Ukrainianness, markers of a special subculture within the Ca- nadian milieu. This function has remained relevant in the contemporary North American context. In association with this process, many of these "folk arts" changed radically in form, materials, and context. The terms "pseudo-folk arts," "national arts" or "Ukrainian pop" have been proposed to re- flect some of the contemporary features of this type of activ- ity. Popular contemporary manifestations of Ukrainian- Canadian material culture include folk costumes, weaving, embroidery, Easter egg painting, church architecture, various styles of pottery, and miscellaneous novelty items. The fine arts of literature, painting, and sculpture have vibrant Ukrainian variants in Canada. Staged folk dance and choral singing are extremely popular in many communities. The Ukrainian music industry includes recording artists in many different styles. Medicine. Folk medicine was strong in western Ukrainian villages and in rural Canada in earlier years. Local specialists developed much knowledge and expertise dealing with a wide variety of health problems. Remnants of this lore exist unoffi- cially, sometimes dealing with problems outside the realm of traditional medicine. Ukrainian-Canadians participate in the Canadian health care system. Bibliography Borovsky, V., et al. (1971) . Ukrainians Abroad: In Canada." In Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by Volo- dymyr Kubijovyc, 1151-1193. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Klymasz, Robert B. (1980). Ukrainian Folklore in Canada: An Immigrant Complex in Transition. New York: Arno Press. Luciuk, Lubomyr Y., and Bohdan S. Kordan (1989). Creating a Landscape: A Geography of Ukrainians in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Lupul, Manoly R., ed. (1982). A Heritage in Transition: Es- says in the History of Ukrainians in Canada. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. Lupul, Manoly R., ed. (1984). Visible Symbols: Cultural Ex- pression among Canada's Ukrainians. Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. Petryshyn, W. R., ed. (1980). Changing Realities: Social Trends among Ukrainian Canadians. Edmonton: Canadian In- stitute of Ukrainian Studies. ANDRIY NAHACHEWSKY Umatilla The Umatilla lived in the Umatilla River and adjacent parts of the Columbia River drainages in northeastern Oregon. They now live on the Umatilla Indian Reservation in the same area with the Wallawalla Cayuse. They spoke a Sahaptin language of the Penutian phylum and numbered about one thousand in the 1980s. Bibliography Kennedy, James Bradford (1977). "The Umatilla Indian Res- ervation, 1855-1975: Factors Contributing to a Diminished Land Resource Base." Dissertation Abstracts International 38(4):2344A. Stern, Theodore (1960). "A Umatilla Prophet Cult." Acts of the International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences 5:346-350. 360 Ute Ute ETHNONYMS: Eutah, Utah, Utaw, Yuta Orientation Identification. The Ute are an American Indian group lo- cated in Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico. "Ute" is a short- ened version of "Eutah," a term with uncertain origins. The name was likely borrowed by the Spanish from Ute neighbors who referred to the Ute as "Yu Tta Ci" (Southern Paiute), "Yota" (Hopi), and 'Yu Hta" (Comanche). The meaning of "Utah" is likewise unclear. The Ute name for themselves is "Nu Ci," meaning 'person" or "Indian." Location. At the time of European contact in the 1600s and 1700s, the Ute occupied much of central and eastern Utah and all of western Colorado, as well as minor portions of northwestern New Mexico. For ease of discussion, the Col- orado and New Mexico groups are often lumped together as Eastern and those from Utah are labeled Western Ute. Phys- iographically, this Ute homeland is diverse and includes the eastern fringe of the Great Basin, the northern Colorado Pla- teau, the Rocky Mountains of Colorado, and the east slopes of the Rockies and high plains of Colorado. Latitude and longitude of the region's center is approximately 39° N and 109° W. Demography. In 1880, combined population figures for both Colorado and Utah Ute was some 3,975. By 1983 these numbers had increased modestly to 4,905. Precontact levels were likely considerably higher than these historic figures. Linguistic Affiliation. The Ute speak Southern Numic, the easternmost of the Numic languages spoken by the major- ity of the Indians of the Great Basin-Plateau regions of the intermountain west. Numic is a branch of the Uto-Aztekan language family. Other groups speaking Southern Numic are the Southern Paiute and Kawaiisu. Some dialectical differ- ences were present within Southern Numic, but no clear boundaries existed. History and Cultural Relations Linguistic and archaeological evidence argue for an arrival of Southern Numic-speakers in the eastern Great Basin and Plateau country about D. 1250-1350. At the time of Euro- pean settlement in New Mexico in the 1600s and Utah in the late 1700s, the Ute were well established, but had developed along somewhat different trajectories. The Eastern Ute had converted to the horse-riding Plains life-style, and the West- emr Ute retained more traditional Great Basin patterns until the early 1800s when certain central Utah groups also adopted the horse and other Plains cultural trappings. Ute neighbors to the north, west, and east included other Numic- speakers, such as the Northern Shoshone, Western Sho- shone, and Southern Paiute. Also to the south were the Pueb- los, Navajo, and Apache. To the east were the Plains groups, such as the Wind River Shoshone (Numic-speakers), Ara- paho, Comanche (Numic-speakers), and Southern Chey- enne. Relations were amicable with the Western Shoshone, but raids were common between the Ute and other neigh- bors, especially the Plains peoples, with the exception of the Comanche. The unmounted Southern Paiute to the south were routinely subjected to raids by all Utes to obtain slaves, especially women and children, to trade to the Spanish. Mormon immigration to the Great Basin in 1847 marked the beginning of the end for the traditional Western Ute way of life. Serious conflicts began in 1849, when settlers moved into Utah Valley, an important center of Ute settle- ment. Following the Walker War of 1850s and the Black Hawk War in the 1860s, all Western Ute were displaced from the eastern Great Basin and relocated in the Uinta Basin of northern Utah. For the Eastern Ute the process was slower. Reduction of lands began in the 1850s owing to a series of treaty agreements and continued until the 1880s. The Meeker Massacre of 1879 resulted in most of the northern Colorado Utes being placed on the Uinta Basin reservation. Other Eastern Utes moved to the small Southern Ute and Elk Mountain reservations in southwestern Colorado and northwestern New Mexico. Settlements The Ute are traditionally described in terms of geographically designated bands. Both the Eastern and Western groups con- sisted of five such bands. For the Eastern group they were the Muache, Capote, Uncompahgre, White River, and Weemin- uche. The Western bands were the Uintah, Timpanogots, Sanpitch, Pahvant, and Moanunts. Throughout Ute territory settlements tended to consist of a winter and a summer camp. For the Western and other nonequestrian Ute, winter camps were located in the valley bottoms adjacent to lakes, marshes, or streams or, in some cases, in the pifion juniper woodlands of the lower foothills where fuel and shelter were available and close to food caches. Spring in the valleys along the east- em Great Basin was spawning season and a time for many Western Ute to hold festivities, dances, and games and to fish, especially in Utah Valley. In the summer people dis- persed to gather ripening plant seeds and pursue individual hunting. In late summer and fall the Utes moved to the up- lands for hunting, berry picking, and pifion nut gathering. The Eastern Ute spent summers and early fall on the plains hunting bison, and these events were generally the time of greatest aggregation for the year. Winter camps consisted of smaller residential units located in sheltered areas in the foot- hills or valleys. Modem reservation towns, such as Fort Duchesne and Roosevelt on the Uintah-Ouray Reservation, are centers of modem Ute community and commercial life and are very much in the pattern of western towns. Dispersed Ute communities, however, such as that seen at White Mesa in southeastern Utah, are also fairly typical. Economy Subsistence and Comnercial Activity. All Utes at the time of European contact were hunters and gatherers, al- though the subsistence focus varied considerably from east to west. In general, Eastern Ute were more committed to a hunt- ing economy, especially bison, whereas Western Ute diets were broader with more emphasis on smaller animals and fish. Important plant foods included pifion nuts, various small seeds, such as grass and bulrush, and roots. With the withdrawal of traditional foraging areas, the Ute turned to subsistence farming following the European pattern. Com- mercial farming has not been successful, and most modem Ute 361 employment is now in the energy-related fields or service jobs, especially with the federal government. Although numerous business ventures have been attempted, few have succeeded. Industrial Arts. Traditional crafts such as basketry, weav- ing, and hide working persisted into the twentieth century. Beadwork on tanned leather or other materials continues to be produced, especially for the tourist market, but basketry and weaving have largely died out. Pottery was made prehis- torically, but was not a well-developed craft. Trade. Prehistoric trade is not well documented for the Ute. Obsidian and probably marine shells were likely traded, but the mechanisms are unknown. Following the arrival of European markets, such as the Spanish in New Mexico, the Utes were active in the fur trade and exchanged skins, furs, and slaves for horses, metal tools, beads, and other European goods. This commerce was active into the mid-1800s. Division of Labor. Traditionally, economic tasks were seg- regated by sex. As a general rule, men hunted larger game and fished, and made weapons and tools related to hunting (bows and arrows, various portable traps, drive lines, and catch cor- rals). Women gathered plant foods and made the items nec- essary for those activities, especially baskets. Numerous food- related efforts involved both sexes, however, especially with the Western Ute. For example, women made cordage of plant fibers with which the men wove the nets that were used in rabbit or waterfowl drives. Both men and women participated in these drives. Fishing was generally a male activity, but women made some fishing gear such as basketry traps. Women prepared and cooked food, built houses, made cloth- ing, prepared skins, and made pottery. Some blurring of these divisions was common, also. Both men and women partici- pated in shamanistic rituals. Historic employment trends are generally parallel with national patterns with both sexes working, but with more men employed than women. Women usually remain at home, and some pursue craft production for the tourist trade. Land Tenure. Aboriginal land ownership was limited to usufruct rights to hunting and gathering for a family. Individ- ual land ownership was apparently unknown. A degree of ter- ritoriality was present to the extent that non-Utes (for exam- ple, Shoshone) had no access to important resource areas such as the Utah Lake fishery. Anglo settlement and agricul- tural pursuits removed the more productive lands from Ute use. The Ute were eventually forcibly removed to reservation lands in Colorado and Utah. The Dawes Severalty Act of 1887 further reduced Indian-owned lands and eventually opened Ute lands to Anglo homesteaders. The impact of this bill was reversed by the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, which allowed for consolidation of Indian properties and ac- quisition of other lands as well. In 1988 a legal suit brought by the Ute Tribe against counties and cities of the Uinta Basin returned significant portions of Ute lands in Utah, bringing the total held by that group to 4 million acres. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. No clans or other formal social units are known for the Ute. Residential units tended toward unranked matridemes. These units, which consisted of sev- eral related families, were exogamous. Status within residen- tial units was based on age, sex, and generation. Kinship Terminology. Ute kin terms followed a skewed bifurcate collateral pattern. Marriage and Family Marriage. Marriages were often arranged by parents and relatives. Marriage to blood relatives (extended to first and second cousins) was forbidden. Wedding ceremonies were in- formal, and premarital intercourse at the girl's residence was considered marriage. Band exogamy was generally preferred. Polygyny existed and both the levirate and sororate were prac- ticed; however, monogamy was the norm with less than 10 percent practicing polygamy. Divorce for reasons of sterility, infidelity, and incompatibility was and is common. Children usually remain with the mother. Residence was almost always matrilocal. Bride-service is not reported for the Ute, although it was common in other Great Basin groups. Domestic Unit. Traditional households often included relatives such as grandparents and occasionally a spouse of one of the children. This pattern continues today. Single- parent families are very common because of high divorce rates. Households are often swelled by near kin as resources are combined in times of economic stress. Inheritance. Inheritance patterns were poorly developed, for most personal material goods were burned at the death of the individual. Rights to eagle aeries, springs, and garden plots were passed down to surviving family members. Socialization. Children were desirable and much attention was paid to the pregnant mother, birth, and child rearing. Often young children were tended by older siblings and by grandparents. Children were spoiled and indulged in a per- missive environment. Ridicule was the primary means of dis- cipline. Puberty rites were observed for both girls and boys. First menses was celebrated by the family by offering instruc- tions to the girl and imposing food taboos and behavioral re- strictions until the end of menstruation. Male puberty rites were not so well defined, but they usually revolved around the first killing of a large game animal. The boy was forbidden to eat of this kill, which was often given to an older relative. To celebrate the event further, the boy was bathed by a special hunter and painted red. Traditional education in crafts, sub- sistence skills, and oral histories were provided to children by the appropriate grandparent. Education levels among Ute youths are low, with only half completing high school. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Ute social life was rooted in the fam- ily. Within the family and among family groups elders, male and female, were respected and given special consideration. Prior to European contact, household leadership tended to be male-oriented, but with the growing numbers of single- parent families, females are more often in family leadership roles. Political Organization. Band organization was likely pres- ent in the pre-horse era. Bands consisted of several residential units (demes) that united under a leader, usually an elder male who had demonstrated prowess as a hunter as well as wisdom in decision making. Leaders often had one or more assistants who served as speakers or in other capacities. The Western Ute had special chiefs selected to lead dances and 362 Ute rabbit, antelope, waterfowl, and bison drives. Utah Valley Ute had a special fishing chief. Councils consisted of deme leaders and usually met at the chief's house. Women were al- lowed to attend councils, as were men other than chiefs. Po- litical patterns were strengthened after contact as access to the horse and raiding for the slave markets increased, thereby reinforcing the status of the leaders. This trend continued as Anglo culture often demanded a band or tribal spokesperson. Reservation-era tribal affairs have been directed by the tribal committees of the Ute Indian Tribe. Especially influential on the Uintah-Ouray Reservation is the Ute Tribal Business Committee formed in 1937 after the Indian Reorganization Act. Social Control. Traditionally, group leaders played an im- portant role in interpersonal altercations, but no formal proc- ess existed in the event of a crime or breach of trust. Individ- ual retaliation was common and control difficult, as there were no means other than social for enforcement. Murders, for example, were usually avenged by relatives who killed the offender, an action condoned and expected by the society. Social controls were also sought through the use of myths and legends that depicted appropriate behavior and introduced the threat of ridicule or expulsion for unacceptable actions. As on other reservations, the federal government now has ju- risdiction over serious crimes. Conflict. Internal Ute conflicts erupted in the 1880s fol- lowing the Meeker Massacre when White River and Uncom- paghre Utes from Colorado were forced onto the Uintah Res- ervation. Uintahs resented having to share their reservation and further resented inequities in federal distributions of funds. Bad feelings also existed between the White River and Uncompaghre people based on events during and after the Meeker Massacre. In 1905 Ute-Anglo relations were strained by the opening of the Uintah-Ouray Reservation to Anglo use. In reprisal, a large contingent of Utes left the reservation and sought asylum with the Sioux in South Dakota. Failing this they were returned to the Uintah Basin in 1908. Further internal strife stemmed from a rift between mixed- and full- blood people. The former, because of Anglo contacts and better education, developed more political power in tribal af- fairs. The rift ultimately resulted in the termination (expul- sion) of mixed-bloods (less than 50 percent Ute) from the tribal rolls in 1954. Bad feelings extended to the tribal gov- ernment, and a group known as the True Utes unsuccessfully attempted to disband this polity during the late 1950s. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. Religion was not formalized, but was nonetheless important and pervaded daily Ute life. An inte- gral element of Ute metaphysics was the concept of power ob- tained from knowledge received through dreams, visions, or from mythical beings. Religion was expressed at the level of the individual rather than through group activity. Senawahv is named as the Ute creator of the land, animals, food, plants, and the Utes themselves. Animals, especially wolf and coy- ote, were commonly depicted in myths in which they were de- scribed as having humanlike traits combined with some mys- tical powers. Belief in water babies, supernatural beings that lived in springs, was widespread among Great Basin Indians. Ghosts and souls were real and feared. Charms for various purposes were also common. Several Christian religions cur- rently have followings among the Utes as does the Native American church. Religious Practitioners. Shamans held the power of heal- ing obtained through dreams or from other shamans. Healing methods involved songs, dances, and various pieces of para- phernalia, the forms for all of which were learned through the dreams. Special shaman designations included weather, bear, evil, sexual, and childbirth. Both men and women practiced shamanism. A payment was expected if the cure was suc- cessful. Ceremonies. Two ceremonies have dominated Ute social and religious life: the Bear Dance and the Sun Dance. The former is indigenous to the Ute and aboriginally was held in the spring to coincide with the emergence of the bear from hi- bernation. The dance was held in a large brush enclosure or dance plaza and lasted about ten days. The dancing, which was mostly done by couples, propitiated bears to increase hunting and sexual prowess. A theme of rebirth and fertility is pervasive throughout. This theme was reinforced by the an- nouncement of the completion of a girl's puberty rites during the ceremony. The Sun Dance was borrowed from the Plains tribes between 1880 and 1890. This ceremony was held in July, and the dancing lasted for four days and nights. The em- phasis of the Sun Dance was on individual or community es- teem and welfare, and its adoption was symptomatic of the feelings of despair held by the Indians at that time. Partici- pants often hoped for a vision or cures for the sick. Consis- tent with the emphasis of this ceremony was the fact that dancing was by individuals rather than couples as was the case with the Bear Dance. Both ceremonies continue to be held by the Ute, although the timing of the Bear Dance tends to be later in the year. The Ghost Dance was briefly popular during the late 1880s and 1890s on the Uintah-Ouray Reser- vation. Arts. The Ute enjoy singing and many songs are specific to the Bear Dance and curing. The style of singing is reminis- cent of Plains groups. Singing and dancing for entertainment continue to be important. Rock art was another form of ex- pression, and both pictographs (painted) and petrogylphs (pecked) of obvious Ute manufacture have been docu- mented. Medicine. Curing ceremonies attempted to drive evil forces from the body through songs, sucking tubes, and so on, rather than through the use of medicines. Herbal remedies were also applied, however, and medicinal powers were as- signed to a number of plants. These, usually the leaves or roots, were pounded and boiled and the resulting potion drunk. Death and Afterlife. Death was a time of community and individual loss and was formally observed by abstentions from certain behaviors and by acts such as hair cutting. Mourning lasted up to a year. Care was taken to ensure that the ghost of the deceased did not return, although it was generally held that the soul lingered near the body for several days. All souls went to an afterlife similar to this world. Burial and funeral customs included burning the house wherein death occurred and the destruction of most personal property, which some- times included horses, dogs, and slaves. Bodies were washed, . Ukrainians of Canada 357 Ukrainians of Canada ETHNONYMS: Bukovynians, Galicians, Ruthenians, Ukrain- ian-Canadians Orientation Identification. Ukrainian-Canadians are one of the larger and more prominent ethnic groups in Canada. These people, or more likely their ancestors, originated in Ukrainian terr- tory in Eastern Europe. Ukrainian ethnographic territory cor- responds roughly (not exactly) with the area of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the Soviet Union. The Black Sea lies to the south of this land, and its northern neighbors in. clude Russia and Poland. The political boundaries of this ter- ritory have undergone many changes up to and during the twentieth century. Only rarely throughout these permuta- tions were the governing bodies controlled by Ukrainians themselves. Indeed, Ukrainian immigrants to Canada carried Austrian, Polish, Russian, and other passports, and could be identified better on the basis of their language, culture, and religion than by their citizenship. Ancestry and culture con- tinue to be the primary criteria for the identification of Ukrainian-Canadians. Language and religion have tended to decline as perceived prerequisites for inclusion in the group, replaced somewhat by participation in the organized Ukrain- ian community and by a personal sense of Ukrainianness. The Ukrainian-Canadian community does not have sharply defined membership. Large segments of its population live more or less closely in relation to it. Location. The first settlements of Ukrainians in Canada were concentrated in the prairie provinces of Manitoba, Sas- katchewan, and Alberta. In the earlier years, most were rural homesteaders. Although the prairie provinces still maintain large communities, Ukrainians have been spreading some- what more randomly across the country. Migration within the country reflects the search for economic advantages and the best personal quality of life. The trend to urbanization has been pronounced for a number of decades, and now 75 per- cent of the Ukrainian population of Canada lives in cities. In this respect, the Ukrainian community now resembles the general population of the country. Demography. Ukrainian people have historically been quite sedentary, and only small numbers emigrated beyond Ukrainian territories prior to the end of the nineteenth cen- tury. In the last 120 years, however, they have dispersed widely. Some two million live in North America, two million in Siberia, 250,000 in South America, 90,000 in other coun- tries in Europe, and 35,000 in Australia. In the 1981 census, 529,615 Canadians declared Ukrainian ancestry, and an- other 225,000 claimed partial Ukrainian heritage. Represent- ing some 2.7 percent of the population, Ukrainian- Canadians are the fifth largest ethnic group in the country. Only about 15 percent of these individuals are immigrants themselves; the remainder are Canadian-born. The city of Winnipeg has had a large Ukrainian population since early in this century. In. 1981, the major Ukrainian-Canadian urban centers included Edmonton (63,000, 10 percent of the city's population), Winnipeg (59,000, 10 percent), and Toronto (51,000, 2 percent). Over 20,000 additional persons in each of these cities reported partial Ukrainian ancestry. Particu- larly in the prairies, numerous small towns and rural areas continue to record a high incidence of Ukrainian settlement, sometimes exceeding 50 percent of the local populace. Linguistic Affiliation. Ukrainian is a Slavic language. Though many Ukrainians use the more formal literary lan- guage, others speak a Galician dialect with varying degrees of English influence. The community is increasingly English- speaking, with Ukrainians in French-speaking Canada often bilingual or trilingual. The percentage of Ukrainian- Canadians who use Ukrainian in the home has decreased in recent decades, dropping below 20 percent. Those who do speak Ukrainian regularly are often older. History and Cultural Relations Ukrainian immigration to Canada took place in three major waves. The first and largest influx (170,000 individuals) took place between 1891 and the beginning of World War 1. The vast majority of this group left from the provinces of Galicia and Bukovyna, a small segment of western Ukrainian terr- tory controlled by the Austro-Hungarian Empire at that time. They were mostly peasant farmers wanting to escape poverty, exploitation, and overpopulation. Canada was then actively soliciting such agricultural immigrants to develop its vast and empty prairies. Ukrainian immigrants settled in somewhat compact blocks on homesteads across the large belt of aspen parkland spanning the prairies. The 67,000 Ukrainians who arrived in the interwar period composed the second wave of immigrants. Manitoba was the most popular destination for this group. Work in agriculture and railway construction awaited many. The third immigration consisted primarily of persons displaced after World War 11, which was particularly devastating in Ukrainian territories. This group of up to 40,000 people tended to be more urban, more educated, and more politically and nationally motivated than their earlier counterparts. They settled primarily in Canada's urban areas, with Ontario receiving almost half of their number. Since 1952, immigration of Ukrainians to Canada has been light. The general attitude of the Canadian establishment in the earlier years was to anglicize or "Canadianize" the Ukrain- ians once they arrived. Ukrainian community development was more or less tolerated depending on how the elite per- ceived that the organizations might help facilitate assimila- tion. Attitudes also varied according to economic and politi- cal trends. "Anti-alien" sentiments rose sharply during World War 1. Bilingual education systems were dismantled and thousands of Ukrainians were kept under surveillance, in- terned, and sometimes deported with little justification. In spite of a few such experiences, however, Ukrainians have been generally quite pro-Canadian. They perceive Canada as a country that treated them much better and offered them greater prospects than Austro-Hungary, Poland, the Russian Empire, or later the Soviet Union. Ukrainians were very in- strumental in establishing Canada's policy of multicultur- alism in the 1960s. In theory at least, this policy promotes the cultural identity of the myriad of peoples that populate the country, seeing strength in this diversity. Support for multiculturalism seems to be somewhat on the wane in "En- glish" Canada in the 1980s. Cultural relations between Ukrainians in Canada and those in the Soviet Union, at least until recently, have been somewhat distant. They have been 358 Ukrainians of Canada deterred by the wars, the distance, and the cold war attitudes on both sides. Economy Agriculture was by far the predominant occupation of Ukrainians in the first half of the twentieth century. Other occupations tended to be in the primary sector and included logging, mining, construction, and building railroads. This situation gradually changed, however, and the structure of the Ukrainian-Canadian work force now resembles that of the general population in almost all respects. But Ukrainians are still somewhat overrepresented in agriculture (7 percent work on farms as compared to the 4 percent Canadian aver- age) and underrepresented in most of the elite groups that hold power in the country. Kinship, Marriage and Family Ukrainian-Canadian marriage and kinship practices do not differ substantially from general Canadian norms. Predomi- nant are monogamous marriage, nuclear families, and bilat- eral descent. Ukrainian kinship terms in many dialects ex- hibit a degree of bifurcation; terms differ for maternal versus paternal uncles and aunts. Such perceptions are being sup- planted by a more classical Eskimo-type kinship system, espe- cially since English is now often used. Godparents have tradi- tionally been regarded as significant relatives. In-group marriage was encouraged by Ukrainian-Canadian society, particularly by parent generations, though the rate of inter- marriage is high. Socialization. The means and degree of socialization of Ukrainian-Canadians varies a great deal depending on the size of the local community, the commitment of family mem- bers, and personal choice. The church has traditionally played a major role in this process, as has upbringing. More involved families in larger centers often choose to take advan- tage of Ukrainian kindergartens, Ukrainian schools (and, re- cently, public bilingual education), Ukrainian scouts, choirs, dance groups, sports organizations, and many other pursuits. The adult community reaffirms itself in many performances, meetings, and other social events. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The Ukrainian community has more organizations than any Canadian ethnic group its size. The plethora of organizations reflects the division of the commu- nity into Catholic and Orthodox sectors, each with religious and secular institutions, and men's, women's, and youth divi- sions. Differences in immigration history, region of origin, political views, generation, past membership in military units, professions, and other factors are all reflected in the organiza- tional scheme of the Ukrainian-Canadian community. Re- cently, a great number of somewhat independent organiza- tions have been set up to deal with academic pursuits, various art forms, local history, and other specific interests. The Ukrainian Canadian Committee was established in 1940 as an umbrella organization for the noncommunist Ukrainian community. It has achieved varying degrees of success in co- ordinating the diverse groups. There is no specific effective mechanism for exerting social control or resolving conflict in the Ukrainian-Canadian community. Political Organization. Ukrainians in Canada have no overarching political structure. Most earlier Ukrainian set- tlers were not politically sophisticated, partly because of their relative exclusion from political power in their native territor- ies. Disenchantment over living and working conditions in Europe (and, later, often in Canada) promoted radical leftist views in the first decades of this century. Later, immigrants tended to the right of the political spectrum. At present, Ukrainians are a complex and varied electoral group, still demonstrating some tendency to marginality on the left and the right in comparison with the general populace. Politicians sometimes perceive the Ukrainian community to be a signifi- cant voting block and address it accordingly. The great major- ity of the Ukrainian community does not approve of the pres- ent Soviet Ukrainian state under Russian domination. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs and Practitioners. The Ukrainian Catholic and Ukrainian Greek Orthodox churches are the predominant traditional denominations in the Ukrainian- Canadian community, claiming some 190,000 and 99,000 adherents, respectively (the latter figure includes a minority of other Orthodox denominations as well). In the 1981 cen- sus, Ukrainians also reported adherence to Roman Catholi- cism (89,000), the United church (71,000), and many other forms of Christianity. Some 42,000 indicated no religious preference. In spite of declining attendance in the two tradi- tional Ukrainian churches, especially among the younger generations, they continue to maintain substantial signifi- cance in Ukrainian-Canadian society. The Ukraine adopted the Byzantine form of Christianity one thousand years ago, and thus eastern Christian traditions of worship are followed. Compared to most western Christian practices, the rites are quite ancient and ritualistic. The older Julian calendar is tra- ditionally retained by these churches, and thus Christmas is celebrated on January 7. The Ukrainian Catholic (Uniate, Greek Catholic) church acknowledges the leadership of the pope in Rome, although theoretically it retains its Orthodox rite. The Ukrainian Greek Orthodox church of Canada, es- tablished in 1918, is independent. Both the Ukrainian Cath- olic and the Orthodox communities in Canada have under- gone some westernization in terms of their spiritual culture. General acceptance of latinized rituals, the English language, and the newer Gregorian calendar is more widespread among the Catholics. Ceremonies. Ukrainian culture was very rich in traditional lore into the beginning of the twentieth century, in part, be- cause it was relatively isolated from cosmopolitan influences and the leveling pressures of industrialization. Most emi- grants, then, identified with a rich tradition of rituals and cus- toms. Social life was generally disrupted upon migration be- cause of the isolation and because Canadian policies for settling the prairies precluded tight-knit village settlements. Nonetheless, in many communities, various customs were maintained, adapted, and sometimes reconstructed to estab- lish a unique Ukrainian-Canadian ritual culture. The most important ceremony dealing with the life cycle is the wedding, which is often large and features food, drink, socializing, dancing, and gift-giving. The cultural response to death has been partially influ- enced by the community's Eastern Christian spirituality as Umatilla 359 well as by connections with its peasant origins. These factors are reflected in the services conducted during burial, a less- ened tendency to isolate the living from the corpse, somewhat particular grave markers, and traditional cemetery visitations at prescribed intervals. In general, however, funeral practices and attitudes now conform closely to those of the Canadian mainstream. The most important calendar holidays are Christmas (Rizdvo) and Easter (Velykden'), both of which retain many Ukrainian features. The main focus at Christmas is on the Christmas Eve supper, consisting traditionally of twelve meatless dishes. Caroling, church service, and visiting follow. Christmas is celebrated twice each year by many Ukrainian families in Canada, once on December 25 and again, some- what differently, on January 7. The highlight at Easter is breaking the Lenten fast with a blessed family meal on Sun- day after church service. A pre-Lenten party (Pushchennia), New Year's Eve (Malanka) on January 13, and harvest festival (Obzhynky) celebrations are common in many communities. Other holidays include Ukrainian Independence Day, the anniversary of Taras Shevchenko (Ukraine's national poet), and numerous smaller religious feasts. Ukrainian- Canadians also participate in Canadian holidays such as Val- entine's Day, Canada Day, Halloween, Thanksgiving, and so on. Arts. The arts are very important to Ukrainian-Canadian culture. Indeed, they compose the most prominent aspect of Ukrainian-Canadian life in the minds of many Ukrainians and non-Ukrainians alike. Many folk arts were brought over from Europe by the early immigrants, as they lived in a culture where domestic objects were mostly handmade and activities were directly organized. In Ukraine, the style and form of these arts were quite specific. The arts came to be closely identified with Ukrainian consciousness itself. With the tran- sition to the urban, technological, and consumer-oriented world of twentieth-century Canada, the old activities and crafts lost much of their practical worth. On the other hand, many retained or even gained value as symbols of Ukrainianness, markers of a special subculture within the Ca- nadian milieu. This function has remained relevant in the contemporary North American context. In association with this process, many of these "folk arts" changed radically in form, materials, and context. The terms "pseudo-folk arts," "national arts" or "Ukrainian pop" have been proposed to re- flect some of the contemporary features of this type of activ- ity. Popular contemporary manifestations of Ukrainian- Canadian material culture include folk costumes, weaving, embroidery, Easter egg painting, church architecture, various styles of pottery, and miscellaneous novelty items. The fine arts of literature, painting, and sculpture have vibrant Ukrainian variants in Canada. Staged folk dance and choral singing are extremely popular in many communities. The Ukrainian music industry includes recording artists in many different styles. Medicine. Folk medicine was strong in western Ukrainian villages and in rural Canada in earlier years. Local specialists developed much knowledge and expertise dealing with a wide variety of health problems. Remnants of this lore exist unoffi- cially, sometimes dealing with problems outside the realm of traditional medicine. Ukrainian-Canadians participate in the Canadian health care system. Bibliography Borovsky, V., et al. (1971) . Ukrainians Abroad: In Canada." In Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by Volo- dymyr Kubijovyc, 115 1-1 193. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Klymasz, Robert B. (1980). Ukrainian Folklore in Canada: An Immigrant Complex in Transition. New York: Arno Press. Luciuk, Lubomyr Y., and Bohdan S. Kordan (1989). Creating a Landscape: A Geography of Ukrainians in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Lupul, Manoly R., ed. (1982). A Heritage in Transition: Es- says in the History of Ukrainians in Canada. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. Lupul, Manoly R., ed. (1984). Visible Symbols: Cultural Ex- pression among Canada's Ukrainians. Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. Petryshyn, W. R., ed. (1980). Changing Realities: Social Trends among Ukrainian Canadians. Edmonton: Canadian In- stitute of Ukrainian Studies. ANDRIY NAHACHEWSKY Umatilla The Umatilla lived in the Umatilla River and adjacent parts of the Columbia River drainages in northeastern Oregon. They now live on the Umatilla Indian Reservation in the same area with the Wallawalla Cayuse. They spoke a Sahaptin language of the Penutian phylum and numbered about one thousand in the 1980s. Bibliography Kennedy, James Bradford (1977). "The Umatilla Indian Res- ervation, 185 5-1 975: Factors Contributing to a Diminished Land Resource Base." Dissertation Abstracts International 38(4):2344A. Stern, Theodore (1960). "A Umatilla Prophet Cult." Acts of the International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences 5:34 6-3 50. 360 Ute Ute ETHNONYMS: Eutah, Utah, Utaw, Yuta Orientation Identification. The Ute are an American Indian group lo- cated in Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico. "Ute" is a short- ened version of "Eutah," a term with uncertain origins. The name was likely borrowed by the Spanish from Ute neighbors who referred to the Ute as "Yu Tta Ci" (Southern Paiute), "Yota" (Hopi), and 'Yu Hta" (Comanche). The meaning of "Utah" is likewise unclear. The Ute name for themselves is "Nu Ci," meaning 'person" or "Indian." Location. At the time of European contact in the 1600s and 1700s, the Ute occupied much of central and eastern Utah and all of western Colorado, as well as minor portions of northwestern New Mexico. For ease of discussion, the Col- orado and New Mexico groups are often lumped together as Eastern and those from Utah are labeled Western Ute. Phys- iographically, this Ute homeland is diverse and includes the eastern fringe of the Great Basin, the northern Colorado Pla- teau, the Rocky Mountains of Colorado, and the east slopes of the Rockies and high plains of Colorado. Latitude and longitude of the region's center is approximately 39° N and 109° W. Demography. In 1880, combined population figures for both Colorado and Utah Ute was some 3,975. By 1983 these numbers had increased modestly to 4,905. Precontact levels were likely considerably higher than these historic figures. Linguistic Affiliation. The Ute speak Southern Numic, the easternmost of the Numic languages spoken by the major- ity of the Indians of the Great Basin-Plateau regions of the intermountain west. Numic is a branch of the Uto-Aztekan language family. Other groups speaking Southern Numic are the Southern Paiute and Kawaiisu. Some dialectical differ- ences were present within Southern Numic, but no clear boundaries existed. History and Cultural Relations Linguistic and archaeological evidence argue for an arrival of Southern Numic-speakers in the eastern Great Basin and Plateau country about . 1981, the major Ukrainian-Canadian urban centers included Edmonton (63,000, 10 percent of the city's population), Winnipeg (59,000, 10 percent), and Toronto (51,000, 2 percent). Over 20,000 additional persons in each of these cities reported partial Ukrainian ancestry. Particu- larly in the prairies, numerous small towns and rural areas continue to record a high incidence of Ukrainian settlement, sometimes exceeding 50 percent of the local populace. Linguistic Affiliation. Ukrainian is a Slavic language. Though many Ukrainians use the more formal literary lan- guage, others speak a Galician dialect with varying degrees of English influence. The community is increasingly English- speaking, with Ukrainians in French-speaking Canada often bilingual or trilingual. The percentage of Ukrainian- Canadians who use Ukrainian in the home has decreased in recent decades, dropping below 20 percent. Those who do speak Ukrainian regularly are often older. History and Cultural Relations Ukrainian immigration to Canada took place in three major waves. The first and largest influx (170,000 individuals) took place between 1891 and the beginning of World War 1. The vast majority of this group left from the provinces of Galicia and Bukovyna, a small segment of western Ukrainian terr- tory controlled by the Austro-Hungarian Empire at that time. They were mostly peasant farmers wanting to escape poverty, exploitation, and overpopulation. Canada was then actively soliciting such agricultural immigrants to develop its vast and empty prairies. Ukrainian immigrants settled in somewhat compact blocks on homesteads across the large belt of aspen parkland spanning the prairies. The 67,000 Ukrainians who arrived in the interwar period composed the second wave of immigrants. Manitoba was the most popular destination for this group. Work in agriculture and railway construction awaited many. The third immigration consisted primarily of persons displaced after World War 11, which was particularly devastating in Ukrainian territories. This group of up to 40,000 people tended to be more urban, more educated, and more politically and nationally motivated than their earlier counterparts. They settled primarily in Canada's urban areas, with Ontario receiving almost half of their number. Since 1952, immigration of Ukrainians to Canada has been light. The general attitude of the Canadian establishment in the earlier years was to anglicize or "Canadianize" the Ukrain- ians once they arrived. Ukrainian community development was more or less tolerated depending on how the elite per- ceived that the organizations might help facilitate assimila- tion. Attitudes also varied according to economic and politi- cal trends. "Anti-alien" sentiments rose sharply during World War 1. Bilingual education systems were dismantled and thousands of Ukrainians were kept under surveillance, in- terned, and sometimes deported with little justification. In spite of a few such experiences, however, Ukrainians have been generally quite pro-Canadian. They perceive Canada as a country that treated them much better and offered them greater prospects than Austro-Hungary, Poland, the Russian Empire, or later the Soviet Union. Ukrainians were very in- strumental in establishing Canada's policy of multicultur- alism in the 1960s. In theory at least, this policy promotes the cultural identity of the myriad of peoples that populate the country, seeing strength in this diversity. Support for multiculturalism seems to be somewhat on the wane in "En- glish" Canada in the 1980s. Cultural relations between Ukrainians in Canada and those in the Soviet Union, at least until recently, have been somewhat distant. They have been 358 Ukrainians of Canada deterred by the wars, the distance, and the cold war attitudes on both sides. Economy Agriculture was by far the predominant occupation of Ukrainians in the first half of the twentieth century. Other occupations tended to be in the primary sector and included logging, mining, construction, and building railroads. This situation gradually changed, however, and the structure of the Ukrainian-Canadian work force now resembles that of the general population in almost all respects. But Ukrainians are still somewhat overrepresented in agriculture (7 percent work on farms as compared to the 4 percent Canadian aver- age) and underrepresented in most of the elite groups that hold power in the country. Kinship, Marriage and Family Ukrainian-Canadian marriage and kinship practices do not differ substantially from general Canadian norms. Predomi- nant are monogamous marriage, nuclear families, and bilat- eral descent. Ukrainian kinship terms in many dialects ex- hibit a degree of bifurcation; terms differ for maternal versus paternal uncles and aunts. Such perceptions are being sup- planted by a more classical Eskimo-type kinship system, espe- cially since English is now often used. Godparents have tradi- tionally been regarded as significant relatives. In-group marriage was encouraged by Ukrainian-Canadian society, particularly by parent generations, though the rate of inter- marriage is high. Socialization. The means and degree of socialization of Ukrainian-Canadians varies a great deal depending on the size of the local community, the commitment of family mem- bers, and personal choice. The church has traditionally played a major role in this process, as has upbringing. More involved families in larger centers often choose to take advan- tage of Ukrainian kindergartens, Ukrainian schools (and, re- cently, public bilingual education), Ukrainian scouts, choirs, dance groups, sports organizations, and many other pursuits. The adult community reaffirms itself in many performances, meetings, and other social events. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The Ukrainian community has more organizations than any Canadian ethnic group its size. The plethora of organizations reflects the division of the commu- nity into Catholic and Orthodox sectors, each with religious and secular institutions, and men's, women's, and youth divi- sions. Differences in immigration history, region of origin, political views, generation, past membership in military units, professions, and other factors are all reflected in the organiza- tional scheme of the Ukrainian-Canadian community. Re- cently, a great number of somewhat independent organiza- tions have been set up to deal with academic pursuits, various art forms, local history, and other specific interests. The Ukrainian Canadian Committee was established in 1940 as an umbrella organization for the noncommunist Ukrainian community. It has achieved varying degrees of success in co- ordinating the diverse groups. There is no specific effective mechanism for exerting social control or resolving conflict in the Ukrainian-Canadian community. Political Organization. Ukrainians in Canada have no overarching political structure. Most earlier Ukrainian set- tlers were not politically sophisticated, partly because of their relative exclusion from political power in their native territor- ies. Disenchantment over living and working conditions in Europe (and, later, often in Canada) promoted radical leftist views in the first decades of this century. Later, immigrants tended to the right of the political spectrum. At present, Ukrainians are a complex and varied electoral group, still demonstrating some tendency to marginality on the left and the right in comparison with the general populace. Politicians sometimes perceive the Ukrainian community to be a signifi- cant voting block and address it accordingly. The great major- ity of the Ukrainian community does not approve of the pres- ent Soviet Ukrainian state under Russian domination. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs and Practitioners. The Ukrainian Catholic and Ukrainian Greek Orthodox churches are the predominant traditional denominations in the Ukrainian- Canadian community, claiming some 190,000 and 99,000 adherents, respectively (the latter figure includes a minority of other Orthodox denominations as well). In the 1981 cen- sus, Ukrainians also reported adherence to Roman Catholi- cism (89,000), the United church (71,000), and many other forms of Christianity. Some 42,000 indicated no religious preference. In spite of declining attendance in the two tradi- tional Ukrainian churches, especially among the younger generations, they continue to maintain substantial signifi- cance in Ukrainian-Canadian society. The Ukraine adopted the Byzantine form of Christianity one thousand years ago, and thus eastern Christian traditions of worship are followed. Compared to most western Christian practices, the rites are quite ancient and ritualistic. The older Julian calendar is tra- ditionally retained by these churches, and thus Christmas is celebrated on January 7. The Ukrainian Catholic (Uniate, Greek Catholic) church acknowledges the leadership of the pope in Rome, although theoretically it retains its Orthodox rite. The Ukrainian Greek Orthodox church of Canada, es- tablished in 1918, is independent. Both the Ukrainian Cath- olic and the Orthodox communities in Canada have under- gone some westernization in terms of their spiritual culture. General acceptance of latinized rituals, the English language, and the newer Gregorian calendar is more widespread among the Catholics. Ceremonies. Ukrainian culture was very rich in traditional lore into the beginning of the twentieth century, in part, be- cause it was relatively isolated from cosmopolitan influences and the leveling pressures of industrialization. Most emi- grants, then, identified with a rich tradition of rituals and cus- toms. Social life was generally disrupted upon migration be- cause of the isolation and because Canadian policies for settling the prairies precluded tight-knit village settlements. Nonetheless, in many communities, various customs were maintained, adapted, and sometimes reconstructed to estab- lish a unique Ukrainian-Canadian ritual culture. The most important ceremony dealing with the life cycle is the wedding, which is often large and features food, drink, socializing, dancing, and gift-giving. The cultural response to death has been partially influ- enced by the community's Eastern Christian spirituality as Umatilla 359 well as by connections with its peasant origins. These factors are reflected in the services conducted during burial, a less- ened tendency to isolate the living from the corpse, somewhat particular grave markers, and traditional cemetery visitations at prescribed intervals. In general, however, funeral practices and attitudes now conform closely to those of the Canadian mainstream. The most important calendar holidays are Christmas (Rizdvo) and Easter (Velykden'), both of which retain many Ukrainian features. The main focus at Christmas is on the Christmas Eve supper, consisting traditionally of twelve meatless dishes. Caroling, church service, and visiting follow. Christmas is celebrated twice each year by many Ukrainian families in Canada, once on December 25 and again, some- what differently, on January 7. The highlight at Easter is breaking the Lenten fast with a blessed family meal on Sun- day after church service. A pre-Lenten party (Pushchennia), New Year's Eve (Malanka) on January 13, and harvest festival (Obzhynky) celebrations are common in many communities. Other holidays include Ukrainian Independence Day, the anniversary of Taras Shevchenko (Ukraine's national poet), and numerous smaller religious feasts. Ukrainian- Canadians also participate in Canadian holidays such as Val- entine's Day, Canada Day, Halloween, Thanksgiving, and so on. Arts. The arts are very important to Ukrainian-Canadian culture. Indeed, they compose the most prominent aspect of Ukrainian-Canadian life in the minds of many Ukrainians and non-Ukrainians alike. Many folk arts were brought over from Europe by the early immigrants, as they lived in a culture where domestic objects were mostly handmade and activities were directly organized. In Ukraine, the style and form of these arts were quite specific. The arts came to be closely identified with Ukrainian consciousness itself. With the tran- sition to the urban, technological, and consumer-oriented world of twentieth-century Canada, the old activities and crafts lost much of their practical worth. On the other hand, many retained or even gained value as symbols of Ukrainianness, markers of a special subculture within the Ca- nadian milieu. This function has remained relevant in the contemporary North American context. In association with this process, many of these "folk arts" changed radically in form, materials, and context. The terms "pseudo-folk arts," "national arts" or "Ukrainian pop" have been proposed to re- flect some of the contemporary features of this type of activ- ity. Popular contemporary manifestations of Ukrainian- Canadian material culture include folk costumes, weaving, embroidery, Easter egg painting, church architecture, various styles of pottery, and miscellaneous novelty items. The fine arts of literature, painting, and sculpture have vibrant Ukrainian variants in Canada. Staged folk dance and choral singing are extremely popular in many communities. The Ukrainian music industry includes recording artists in many different styles. Medicine. Folk medicine was strong in western Ukrainian villages and in rural Canada in earlier years. Local specialists developed much knowledge and expertise dealing with a wide variety of health problems. Remnants of this lore exist unoffi- cially, sometimes dealing with problems outside the realm of traditional medicine. Ukrainian-Canadians participate in the Canadian health care system. Bibliography Borovsky, V., et al. (1971) . Ukrainians Abroad: In Canada." In Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by Volo- dymyr Kubijovyc, 115 1-1 193. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Klymasz, Robert B. (1980). Ukrainian Folklore in Canada: An Immigrant Complex in Transition. New York: Arno Press. Luciuk, Lubomyr Y., and Bohdan S. Kordan (1989). Creating a Landscape: A Geography of Ukrainians in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Lupul, Manoly R., ed. (1982). A Heritage in Transition: Es- says in the History of Ukrainians in Canada. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. Lupul, Manoly R., ed. (1984). Visible Symbols: Cultural Ex- pression among Canada's Ukrainians. Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. Petryshyn, W. R., ed. (1980). Changing Realities: Social Trends among Ukrainian Canadians. Edmonton: Canadian In- stitute of Ukrainian Studies. ANDRIY NAHACHEWSKY Umatilla The Umatilla lived in the Umatilla River and adjacent parts of the Columbia River drainages in northeastern Oregon. They now live on the Umatilla Indian Reservation in the same area with the Wallawalla Cayuse. They spoke a Sahaptin language of the Penutian phylum and numbered about one thousand in the 1980s. Bibliography Kennedy, James Bradford (1977). "The Umatilla Indian Res- ervation, 185 5-1 975: Factors Contributing to a Diminished Land Resource Base." Dissertation Abstracts International 38(4):2344A. Stern, Theodore (1960). "A Umatilla Prophet Cult." Acts of the International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences 5:34 6-3 50. 360 Ute Ute ETHNONYMS: Eutah, Utah, Utaw, Yuta Orientation Identification. The Ute are an American Indian group lo- cated in Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico. "Ute" is a short- ened version of "Eutah," a term with uncertain origins. The name was likely borrowed by the Spanish from Ute neighbors who referred to the Ute as "Yu Tta Ci" (Southern Paiute), "Yota" (Hopi), and 'Yu Hta" (Comanche). The meaning of "Utah" is likewise unclear. The Ute name for themselves is "Nu Ci," meaning 'person" or "Indian." Location. At the time of European contact in the 1600s and 1700s, the Ute occupied much of central and eastern Utah and all of western Colorado, as well as minor portions of northwestern New Mexico. For ease of discussion, the Col- orado and New Mexico groups are often lumped together as Eastern and those from Utah are labeled Western Ute. Phys- iographically, this Ute homeland is diverse and includes the eastern fringe of the Great Basin, the northern Colorado Pla- teau, the Rocky Mountains of Colorado, and the east slopes of the Rockies and high plains of Colorado. Latitude and longitude of the region's center is approximately 39° N and 109° W. Demography. In 1880, combined population figures for both Colorado and Utah Ute was some 3,975. By 1983 these numbers had increased modestly to 4,905. Precontact levels were likely considerably higher than these historic figures. Linguistic Affiliation. The Ute speak Southern Numic, the easternmost of the Numic languages spoken by the major- ity of the Indians of the Great Basin-Plateau regions of the intermountain west. Numic is a branch of the Uto-Aztekan language family. Other groups speaking Southern Numic are the Southern Paiute and Kawaiisu. Some dialectical differ- ences were present within Southern Numic, but no clear boundaries existed. History and Cultural Relations Linguistic and archaeological evidence argue for an arrival of Southern Numic-speakers in the eastern Great Basin and Plateau country about