Intellectual Input and Political Change in East and Southeast Asia Edited by Claudia Derichs and Thomas Heberer This book brings a new approach to the study of political change in East and Southeast Asia and demonstrates the importance of political ideas behind policies and politics The traditional approach to studying the politics of a region is to focus on events, personalities, issues – the mechanics of the political process What this volume looks to is to step back and examine ideas and visions, as well as those who articulate them and/or put them into operation The contributors thus aim to conceptualize what discourse means for political change in East and Southeast Asia, and how ideas in discourses affect political practice As well as theorizing on the roles of intellectuals, ideas and discourses for processes of democratization, reform and change, the chapters also offer deep insights into the national and local, the general and the specific situation of the selected countries www.niaspress.dk Derichs_PPC_NEW.indd Tai Lieu Chat Luong Derichs and Heberer THE POWER OF IDEAS THE POWER OF IDEAS THE POWER OF IDEAS Intellectual Input and Political Change in East and Southeast Asia Edited by Claudia Derichs and Thomas Heberer 9/11/05 12:39:00 Power_of_Ideas_Frontmatter.fm Page i Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:43 PM THE POWER OF IDEAS Power_of_Ideas_Frontmatter.fm Page ii Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:43 PM NO RDI C I NS T I T UT E O F AS I AN S T U D I E S NIAS Studies in Asian Topics 15 Renegotiating Local Values Merete Lie and Ragnhild Lund 16 Leadership on Java Hans Antlöv and Sven Cederroth (eds) 17 Vietnam in a Changing World Irene Nørlund, Carolyn Gates and Vu Cao Dam (eds) 18 Asian Perceptions of Nature Ole Bruun and Arne Kalland (eds) 19 Imperial Policy and Southeast Asian Nationalism Hans Antlöv and Stein Tønnesson (eds) 20 The Village Concept in the Transformation of Rural Southeast Asia Mason C Hoadley and Christer Gunnarsson (eds) 21 Identity in Asian Literature Lisbeth Littrup (ed.) 22 Mongolia in Transition Ole Bruun and Ole Odgaard (eds) 23 Asian Forms of the Nation Stein Tønnesson and Hans Antlöv (eds) 24 The Eternal Storyteller Vibeke Børdahl (ed.) 25 Japanese Influences and Presences in Asia Marie Söderberg and Ian Reader (eds) 26 Muslim Diversity Leif Manger (ed.) 27 Women and Households in Indonesia Juliette Koning, Marleen Nolten, Janet Rodenburg and Ratna Saptari (eds) 28 The House in Southeast Asia Stephen Sparkes and Signe Howell (eds) 29 Rethinking Development in East Asia Pietro P Masina (ed.) 30 Coming of Age in South and Southeast Asia Lenore Manderson and Pranee Liamputtong (eds) 31 Imperial Japan and National Identities in Asia, 1895–1945 Li Narangoa and Robert Cribb (eds) 32 Contesting Visions of the Lao Past Christopher E Goscha and Søren Ivarsson (eds) 33 Reaching for the Dream Melanie Beresford and Tran Ngoc Angie (eds) 34 Mongols from Country to City Ole Bruun and Li Naragoa (eds) 35 Four Masters of Chinese Storytelling Vibeke Børdahl, Fei Li and Huang Ying (eds) 36 The Power of Ideas Claudia Derichs and Thomas Heberer (eds) 37 Beyond the Green Myth Peter Sercombe and Bernard Sellato (eds) 38 Kinship and Food in South-East Asia Monica Janowski and Fiona Kerlogue (eds) Power_of_Ideas_Frontmatter.fm Page iii Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:43 PM THE POWER OF IDEAS Intellectual Input and Political Change in East and Southeast Asia Edited by Claudia Derichs and Thomas Heberer Derichs_start-prelims.fm Page Friday, November 4, 2005 10:28 AM Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Studies in Asian Topics Series, No 35 First published in 2006 by NIAS Press Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Leifsgade 33, DK–2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark tel: (+45) 3532 9501 • fax: (+45) 3532 9549 E–mail: books@nias.ku.dk • Website: www.niaspress.dk Typesetting by Hurix Systems Private Ltd, Mumbai, India Produced by Bookchase Printed and bound in China © Nordic Institute of Asian Studies 2006 While copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, copyright in the individual papers belongs to their authors No paper may be reproduced in whole or in part without the express permission of the author or publisher British Library Catalogue in Publication Data The power of ideas : intellectual input and political change in East and Southeast Asia - (NIAS studies in Asian topics ; no 36) 1.East Asia - Politics and government 2.Asia, Southeastern Politics and government I.Derichs, Claudia II.Heberer, Thomas 320.9’5 ISBN 87-91114-81-0 Power_of_Ideas_Frontmatter.fm Page v Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:43 PM CONTENTS Contributors viii Introduction Claudia Derichs and Thomas Heberer Discourses, Intellectuals, Collective Behaviour and Political Change Theoretical Aspects of Discourses 16 Thomas Heberer The Role of Asian Intellectuals in a Globalized Economy: A Commentary 36 Lee Lai To Diffusion and Spill-Over Effects: Intellectuals’ Discourse and Its Extension into Policy-Making in Japan 46 Karin Adelsberger Bottom-Up Travel of Ideas for Political Reform in Malaysia 64 Claudia Derichs Discourses on Political Reform and Democratization in Transitional China 80 He Zengke Discourses on Democracy and Political Reform in Contemporary South Korea 98 Sunhyuk Kim Political Dissent and Political Reform in Vietnam 1997–2002 115 Carlyle A Thayer New Trends in Chinese Thought: Economics and Morality Olga N Borokh 133 Power_of_Ideas_Frontmatter.fm Page vi Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:43 PM vi 10 The Power of Ideas Village Elections and Three Discourses on Democracy 150 Baogang He 11 Why Do We Look at Political Discourse in Vietnam? 166 Patrick Raszelenberg 12 The Discourse on Contemporary Chinese Nationalism – An Alternative Reading 184 Gunter Schubert 13 Regional Community-Building in Asia? Transnational Discourses, Identity- and Institution-Building in the Fields of Human and Women’s Rights 202 Martina Timmermann 14 The Most Popular Social Movement in China During the 1990s 221 Edward Friedman 15 Chinese Professionals: New Identities and New Style Politics 237 Carol Lee Hamrin 16 NGOs in the Discourse on Political Change and Democratization in Malaysia 255 Saliha Hassan 17 The Impact of Discourses, Institutional Affiliation and Networks among New and Old Elites for Political Reform in China 276 Nora Sausmikat 18 New Ways for Citizens’ Movements to Participate in Political Discourse: The Case of Okinawa 300 Gabriele Vogt Index 315 Power_of_Ideas_Frontmatter.fm Page vii Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:43 PM LIST OF FIGURES 4.1 Classification of influence strategies 48 4.2 Different influence strategies 49 4.3 Channels for influence 58 5.1 Western scheme of idea diffusion 66 17.1 Parameter for diffusion of ideas 280 LIST OF TABLES 8.1 A Typology of Political Dissidents in Vietnam, 1997–2002 125 16.1 A Typology of Earlier Malaysian NGOs 260–261 16.2 Typology of Malaysian NGOs in 1990s 263–264 Power_of_Ideas_Frontmatter.fm Page viii Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:43 PM CONTRIBUTORS Karin Adelsberger is Assistant to the Managing Director for Seikoh Giken Europe In 1992–1997, she studied in East Asia Studies (focus: Japan and politics) in Duisburg (Germany) and Seto (Japan) In 1997, she was an assistant/secretary at Japan External Trade Organization in Düsseldorf (Germany) In 1998–2000, she was a research student at the Faculty of Law and Politics at the University of Tokyo (focus: Japanese reaction to international crises in East Asia) In 2000–2003, she was a research fellow at the Institute of East Asian Studies at the University of Duisburg (Germany) For participating in the research project “Discourses on reform and democratization in East and Southeast Asia”, her planned PhD thesis has the working title “The diffusion of ideas into the policy-making process in Japan” Olga N Borokh is a leading research fellow at the Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Far Eastern Studies (IDV RAN, Moscow) Her major fields of research include intellectual trends in contemporary China with an emphasis on western influences upon Chinese debates on reforms and modernization Her recent book is Contemporary Chinese Economic Thought (1998) Claudia Derichs is an assistant professor for political science at the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of Duisburg, Germany She has published widely on Japanese politics and social movements in Japan in addition to articles on nation-building and political Islam in Southeast Asia, particularly Malaysia Prior to her academic career, Dr Derichs worked as a science journalist Research: Nation-building in Malaysia, Islam and political reform in Southeast Asia and the Middle East (comparative politics) and female political leaders in East, Southeast and South Asia (comparative gender studies) Teaching: Domestic and foreign policy in Japan, political Islam in Southeast Asia and international relations in the Asia-Pacific Edward Friedman is a professor of political science at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, where he teaches courses on the Politics of Human Rights, Challenges of Democratization, Revolution, and Chinese Politics His recent books include Chinese Village, Socialist State (Yale, 1991), The Politics of Democratization: Generalizing East Asian Experiences (1994), National Identity and Democratic Prospects in Socialist China (1995) and What if China doesn't Democratize? Implications for War and Peace (2000) Revolution, Resistance and Reform in Village China (Yale) is forthcoming Power_of_Ideas_Frontmatter.fm Page ix Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:43 PM Contributors ix Carol Lee Hamrin is a Chinese affairs consultant, as well as a research professor at George Mason University in Fairfax, Virginia, where she is working with the Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution (ICAR) and the Center for Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (CAPEC) She also serves as a Senior Associate with several non-profit organizations supporting research and social services in China Carol was the senior China research specialist at the Department of State for 25 years, and has taught at The Johns Hopkins University (School of Advanced International Studies) She has published several books, including Decision-making in Deng’s China and China and the Challenge of the Future, and many book chapters and journal articles Dr Hamrin’s current research interests include the development of the non-profit, non-governmental sector; cultural change, human rights and religious policy and indigenous resources for conflict management Saliha Hassan is an associative professor at the Political Science Programme and an associate fellow at the Institute of Malaysian and International Relations Studies, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia Her main area of research is political development in Malaysia with a focus on the dynamics of democratization as played out in the context of Malaysian civil society Her latest publication is Social Movements in Malaysia: From Moral Communities To NGOs (RoutledgeCurzon 2003), which she co-edited with Meredith L Weiss Baogang He (BA, Hangzhou University, 1981; MA, People’s University of China, Beijing, 1986; PhD, ANU, Australia, 1993) is currently senior research fellow, East Asian Institute, National University of Singapore and reader at the School of Government, the University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia Dr He is the author of The Democratization of China (New York and London: Routledge, 1996, 1998, 2000), The Democratic Implication of Civil Society in China (London: Macmillan, New York: St Martin, 1997), Nationalism, National Identity and Democratization in China (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000, with Yingjie Guo), and Between Democracy and Authority: An Empirical Study of Village Election in Zhejiang, (Wuhan: Central China Normal University Press, 2002, with Lang Youxing) He has also published many book chapters and journal articles Dr He was awarded the Mayer prize by the Australia Political Science Association in 1994 for the best article published in the Australian Journal of Political Science He has been awarded Australian Research Council (ARC) large grants, and five ARC small grants This current work stems from an ARC-funded project and a National University of Singapore-funded project Thomas Heberer is professor of Political Science/East Asian Politics at University of Duisburg, Germany He has worked as a translator and reader at the Foreign Language Press in Peking from 1977 to 1981 Since the early Power_of_Ideas_Chapters.fm Page 306 Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:29 PM 306 The Power of Ideas PAR T I C I P AT I NG I N PO L I T IC A L D I S C OU R S E V I A REFERE NDUMS When citizens “feel that the courts are untrustworthy, elected representatives pay them no heed, and the administrative process is rife with corruption and clientalism” (Norris 1999: 25), they will seek new forms of participation in the policymaking process One of those new means that enable citizens to participate in the policy-making process more directly, i.e without being dependent, on a grand scale, on the established institutions, are referendums The use of referendums is generally increasing worldwide This process must be understood as a result of citizens’ increasing disaffection with the realities of the given political system and a simultaneously rising affection for non-state actors’ methods of policy-making and for civil society in general However, the position of referendums as an instrument of policy-making in the Japanese state is still very weak This weakness has its reasons not only in a lack of resources on the side of the activists, and the general character of the Japanese nation-state, but also in the legal position of referendums in Japan: Chapter five of the Local Autonomy Law clearly subordinates referendums to the system of representative democracy by declaring the result of a referendum as generally non-binding The result of a referendum thus only has to be taken note of by the mayor, respectively by the governor, i.e the government leader of the region the referendum had taken place in The mayor or governor does not need to implement the referendum’s result as government policy Furthermore does the Local Autonomy Law guarantee the city assembly, respectively the prefectural parliament the right to vote down the project of a referendum in the very early phase of its development: After 2% of the eligible voters have signed a petition on a certain topic that they want to be publicly voted about, the local or prefectural representatives have to discuss whether a referendum on this issue shall be held or not As mainly critical projects that may find their political supporters only among the opposition parties, are suggested for referendums, it rather often happens that the demand for a referendum is already stopped at this early stage and the controversial question will never be even put on a ballot for voting (Vogt 2001a, 319–42) Despite those various structural barriers that make it difficult for nonstate actors to use referendums as a powerful means of political participation, referendums are being considered as a valuable method of expressing the people’s political opinion Lackner developed a model of four levels showing how the use of referendums may tremendously influence the political elites, even if the actually voted for result is not being realized: Referendums have pre-effects and after-effects as well as direct effects and indirect effects (Lackner 1999: 81) Research on these effects for the case of Japan has previously been conducted widely (Vogt 2001a, 319–42, Vogt 2003: 91–111) and shall be only briefly addressed here The referendum of September 1996 in Okinawa was the first referendum ever to be held Power_of_Ideas_Chapters.fm Page 307 Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:29 PM New Ways for Citizens’ Movements to Participate in Political Discourse 307 throughout a whole Japanese prefecture There were two demands to be voted on by “I support” or “I oppose”: “Redefinition of the Status of Forces Agreement” and “Reduction of the US military bases” The turnout at the referendum with 59.53% was slightly poorer than expected by the Okinawa Prefectural Government that strongly supported the referendum The vast majority of Okinawans voted for “support”: The result was a 91.26% consent with governor Ôta’s policy of working for a redefinition of the Status of Forces Agreement and a reduction of the US military bases (Mainichi Shinbun, September 9, 1996: 1) The governor thus found what he was searching for, namely a broad public agreement for his political concept He was confirmed in his actions by a huge majority of his people and decided to keep fighting back the step by step stiffer opposition in Tokyo This referendum seems to have had a pioneering impact on Okinawan policies Since, open plebiscites or mayoral elections etc as “hidden plebiscites” have regularly taken place, not only in Okinawa, but also in other Japanese prefectures.5 In December 1997, a public referendum on the building of the so-called heliport, either a floating or anchored, sea-borne airfield located slightly off-shore, was held in Nago-city, a potential location of the heliport The heliport shall, according to the Special Action Committee (SACO) on Okinawa’s Final Reports (SACO 1996a and SACO 1996b), be build in exchange for closing Futenma Marine Corps Air Station The referendum gave the following four options to the people: “I agree with the construction plan” (8.14%); “I oppose construction” (51.64%); “I agree because promised anti-pollution and economic measures can benefit the region” (37.19%); “I oppose construction because such benefits are unlikely” (1.22%); (Asahi Shinbun, December 22, 1997: 1) The final result of the Nago plebiscite, with more than 80% of eligible voters casting their votes, turned to be a neck to neck result with 53.8% opposing and 46.2% agreeing with the plan It became clear that those who were opposed were simply opposed, no matter what economic inducements were offered, whereas those who decided to vote for the heliport took advantage of the softer wording; only a few were willing to support the heliport outright Since the plebiscite was non-binding, Tokyo simply ignored its result Nago’s mayor resigned from office and his successor left the topic to the Okinawa Prefectural Government (Asahi Shimbun, December 25, 1997: 1) With the number of local plebiscites all over Japan rising constantly it will become more and more difficult for Tokyo to ignoring them Among the more recent effects of an increased use of referendums as a means of citizens’ direct political participation, which was to great deals initiated by the Okinawan protest movement, are two factors which have both influenced the political discourse on the issue of the public good On the one hand Japan’s central government supported the enactment of new laws that were to regulate the new dynamics in the nation’s search for efficiently coordinating strives towards a stronger decentralization and those towards Power_of_Ideas_Chapters.fm Page 308 Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:29 PM 308 The Power of Ideas a protection of the centralized system On the other hand, initiated by grassroots movements and generally by actors of the civil society sector, the relationship between the people and the political elite, respectively the bureaucratic elite, began to form new shapes, as clearly shown in the studies of Steinhoff and Yoshida According to Steinhoff there are mainly four different patterns of relationship between public and officials in Japan, especially among Japan’s local governments In her study on those relations (Steinhoff 2000: 115–29) Steinhoff uses the expressions of “kan” and “min”, both abbreviations for “kanryô” (bureaucracy), respectively for “minshû” (people) The system of kan-min relationship equals that of kô-shi relationship, analysed by Yoshida.6 Steinhoff argues that three patterns of kan-min relationship have already been given before in the late 1990s a new, a fourth, pattern was added by the political actions of the Okinawan protest movement The existing patterns were “kan over min”, “kan parallels min” and “min checks kan as equals” The “kan over min” pattern is the traditional relation between the two actors: kan stands vertically above the min, guiding and supervising affairs on their behalf In the case of “kan parallels min” both actors operate on parallel but separate tracks with some degree of common purpose “Min checks kan as equals” is a fairly new pattern that is mainly based on the effects of the Information Disclosure Law of 1999: A greater transparency of political facts and, resulting from that, a wider actual possibility for non-state actors to participate in the policy-making process were guaranteed by this law (Maclachlan 2000: 9–30) The fourth pattern, “kan represents min” was initiated by Okinawan governor Ôta in the wake of the local protest movement This pattern generated a politics of confrontation with the central government and bureaucracies (Steinhoff 2000: 116–23) Following the referendums, through which the “public interest” of the Okinawan people had been made explicit, Ôta conducted a series of negotiations with Tokyo At the Supreme Court the governor declared: I believe that my decision [resistance against the extension of land lease contracts, G.V.] was the only choice available to me as a governor responsible for a prefectural administration that should protect the lives and livelihoods of the people of the prefecture (Ôta 1999: 211–2) The public interest of the Okinawan people has been formulated in the results of the referendums as a demand for reduction and scaling down of the US military presence on the islands However, Prime Minister Hashimoto defined the Japan–US mutual security arrangements as “public goods” and as in the “public interest” (Yoshida 1999: 33–4) The conflict in the definitions of “public interest” and “public good” that arose between the of Okinawa, their representing kan, Ôta, on the one side and the national government on the other side led to an open confrontation of the parties in Power_of_Ideas_Chapters.fm Page 309 Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:29 PM New Ways for Citizens’ Movements to Participate in Political Discourse 309 the 1998 gubernatorial elections By actively interfering in the prefecture’s politics with economic, political (Gabe 2000: 1–24) and psychological (Takara, Oshiro and Maeshiro 2000) means the national government achieved the voting out of office of governor Ôta, the people’s advocate, the break-off of the pattern kan represents min, and finally the significant weakening of Okinawa’s protest movement In contrast to the grassroots-based formation of a new kan-min relationship in Japan, the second direct effect the Okinawan protest movement had on Japan’s current political discourse and political development, the enactment of various new laws, was initiated and regulated by the central government itself This measure, too, was conducted in the name of the public good The central government tried to define Japan’s public good as a balancing act between decentralization and a protection of the centralized system It, however, did not seem to find an integrated guideline in fulfilling this attempt: On the one hand laws that strengthened decentralization, such as the above mentioned Information Disclosure Law or the Law to Promote were enacted The Information Disclosure Law, enacted in 2000, makes it possible for private citizens and non-state political actors to obtain information about ongoing decisionmaking processes in the nation’s political and partially also in the economical sector (Maclachlan 2000: 25–7) The 1995 Law to Promote Decentralization brought with it a “greater latitude to localities in formulating and implementing local initiatives” (Steinhoff 2000: 112) and thus, as well as the Information Disclosure Law did, represented a step towards regulated decentralization of the nation state by enabling the citizens to more directly take part in the nation’s political discourse and decision-making processes On the other hand the Japanese government in spring 1997 mightily, i.e even under the condition of breaking up the up to then four years old de facto coalition between the Social-Democratic and the Liberal-Democratic Party, pushed through both houses of the parliament a revision of the Special Measures Law for Land Used by US Forces The central point of the revised Special Measures Law is its extensive empowerment of the central government By this law the central government, e.g is guaranteed the right to overrule any boycott, supported by local politicians, in questions of land lease The central government seemed to have learned about its vulnerability in its national and international interdependencies in terms of land lease from the case of the Okinawan protest It thus, in this very point, significantly strengthened its centralized system A most recent law that directly concerns non-state actors’ means of participation in the political discourse, is the Law to Promote Specified Nonprofit Activities of March 1998 This so-called NPO Law reflects the above briefly outlined ambivalent attitude of the central government towards the nation’s process of decentralization which is being accompanied by a growing demand for a more direct citizens’ participation in the political discourse, by actors of Japan’s civil society since the late 1990s Power_of_Ideas_Chapters.fm Page 310 Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:29 PM 310 The Power of Ideas It also represents a central part of Japan’s recent discourse on the search for the public good: The central idea that led to a broad demand for an NPO Law was “to create public-interest organizations not subject to official control, paving the way for citizen-led activities in a freer context” (Yoshida 1999: 47) After having overcome a variety of concerns on the official side, some strong opposition from the ruling Liberal-Democratic Party and even a renaming procedure of the law, it was at last, though not in that a clear tone as the citizens’ activists had wished for passed.7 Despite any semi-positive development in stateregulated defining the role of citizens’ political participation, which might also follow pressure from international organizations, such as the OECD, which in its reports in the 1980s and 1990s sharply criticized the weakness of Japan’s NGO sector (Reimann app 203, 479–508), the sector of civil society in Japan still is considered to be relatively little developed One central reason for this phenomenon may be found in the ongoing discourse on public good: Who should be in charge for defining and protecting the public good? Can private organizations, i.e basically anybody outside a political frame, be trusted with this task? Japan’s political discourse on this topic will without any doubt intensify during the following years, as actors of civil society will, e.g by usage of instruments such as referendums, keep demanding a more central role for themselves in the nation’s political decision-making process C ON C L US I ON Since the late 1990s citizens movements in Japan make use of two very powerful new means of political participation They use new media, especially the Internet and mailing lists as a forum of uncontrolled and unmediated articulation Through this new medium they can reach a wide public auditorium and thus gain supporters for their demands, raise money from sympathizers, etc Another very powerful new means of Japan’s citizens movements are referendums They are nowadays being used as an oppositional political instrument Citizens movements in Japan, as shown through the case study on Okinawa, recently started fulfilling their role as “as political watchdogs, as advocates of policy change, and as alternate sources of policy formulation” (Yamamoto and Ashizawa 2001: 27) The Okinawan protest movement on an abstract level focused on three topics: local autonomy, human rights and environmental protection By indeed fulfilling their roles as Yamamoto and Ashizawa characterized them, the Okinawan citizens movements and in their wake also members of the Japanese civil society in general achieved to directly and lastingly shape the public opinion, to introduce new topics, respectively new aspects of known topics, into the political discourse, and finally also to initiate a shift in local politicians’ selfperceptions towards building a stronger alliance with citizens in terms of defining the public interest and the public good These alliances in most cases were directed against the central government and thus must be Power_of_Ideas_Chapters.fm Page 311 Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:29 PM New Ways for Citizens’ Movements to Participate in Political Discourse 311 understood as a significant step towards a decentralization of the Japanese nation state During the late 1990s Japan’s civil society was, due to the use of new powerful means of political participation by non-state actors, immensely strengthened Japan’s civil society has developed much further than the international perception would have believed it to have done When in August 2002 the Japanese government put in operation a nationwide computerized registry of its citizens, many Japanese protested against this governmental project The New York Times called this reaction an “unJapanese response[s]: civil disobedience” (New York Times, August 6th, 2002, Internet) It maybe is only a question of (short) time until the early stage of activism in this case will, through an intense use of the new means of participation in the political discourse, switch into a mass-based protest movement with maybe even transnational alliances against the digitalization of the individual Japan’s civil society is on its way towards becoming a powerful actor in Japan’s political discourse What it needs now to succeed are powerful national and transnational alliances as well as a fairly liberal political and administrative environment that supports its growth Despite all enthusiasm concerning the development of Japan’s civil society, it has to be realized that it nowadays only can exist in some niches provided or tolerated by the central government Japan’s civil society is still in the midst of its “maturing process” (Menju and Aoki 1995: 143) A U TH OR ’S NO TE I am very grateful to Claudia Derichs and Thomas Heberer, both Duisburg University, for inviting me to the conference “Discourse on Political Reform and Democratization in East and Southeast Asia”, held in Duisburg in May 2002 Without their initiative and support this study could not have been conducted Nathalie Rudolf, currently at Tsukuba University, deserves special thanks for most valuable bibliographical hints N O TE S The social movement of the 1950s, the so-called shimagurumi tôsô, mainly focused on a protest against the US military’s land lease system, which was perceived to be highly discriminatory towards the Okinawan land owners The movement of the 1960s, the fukkikyô, demanded the reversion of Okinawa and many surrounding minor islands under Japanese authorities Both movements – as the recent one of the late 1990s also did – drew masses of people of all ages and from all levels of society to participate in them (Vogt 2001b, 305–30) Freeman has conducted extensive research on the reasons of the relatively moderate use of the Internet in Japan’s public sector (Freeman app 2003: 381–411) In the 1990s, the issue of local autonomy developed into one of the central topics of Japan’s political discourse Special attention to this issue in general and to Okinawa’s role for the growing importance of the issue in Japan will be given in the chapter on participating in political discourse via referendums Power_of_Ideas_Chapters.fm Page 312 Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:29 PM 312 The Power of Ideas Political scientists, such as Blechinger and Dosch, expect Japan not to completely cut its ties with the US, but to keep those up and simultaneously strengthen its coalitions with the Asian countries (Blechinger 1998: 71–106 and Dosch 2000: 87–110) The first ever referendum in Japan was held in the city of Maki in Niigata prefecture in August 1996 The citizens voted down construction of a nuclear power plant (Kubiak 1999) Initiated by the enormous medial success of the Okinawan referendums a not to be underestimated number of referendums since have been held nationwide Adelsberger (Adelsberger 2001: 26–31), respectively Neumann (Neumann 2002: 138–58), provide more information on this topic Yoshida argues that there are three conditions that are necessary to keep up an intact society With pointed emphasis on the public sector, those are the recognition of the public interest, a set of rules to maintain the public interest, and actors who protect and advance the public interest The characteristic of modern-day Japan as a “‘public-equals-official’ society” (Yoshida 1999: 13) is that the government itself has assumed the initiative in fulfilling all three conditions almost singlehandedly The central government bureaucracy maintained a virtual monopoly on decision-making authority It was the advert of a new public consciousness that led Japan into experiencing the emergence of civil society The Japanese society has come up with a new concept of public interest and attempts to define what is “public” The Chinese character “kô” that is used in the Japanese language to express “public”, historically has got two dimensions Besides the meaning of “public” it also expresses the meaning of “government/ruling authority” Nowadays “kô” also is used in these very different two meanings There is e.g “kôbunsho”, meaning “government document” and there also is e.g “kôeki”, meaning the “public interest” Both expressions are written with the same character for “kô” As opposite of “kô” Yoshida understands “shi”, in the meaning of “private / self” (Yoshida 1999: 24–9) The text of the NPO Law in an English translation can e.g be found at the Japan Center for International Exchange’s Internet homepage: http://www.jcie.or.jp/ civilnet/monitor/npo_law.html REFERENC ES Adelsberger, Karin Redemokratisierung Japans durch die politischen Reformen seit den neunziger Jahren? Project Discussion Paper No 16/2001 Duisburg: Gerhard– Mercator–University, 2001 Asahi Shinbun, (December 22, 1997): “Kaijô kichi “Hantai” ga 53%” [53% vote against the heliport], Asahi Shinbun, (December 1997): “Nago shichô, kaijô kichi ukeire” [Mayor of Nago: Acceptance of Heliport], Beck, Ulrich Risikogesellschaft Auf dem Weg in eine andere Moderne Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1986 Blechinger, Verena “Zwischen Bilateralismus und Regionalismus: Die innenpolitische Debatte über eine neue politische Rolle Japans in Asien,” in Japanstudien, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Instituts für Japanstudien Vol 10, 1998: 71–106 Blechinger, Verena Japanese Politicians online–election campaigning in the digital era Presentation at the annual conference of “German Association for Social Science Research on Japan”, Berlin, 16.12.2001 Bowen-Francis, Carolyn “Women and Military Violence,” in Okinawa: Cold War Island Edited by Chalmers Johnson Cardiff: Japan Policy Research Institute, 2001: 189–203 Power_of_Ideas_Chapters.fm Page 313 Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:29 PM New Ways for Citizens’ Movements to Participate in Political Discourse 313 Derichs, Claudia und Thomas Heberer Politische Reform- und Demokratisierungsdiskurse im Lichte neuer Prozesse regionaler Gemeinschaftsbildung (Discourses on Political Reform and Democratization in the Light of New Processes of Regional Community-Building) Project Discussion Paper No 1/2000 Duisburg: Gerhard–Mercator–University Dosch, Jörn “Asia–Pacific Multilateralism and the Role of the United States,” in International Relations in the Asia–Pacific New Patterns of Power, Interest and Cooperation Edited by Jörn Dosch and Manfred Mols Münster: LIT, 87–110 Freeman, Laurie Anne “Mobilizing and Demobilizing the Japanese Public Sphere: Mass Media and Internet in Japan,” in The State of Civil Society in Japan Edited by Frank J Schwartz and Susan J Pharr Forthcoming app in 2003: 381–411 Gabe Masaaki ‘Sonchô’ to iu mei no kyôsei (Compulsion of the term ‘respect’) Presentation manuscript, 27.01.2000, Tôkyô: Rikkyô University, 2000, pp 1–24 (later on published in Sekai 01/2002: 34–46) Groth, David Earl “Media and Political Protest: The Bullet Train Movements,” in Media and Politics in Japan Edited by Susan Pharr and Ellis S Krauss Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1996: 213–241 JANIC Japan NGO Center for International Cooperation URL: http://www.janic.org, 2000 JCIE Japan Center for International Exchange URL: http://www.jcie.or.jp, 2002 Johnson, Chalmers “The Heliport, Nago, and the End of the Ota Era,” in Okinawa: Cold War Island Edited by Chalmers Johnson Cardiff: Japan Policy Research Institute, 1999: 215–232 Keohane, Robert O and Joseph S Nye, Jr Power and Interdependence in the Information Age URL: http://www.ksg.harvard.edu/prg/nye/power.pdf (1998) Kubiak, W David “Japanese Democracy: Take 2–A muddy grassroots riposte to recent sunny views from the ivory tower.” URL: http://www.nancho.net/cityhall/ktodem.html Lackner, Stefanie “Willensbildung im Rahmen von Bürgerentscheiden,” in Direkte Demokratie in Theorie und kommunaler Praxis (Studien zur Demokratieforschung, Band 2) Edited by Theo Schiller Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 1999: 69–113 Mainichi Shinbun (September 9, 1996): “Kichi shukushô” sansei wa wari kosu [Support for “Reduction of bases” exceed 90%], Maclachlan, Patricia L “Information Disclosure and the Center-Local Relationship in Japan,” in Local Voices, National Issues The Impact of Local Initiative in Japanese Policy-Making (Michigan Monograph Series in Japanese Studies, Number 31) Edited by Sheila A Smith Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan, 2000: 9–30 Menju Toshihiro and Aoki Takako “The Evolution of Japanese NGOs in the Asia Pacific Context,” in Emerging Civil Society in the Asia Pacific Community Edited by Yamamoto Tadashi Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies and Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 1995: 143–160 Neumann, Stefanie Politische Partizipation in Japan (Politische Aspekte Japans 1) Norderstedt: Books on Demand, 2002 New York Times (August 6, 2002): “Japan in an Uproar as ‘Big Brother’ Computer File Kicks In.” URL: http://www.nytimes.com/2002/08/06/international/asia/ 06JAPA.html Nonprofit Japan Nonprofit Japan–Information about Civic Grassroots activities URL: http://www.igc.org/ohdakefoundation/ (2002) Power_of_Ideas_Chapters.fm Page 314 Wednesday, September 21, 2005 12:29 PM 314 The Power of Ideas Norris, Pippa “Introduction: The Growth of Critical Citizens?” In Critical Citizens Global Support for Democratic Governance Edited by Pippa Norris Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999: 1–27 Ôta Masahide “Governor Ota at the Supreme Court of Japan,” in Okinawa: Cold War Island Edited by Chalmers Johnson Cardiff: Japan Policy Research Institute, 1999: 205–214 Reimann, Kim “Building Global Civil Society from the Outside,” in The State of Civil Society in Japan Edited by Frank J Schwartz and Susan J Pharr Forthcoming app in 2003: 479–507 SACO The SACO Final Report URL: http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/n-america/us/ security/96saco1.html (1996a) SACO The SACO Final Report on Futenma Air Station URL: http://www.mofa.go.jp/ region/n-america/us/security/96saco2.html (1996b) Save the Dugong Foundation of Nago City, Okinawa Save the Dugong URL: http:// www.jinbun.co.jp/dugong-e/ (2000) Shimabukuro Hiroe Red Card Movement URL: http://www.cosmos.ne.jp/~redcardm/ (2000) Steinhoff, Patricia G “Kan-Min Relations in Local Government,” in Local Voices, National Issues The Impact of Local Initiative in Japanese Policy-Making (Michigan Monograph Series in Japanese Studies, Number 31) Edited by Sheila A SmithAnn Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan, 2000: 115–129 Takara Kurayoshi, Oshiro Tsuneo and Maeshiro Morisada Toward an Okinawa Initiative – A Possible Role for Okinawa in Asian Pacific URL: http://www.jcie.or.jp/books/ abstracts/C/apap_okinawa.pdf (2000) Vogt, Gabriele “Alle Macht dem Volk? Das Direktdemokratische Instrument als Chance für das politische System Japans,” in Japanstudien, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Instituts für Japanstudien Band 13, 319–342 (2001 a) Vogt, Gabriele “The Ryûkyûs under U.S Occupation.” Ryûkyû in World History (Japan Archiv, Band 2) Edited by Josef Kreiner Bonn: Bier’sche Verlagsanstalt, 2001: 305–330 (2001b) Vogt, Gabriele “Die Renaissance der Friedensbewegung in Okinawa Innen- und außenpolitische Dimensionen 1995–2000.” München: Iudicium (2003) Yamamoto Tadashi and Kim Gould Ashizawa “Overview,” in Governance and Civil Society in a Global Age New York, Tôkyô: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2001: 9–29 Yamauchi Naoto “NPO dêtabukku.” Tôkyô: Yûhikaku, (2001) Yoshida Shin’ichi “Rethinking the Public Interest in Japan: Civil Society in the Making,” in Deciding the Public Good Governance and Civil Society in Japan Edited by Tadashi Yamamoto Tokyo, New York: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2001: 13–49 Power_of_Ideas_Index_Generated.fm Page 315 Monday, September 26, 2005 8:06 PM INDEX A Acheson, Dean, 229 Akerlof, George, 135 Alatas, Syed Hussein, 18 Anwar Ibrahim, 67, 70, 71, 77, 115, 255, 259, 262, 265, 267 Aquino, Benigno, 233 Arrow, Kenneth, 136 Ashaari Muhammad, 265, 266 Asian crisis, 1, 3, 4, 5, 14, 26, 204, 207 Asian democracy, 82 Asian values, 5, 42, 95, 202, 204, 206, 207, 210, 216, 217, 244, 262, 263, 266 Aum Shinrikyo, 227 Aung San Suu Kyi, 228, 233, 240 B Bangsa Malaysia, 270 Bao Cu See Tieu Dao Bao Tong, 283 Bian Wu, 143, 149 Bourdieu, Pierre, 22, 23, 33 Brezhnev, Leonid, 223, 233 Buchanan, James, 136 Bui Minh Quoc, 122, 123, 124 Bui Tin, 118, 131 bumiputera, 75, 77, 259 Burke, Edmund, 282 C Cao Siyuan, 27, 33, 284, 286, 297, 298 ceramah, 69 chaebol, 104, 108 Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, 115 chayu minjuu ği, 99 Chen Jan, 200 Chen Mingming, 15, 27 Chen Shui Bian, 40 Chen Yizi, 283 Chiang Kai-shek, 229 Chinh See Hoang Minh Chinh Chun Doo Hwan, 99, 100 Churchill, Winston, 139 citizens, 13, 27, 47, 48, 55–57, 61, 69, 84, 86, 88, 103, 105–107, 111, 122, 124, 127, 185, 193, 238, 240, 249, 258, 260, 265, 270, 291, 292, 295, 301–312 passim citizens’ movements, 13, 48, 55, 56, 57, 61, 105, 106, 301, 302, 303 citizenship, 104, 159, 184, 185, 186 civil organizations, 83, 95 civil society, 4, 8, 12, 26, 38, 42, 45, 50, 62, 67, 74, 77, 80, 82, 83, 95, 96, 104, 109, 111–113, 154, 155, 182, 208, 223, 232, 256–258, 262, 265, 266–276, 281, 282, 291, 293, 294, 301–314 passim Clinton, Bill, 244, 246 collective action, 4, 24, 25 collective behaviour, 16, 17, 22 collective democracy, 160, 162, 165 colonialism, corruption, 5, 8, 12, 15, 17, 19, 21, 24, 26–28, 33, 34, 42, 46, 67, 80, 81, 87–89, 95, 96, 101, 102, 106–111, 113, 116, 118, 119, 121, 124, 126, 127, 128, 130, 140, 144–146, 148, 170, 173, 175, 176, 178, 181, 182, 242, 245, 250, 257, 265, 266, 268, 269, 287, 290, 292, 294, 295, 298, 306 Crane, George T., 195, 201 Cui Zhiyuan, 158, 164, 289, 294 Cultural Revolution, 13, 23, 85, 278, 283, 285, 286, 289, 290, 294 D Dalat Group, 117, 122 Dao See Nguyen Van Dao Daoism See Taoism decentralization, 13, 87, 102, 307, 309, 311 decision-making, 2, 7, 17, 21, 26, 30, 56, 64, 65, 67, 76, 77, 130, 158, 164, 247, 257, 259, 279, 287, 295, 309, 312 democracy, 2–15 passim, 27, 28, 32, 34, 42, 64, 71, 72, 77, 80–84, 87–89, 95–108 passim, 111–113, 116–124 passim, 131, 132, 139, 150–165, 176–178, 184, 192–198, 200, 206, 218, 223, 227–236, 241, 244, 246, 256–273 passim, 278, 281, 282, 286, 289, 291, 292, 295, 296, 298, 303, 306, 313 democratization, 3, 5, 6, 8, 14, 28, 29, 34, 61, 67, 68, 72, 80–84, 88, 95, 99, 104–109, 111, 115, 126, 128, 152–154, 159, 162, 176, 177, 221, 233, 244, 256–258, 262, 265, 267, 270– 273, 276, 285, 288, 289, 291, 296, 301 Deng Xiaoping, 85, 88, 89, 92, 96, 189, 194, 225, 231, 240, 246, 285, 286 developing countries, 17, 19, 154, 229 Power_of_Ideas_Index_Generated.fm Page 316 Monday, September 26, 2005 8:06 PM 316 The Power of Ideas developmentalism, 255 dictablanda (liberalized authoritarianism), 100 Ding Xueliang, 26 discourse strategies, 17, 23, 280 Do Muoi, 117 doi moi (renovation), 116–118, 122, 124, 182 Du Runsheng, 284 E elections, 9, 10, 27, 72, 73, 81, 84, 99, 106, 108, 115, 126, 150–165 passim, 216, 256, 257, 272, 280, 285, 286, 295, 300, 303, 307, 309 environment, 21, 42, 43, 52, 78, 83, 106, 134, 172, 174, 176, 202, 204, 205, 208, 215, 238, 243, 244, 254, 257, 259, 265, 266, 268, 272, 273, 278, 288, 301, 305, 310, 311 epistemic communities, 14, 279 Evers, Adalbert, 17, 32 F Falun Gong, 11, 221–235, 246 Fan Gang, 134, 138, 139, 140, 148 Fan Yew Teng, 265 Fang Lizhi, 278, 296 Fernandez, Irene, 265, 266 Fitzgerald, John, 189, 193–196, 199, 201 Flacks, Dick, 25, 33 Forsyth, Murray, 185, 186, 193, 197 Foucault, Michel, 18, 19, 32, 171 Four Cardinal Principles, 25, 282, 286 four typhoons, 117, 119 fragmented authoritarianism, 20 framing, 8, 9, 29, 31, 47 Friedman, Milton, 136 G gakushiki keikensha (persons of learning and experience), 50 Gan Yang, 277, 289, 293 gender, 102, 103, 106, 202, 205, 215, 263, 272 generation, 23, 68, 85, 88, 89, 117, 123, 133, 206, 208, 234, 237, 240, 252–254, 264, 272, 276, 278, 283, 285, 290, 294 Giddens, Anthony, 253 globalization, 6, 36, 37, 38, 40–42, 44, 112, 184, 190, 198, 224, 237, 240, 242–245, 253, 254, 259, 260, 267, 272, 275, 290 good governance, 5, 82, 90, 245, 257, 262, 263, 265, 266, 268, 270, 273 Gorbachev, Mikhail, 287 governance, 38, 64, 82, 83, 90, 239, 244, 257, 262, 265, 270, 275, 288 See also good governance Gramsci, Antonio, 20, 32 grassroots, 11, 39, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 203, 211, 257, 258, 265, 267, 268, 269, 276, 292, 304, 308, 309, 313 guanxi, 135, 200 Guo Dahui, 27 Guo Jianmei, 292, 298 Gurmit Singh, 265, 266 H hu ğpsu t’ongil, 101 Ha Si Phu, 120, 122 Habermas, Jürgen, 4, 14, 28, 32, 138, 181 Hall, Peter A., 16, 30, 268 Havel, Vaclav, 19, 24, 32 Hayek, Friedrich, 136, 137, 142, 143, 149, 186 He Qinglian, 27, 33, 92, 97, 134, 137, 142–149 passim, 245, 294 He Weifang, 27, 33 Heidegger, Martin, 138 Hitler, Adolf, 139 Hoang Minh Chinh, 119–121, 131 Hoang Tien, 120–121 Hu Angang, 89, 92, 96, 97, 251, 290, 291, 298 Hu Jintao, 252, 278 Hu Yaobang, 284, 285, 286, 289, 297 Huang Weiping, 84 Huang Weiting, 287 human rights, 4, 9, 42, 70, 74, 78, 93, 102, 103, 107, 111, 122, 124, 128, 131, 188, 202–212, 215–219, 233, 234, 244, 259, 262–275 passim, 281, 301, 305, 310 I idea producers, 16 ideas, 1–3, 6, 7, 10, 13–34 passim, 36, 37, 39, 40, 43, 44, 47, 48, 50, 53, 54– 58, 60, 62, 64– 66, 70, 74–77, 85, 92, 96, 97, 128, 133, 136, 140, 144–146, 150, 152, 162, 170, 174, 178, 179, 180, 192, 203, 204, 216, 230, 237, 252, 253, 254, 271, 276, 279, 280–282, 284, 286, 288, 289, 290 identity, 2, 9, 12, 13, 19, 21, 25, 42, 155, 156, 168, 172, 184, 185, 189–193, 196–209 passim, 212, 215–217, 219, 238, 240, 244, 250, 254, 260, 270, 278, 279, 295, 296 Power_of_Ideas_Index_Generated.fm Page 317 Monday, September 26, 2005 8:06 PM Index Inamine Kei’ichi, 300 indigenous, 2, 3, 75, 138, 154, 225, 259, 268, 269, 272, 293 individualization, 22 informal politics, 54, 287 institutional amphibiousness, 25 institutional innovations, 8, 80, 88, 89, 95 institution-building, 9, 202, 203, 206–218 passim, 292 institutions, 34, 62, 113, 133, 147, 217, 233, 279 intellectual community, 16, 30, 293 intellectual discourses, 5, 17 intellectuals, 1, 2, 5–29 passim, 32–66 passim, 70, 74–77, 81, 83, 87, 90, 92, 93, 100, 103, 105, 106, 111, 112, 116, 117, 119–123, 128, 130, 131, 133, 134, 136–138, 144, 147, 150, 156, 158, 159, 164, 167, 171, 174, 175, 180, 190–192, 196, 199, 221, 237–246, 248, 250, 251, 254, 271, 272, 276–287, 289, 290, 292– 298 interest group politics, 249 interest groups, 7, 31, 46, 50, 60, 77, 250, 279 Internal Security Act, 67, 70, 255, 259, 260, 263, 268 Internet, 4, 6, 13, 14, 40, 56, 93, 123, 124, 128, 132, 134, 182, 228, 239, 240, 243, 246, 250, 265, 271, 292, 297–304, 310–313 iron triangle, ISA See Internal Security Act J Jiang Zemin, 8, 11, 88, 89, 94, 96, 97, 124, 146, 198, 221, 225, 226, 234, 235, 244, 249, 250, 252, 278, 285, 286, 296 Jin Guantao, 241, 298 K kaeh oğk (reform), 98 kakuremino (invisible fairy cloaks), 50 Kang Xiaoguang, 250, 251 kan-min relationship, 308, 309 Ke Lin, 28, 34 Kent, Ann, 157, 164 Khrushchev, Nikita, 223 Kim Dae Jung, 5, 8, 14, 15, 40, 98, 100, 102– 104, 107–114, 196, 197, 228, 233, 314 Kim Jong Pil, 110 Kim Young Sam, 8, 98, 100, 101, 102, 108, 109, 111, 112, 113 317 knowledge, 6–8, 12, 16, 17, 20, 22, 23, 29, 30, 36–38, 44, 46, 50, 54, 58, 60, 69, 136, 138, 147, 149, 175, 222, 239, 241, 248, 250, 253 knowledge entrepreneurs, 253 knowledge professionals, 20 knowledge workers, 253 Konrad, Györgi, 24, 32, 33, 219 Koslowski, Peter, 136 Kymlicka, William, 156 L Le Chi Quang, 118, 123, 124 Le Hong Ha, 120 Le Kha Phieu, 117, 120, 128 Le Pen, Jean, 230 Lee Hoi Chang, 110 Lee Kuan Yew, legitimacy, 30, 81, 95, 99, 112, 115–117, 173, 176, 178–191 passim, 195, 200, 249, 253, 272, 288, 295 Lei Feng, 145 Li Cheng, 249, 278, 296 Li Denghui, 188 Li Fan, 283, 284, 285, 297 Li Hongzhi, 222, 223, 225, 227, 231, 234 Li Peng, 226, 235 Li Rui, 284, 286 Li Shenzhi, 244, 297 Li Yining, 245, 293 Liang Xiaosheng, 90, 97, 148 liberalization, 3, 18, 22, 25, 223, 262, 263, 267, 269, 282, 287 liberalized authoritarianism, 100 Liu Fengzhi, 27 Liu Guoguang, 245 Liu Junning, 27, 34, 96, 282, 294, 297 Liu Qingfeng, 232, 236 Liu Xiaofeng, 293 local autonomy, 13, 102, 301, 310, 311 Lu Xueyi, 91, 97 Luhmann, Niklas, 26 Luo Gan, 226 M Madsen, Richard, 235, 247, 254 Mahathir Muhammad, 67, 70, 78, 115, 255, 259, 260, 264, 272 Mai Chi Tho, 119 Mai Thai Linh, 122 Mandela, Nelson, 233 Power_of_Ideas_Index_Generated.fm Page 318 Monday, September 26, 2005 8:06 PM 318 The Power of Ideas Mandelson, Peter, 253 Manicas, Peter T., 158 Mannheim, Karl, 18, 23, 32, 33 Mao Yushi, 133, 141, 142, 147, 148, 149, 284, 285, 297 Mao Zedong, 133, 141, 142, 147–149, 158, 221–226, 229, 231, 234, 237, 247, 251, 252, 284, 285, 289, 297 Marks, Robert, 279, 297 Marx, Karl, 143 masyarakat madani (democratic, Islamic state), 266, 273 media, 3, 10, 13, 25, 27, 47, 51, 55–57, 60, 62, 64, 67, 71, 72, 74, 78, 93, 102, 116, 130, 173, 179, 182, 188, 239, 246, 250, 251, 256, 263, 271, 276, 279, 283, 286, 291, 292, 301–305, 310 Merdeka, 258, 273 middle classes, 38, 68, 70, 72, 74, 75, 90, 103, 106, 257, 273, 283 Mises, Ludwig von, 143 modernization, 7, 17, 18, 20–22, 33, 37, 80, 81, 92, 94, 95, 97, 186, 191, 199, 222, 223, 231, 237, 241, 255, 269, 277, 279, 281–283, 291, 294 morality, 10, 14, 101, 133–149 passim, 226, 251, 273 Musa Hitam, 259 Muzaffar, Chandra, 259, 265, 269, 274 Myrdal, Gunnar, 142 N Nakasone, Yasuhiro, 53 National Development Policy, 68, 257 national identity, 189, 197, 199, 217 National Security Law, 100, 102, 103, 107, 111 nationalism, 8–11, 22, 32, 42, 80, 92–97, 184– 201, 219, 221, 225, 231, 233–236, 258, 260, 274, 281, 282, 293, 294 nationalists, 10, 92, 93, 94, 124, 184, 185, 187, 190–200, 250, 296 neo-authoritarianism, 80, 81, 83, 95 nepotism, 5, 12, 257, 265, 266 networking, 4, 13, 119, 120, 271 networks, 4, 5, 11, 13, 23–25, 29, 52, 57, 60, 118–123, 129, 130, 155, 214, 233, 246, 258, 263, 264, 267, 272, 276, 278, 279, 284, 286, 289, 292, 295, 302 New Economic Policy, 68, 257, 262 NGOs, 1, 4, 5, 6, 9, 12, 14, 42, 47, 55–57, 64, 65, 68, 70, 77, 82, 130, 159, 203–218 passim, 255–272 passim, 275, 281, 283, 291, 304, 313 Nguyen Dan Que, 118 Nguyen Khac Toan, 123, 124 Nguyen Thanh Giang, 120–122 Nguyen Thi Thanh Xuan, 123, 182 Nguyen Trung Thanh, 120 Nguyen Van Dao, 119, 129 Nguyen Vu Binh, 123, 124 Nguyen Xuan Tu, 120, 121, 122, 123 Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, 69 Nong Duc Manh,, 121, 182 non-profit organizations, 246 North, Douglass C., 136 Nowotny, Helga, 17, 32 O Öffentlichkeit (public space), 28, 32, 181 Operasi Lalang, 259, 260, 263 Ôta Masahide, 300, 303, 307, 308, 314 P Park Chung Hee, 99, 110 participation, 2, 5, 13, 15, 20, 24, 27, 34, 49–51, 57–61, 81, 82, 88, 102, 104, 106, 107, 151– 163 passim, 189, 191, 222, 245, 247, 251, 253, 256–258, 262, 263, 270, 276, 283, 289, 305–310 participative communication, 17, 32 participatory democracy, 102, 103, 107, 158, 259 paternalism, 160 patronage, 5, 75, 118 Pemantau, 260, 265 Pham Hong Son, 123, 124, 129, 131 Pham Que Duong, 120, 121, 124, 129 Phan Dinh Dieu, 119 Phan Dinh Dieu, 119, 123, 131, 132 Phan Van Khai, 126 Phieu See Le Kha Phieu policy intellectuals, 20 political change, 16, 32, 204, 255, 270 political culture, 2, 5, 21, 68, 159, 169, 269, 270, 272 political development, 7, 80, 84, 87, 150, 159, 269, 309 political influence, 30, 188, 251 political movement, 221 political opportunities, 24 political participation, 27, 159, 310, 311 political reform, 7, 8, 12, 14, 23, 26, 27, 29, 46, 47, 61, 64, 65, 80, 81, 83, 87–89, 95–99, 102, 105–130 passim, 146, 163, 199, 237, 244, 251– 253, 276–285, 288, 291–297, 301, 311, 313 Power_of_Ideas_Index_Generated.fm Page 319 Monday, September 26, 2005 8:06 PM Index political stability, 80–82, 86–88, 95, 110, 117, 173 Popper, Karl R 186 post-totalitarian systems, 19 private entrepreneurs, 12, 91, 156, 249, 283 professionals, 11, 12, 41, 91, 106, 133, 135, 137, 138, 142, 145, 147, 175, 237–241, 244–250, 253, 266, 267, 271, 278, 286, 288, 291 public space, 25, 28 Q Qian Xuesen, 225 qigong, 11, 221–228, 231, 232, 234 Qin Hui, 134, 143, 293 Quang See Le Chi Quang R red capitalists, 122, 249 referendum, 13, 177, 301, 305–308, 310–312 reform syndrome, 98 Reformasi, 1, 12, 255, 257, 260, 262, 263, 267, 268, 269 regionalism, Rhee, Syngman, 99, 102 road maps, 7, 29 Roh Tae Woo, 100, 101, 108 Rong Shixing 28, 84 Rose-Ackerman, Susan, 29 Rueschemeyer, Dietrich, 16, 31, 32, 34 Rukunegara, 25 rule by law, 251, 269 rule of law, 8, 80, 84, 85, 86, 95, 103, 128, 153, 242, 244, 269, 281, 282, 291, 298 S Sachs, Jeffrey, 143 Said, Edward W., 19, 32 Sakharov, Andrei, 231 Sen, Amartya, 136, 137 shaping politics, 16 Sheng Hong, 97, 133, 137, 140–142, 148, 149 Shih, Chih-yu, 2, 14, 154, 155, 164, 165 Shils, Edward, 19, 32, 45, 60, 63 Shimabukuro Hiroe, 303–304 Shue, Vivienne, 231 Simon, H., 136 sinhan’guk (new Korea), 101 319 Skocpol, Theda, 16, 31, 32, 34, 35 Smith, Adam, 136, 148 social and political movements, 24 social change, 20, 25, 27, 68 social discourses, 17, 278 social justice, 8, 80, 91, 92, 95, 142, 149, 151, 190, 257, 259, 260, 262, 263, 265, 266, 268, 270, 273 social movement, 8, 11, 25, 98, 100, 104–107, 111, 112, 222, 234, 244, 267, 302, 311 social organizations, 291 social stratification, 90 socialist spiritual civilization, 133 Solzhenitsyn, Alexander, 231 Spence, Michael, 135 spill-over (effects), 17, 29, 31, 50 Stalin, Josef, 228, 229 state corporatism, 250 state learning, 4, 30 Stiglitz, Joseph, 135 Su Shaozhi, 286 Suharto, 70, 71, 115, 224 Sun Binglin, 293 Sun Changjiang, 41, 289 Sun Xupei, 27 Suqiu movement, 265 Szelenyi, Ivan, 24 T Tang Yijie, 232, 236 Tao Dongmin, 27 Taoism, 9, 137, 222, 244 Thanpuying Sumalee Chartikavanij, 213 Thich Quang Do, 118 think tanks, 8, 13, 30, 37, 39, 47–53, 59, 62, 64, 65, 75–77, 134, 240, 251, 277, 283–289, 295, 296 third sector, 80, 82, 95, 96, 251, 291 Third Way, 251, 253 Three Represents, 8, 80, 94, 95, 97, 250, 252, 283, 288 Tianjian Shi, 155, 164 Tien Phong (newspaper), 126 Tien See Hoang Tien Tieu Dao, 122, 131 Tillich, Paul, 138 timing, 8, 65, 77 Toan See Nguyen Khac Toan Toffler, Alvin 245 Tran Do, 9, 116, 118, 121, 122, 124, 126–131 Tran Dung Tien, 120, 121 Power_of_Ideas_Index_Generated.fm Page 320 Monday, September 26, 2005 8:06 PM 320 The Power of Ideas Tran Van Khue, 121, 123, 124 transformation, 16, 18, 83, 86, 130, 143, 190, 199, 237, 241, 248, 277 transnational, 2–5, 9, 19, 202, 205–210 passim, 212, 215, 216, 234, 235, 239, 271, 294, 301, 304, 311 trust, 54, 135, 143, 156, 278 V Vietnam Fatherland Front, 119, 123, 128, 130 village democracy, 10, 150, 152, 154, 155, 156, 161, 177 village elections, 2, 3, 10, 150–165, 288 village self-governance, 84, 95 Vision 2020, 75, 263 Vu Cao Quan, 120, 121, 129 W Wang Dingding, 138, 148 Wang Guixiu, 27, 34, 86, 87, 96 Wang Hui, 289, 292–294, 298, 299 Wang Huning, 86, 87, 96 Wang Jian, 287 Wang Shaoguang, 92, 97, 252, 289, 290, 294, 298 Wang Zeke, 135, 138, 148 Waswasan 2020 See Vision 2020 Weber, Max, 143 Wei Jingsheng, 194, 201 Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 138 women, 4, 69, 73, 74, 77, 104, 160, 202, 203, 206–208, 212–219, 222, 225, 226, 230, 260, 263, 265–269, 292, 304, 312 World Trade Organization, 36, 243 WTO, 36, 85, 93, 243, 246, 247, 277, 282, 294 Wu Guoguang, 200, 287, 290, 298 Wu Jinglian, 284 Wu Mingyu, 284 X Xiao Gongqin, 86, 87, 94, 96, 97, 282, 283, 294 Xu Yong, 84, 165 Xu Youyu, 294 Y Yang Fan, 27, 34 Yang Jiliang, 28, 34 Yang Yiyong, 91, 97 Yeo, George, 43 Yizi See Chen Yizi Yu Guangyuan, 284, 286, 297 Yu Keping, 86, 88, 96, 298 Yufan Hao, 28 Z Zhang Huoan, 161 Zhang Shuguang, 133, 134, 136, 140, 146–149 Zhang Weiying, 140 Zhang Wuchang, 140 Zhao Ziyang, 284–290 passim Zheng Bijian, 252, 288 Zhong Min, 28, 97, 224, 225, 235, 260 Zhou Duo, 281 Zhu Rongji, 226, 235, 239, 245, 246, 251 Zhu Xueqin, 293, 294, 299 zoku (expert) politicians, 46, 57