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Encyclopedia of world history (facts on file library of world history) 7 volume set ( PDFDrive ) 1538

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328 Rajputs and the scientific community in general universally agree, there does not exist, “out there in the world,” an objective biogenetic reality that corresponds to historically developed, “commonsensical” conceptions of “race.” Among the most common facts cited in support of this argument is that there exists far more biogenetic diversity within a given “race” (say, Africans or Caucasians) than between “races.” A frequently invoked distinction in this regard is between “genotype” and “phenotype.” The latter, comprising various visible markers such as skin color, hair texture, and so on, bears no substantial relation to the former, which consists of an individual’s (or, more broadly, an organism’s) genetic makeup and heredity These and related contemporary understandings of “race” did not exist in the period covered in this volume Instead there emerged across Latin America and the Caribbean highly elaborate and varied racial categories meant to pigeonhole any given individual’s racial background and characteristics In addition to mestizos (Indian-Spanish), mulattos and pardos (African-Spanish), and zambos (African-Indian), there emerged in Spanish America, in different times and places, hundreds of more precise categories: castizo or quadroon (mestizo-Spanish), octoroon (quadroon-Spanish), quintroon or sextroon (octoroon-Spanish), Morisco (mulatto-Spanish), cholo (mestizo-Indian), quinterona (Spanish-mulatto), and many more Toward the end of the colonial period, such efforts to pinpoint racial categories faltered, leading to increasing use of the generic term castas to refer to mixed-race peoples generally In Portuguese Brazil the most salient categories were mamelucos, mestiỗos, and caboclos The greater propensity for Portuguese men (and to a lesser extent, women) to mix freely and intermarry with indigenous and African populations, and with their “mixed-race” offspring, eventually led, after independence, to a Brazilian national myth of “racial democracy”—the notion that racism did not exist in Brazil The fallacious nature of this myth is the subject of an expansive literature In fact, in Brazil as elsewhere in the Americas, there existed a very strong correlation between social class and social race Darker skin and more Indian or African phenotypes were most commonly associated with lower social class and lesser social privilege, lighter skin and more European physiognomy with higher social class and greater social privilege Intricate gradations of racial categories did not mean an absence of racism, but rather different forms of race and racism in different parts of the Americas—not only in Spanish, Portuguese, and British colonies, but in French and Dutch colonies as well In virtually every sphere, from major social indices such as employment and life expectancy, to popular media such as television and film, the legacies of those distinctive heritages of racism remain profoundly apparent to the present day Further reading: Alleyne, Mervyn C Construction and Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and the World Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 2001; Harris, Marvin Patterns of Race in the Americas New York: Walker & Company, 1964; Morner, Magnus Race Mixture in the History of Latin America Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1967; Toplin, Robert B., ed Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1974 Michael J Schroeder Rajputs Rajputs (literally, “children of kings”) are members of a Hindu aristocratic caste (kshatriya, or warrior) settled mainly in northwestern India, who may have Central Asian origins The Rajputs have been influential in the political history of India since the eighth century By late 15th century, they were engaged in battles against the Turko-Afghans of the Delhi Sultanate, and by the mid16th century they came under control of the Mughals (Moguls, Moghuls) In 1527, Babur won the Battle of Kanua over a confederacy of Rajputs led by Rana Sanga, ruler of Mewar in Rajastan, despite having a much smaller army With the death of Rana Sanga and many other leaders in this battle, there was little hope for Raj­ put resurgence The Battle of Kanua inaugurated a long relationship between Rajputs and Mughals Babur ruled for four years and died in 1530 His son Humayun was not as powerful a leader and was forced into exile in Persia However, Humayun’s son Akbar extended power and geographical dominance of the Mughal Empire Akbar began the custom of taking Rajput Hindu wives, without expecting them to convert to Islam The diverse Mughal dynasty would employ Persians, Arabs, locally born Muslims, Rajputs, Brahmans, and later Marathas in its administration Akbar and subsequent leaders’ marriages to Rajput women positioned some Rajputs as members of the ruling Mughal elite and they were integrated into the Mughal Empire in northern India Many regional Rajput leaders maintained their autonomy but had to pay taxes to the Mughal government

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