INTRODUCTION
Background of the study
A study published in the Journal of Child Development highlights the cognitive advantages of bilingualism in children Research conducted in Singapore indicates that children exposed to two languages demonstrate enhanced cognitive abilities and problem-solving skills compared to their monolingual peers Bilingual children show superior memory and cognitive processing, often excelling in early education tasks They can quickly learn new words and communicate effectively, which contributes to their overall intelligence Dr Ramirez emphasizes that children from bilingual families are particularly adept at problem-solving tasks, showcasing the benefits of early exposure to multiple languages.
Bilingualism enhances cognitive development by improving brain function, particularly in children It strengthens the attention control system, which is essential for planning, problem-solving, and executing mentally challenging tasks Key cognitive processes, such as focusing amidst distractions, shifting attention efficiently, and retaining information, are significantly bolstered through bilingual experiences.
Research over the decades has highlighted the cognitive benefits of bilingual environments, suggesting that these advantages extend beyond improved communication and social experiences Notable studies by Barac, Bialystok, Castro & Sanchez (2014) and others have explored the influence of bilingualism on non-verbal cognitive abilities from an early age However, the fundamental cognitive processes underlying the early bilingual advantage remain unclear, as noted by Kovács & Mehler (2009) and Singh et al (2015) Some experimental evidence indicates that bilingual learners outperform their monolingual counterparts, with research showing that even infants as young as six to seven months display greater attentional flexibility when exposed to bilingual input Furthermore, studies by Carlson & Meltzoff (2008) and Poulin-Dubois et al (2011) found that bilingual children at 24 months exhibit superior cognitive skills compared to monolingual peers.
As of 2018, the Vietnamese community in Japan has grown significantly, making it the third largest group of foreigners in the country, according to the Japan Ministry of Justice In 2017, there were 2,405 Vietnamese individuals holding residence cards and special permanent residence certificates, representing 10.2% of the foreign population By the end of 2018, the number of Vietnamese residents in Japan surged to 330,835.
As of late 2019, approximately 410,000 Vietnamese individuals were residing in Japan, including numerous families and couples formed through marriages between Vietnamese and Japanese citizens Additionally, many families have migrated from Vietnam to Japan, resulting in children being raised in a bilingual environment, fluent in both Vietnamese and Japanese.
In this study, the author focuses on researching a family consisting of 3 people Father is Japanese and mother is Vietnamese They have been married for
07 years and have a 5 year old daughter together Since they got married, they
The couple has been living in Japan, where their child was born and holds Japanese nationality Each year, they return to Vietnam for a month, allowing the child to connect with Vietnamese relatives and practice the language The 45-year-old husband worked in Vietnam for five years prior to their marriage, and while both spouses can communicate in basic Vietnamese, the wife, who has lived in Japan for 13 years, is proficient in Japanese and English She has diligently improved her Japanese skills through textbooks, TV programs, and language classes, ultimately passing the highest level of the Japanese proficiency exam Now aspiring to be a freelance Japanese-Vietnamese translator, she continues her studies in translation Post-marriage, Japanese became their primary language of communication To ensure their daughter speaks Vietnamese, the wife actively converses in Vietnamese during mother-daughter time but switches to Japanese in the presence of others, fostering an inclusive environment.
Aim and scope of the study
This study explores the code-switching behaviors of a Japanese-Vietnamese bilingual family, focusing on the pragmatic reasons and motivations for their language use as outlined by Baker (2006).
This study explores 12 purposes of code-switching, focusing on participants' attitudes towards bilingualism and their actual language use It aims to assess whether their intentions align with their linguistic behaviors Additionally, the research will discuss their aspirations for future language use and predict how these choices may influence their children's potential to become proficient bilinguals.
This study examines code-switching between Japanese and Vietnamese in a bilingual 5-year-old child raised in Japan While previous research has explored various aspects of code-switching, this investigation specifically highlights the unique linguistic dynamics within a bilingual family context.
Research structure
This study is divided into 06 main chapters including:
This content statement focuses on presenting the context of the research, its objectives, scope and structure.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Theoretical background
What is code switching: 言語を切り替えること
Many individuals are monolingual, speaking only one language, while others are bilingual or multilingual, capable of communicating in multiple languages Bilinguals often engage in code switching, which involves alternating between languages in conversation This phenomenon is frequently observed in immigrant families, such as a Vietnamese family in Japan where children speak Vietnamese at home but learn Japanese outside, leading them to switch between the two languages when conversing with siblings Code switching also occurs in countries where a native language coexists with a former colonial language, such as the prevalent Hindi-English code switching in India and Tagalog-English code switching in the Philippines.
Code switching is an unpredictable linguistic phenomenon where speakers often switch languages impulsively, without conscious decision-making In this process, one language serves as the dominant or matrix language, typically the native language of the group, while the other language acts as the embedded language The matrix language provides the foundational structure for communication, allowing for the integration of utterances from the embedded language.
Code-switching is defined as the pairing of speech fragments of two different grammatical systems or subsystems in the same speech exchange (Gumpertz, 1982, in Romain 1989: 111) According to Baker (2006: 110), there
Code-switching is defined as any shift in language during a conversation, occurring at various levels such as word, sentence, or phonetic block This article will adhere to Baker's (2006) definition, recognizing all language changes as instances of code-switching.
This article examines the sociological aspects of code-switching, which has been explored through linguistics and sociolinguistics Gumpertz (1982, in Romaine 1989) describes code-switching as a discourse model within a sociolinguistic framework It serves as a strategic communication choice, similar to shifting dialects or adapting language based on the audience.
Code-switching is influenced by various factors including interlocutor, context, and topic (Baker, 2006) Gumperz (1982) describes it as both a situational and metaphorical phenomenon JISA (2000) notes that code-switching occurs due to changes in participants, topics, or settings Romaine (1989) highlights that metaphorical code-switching is driven by pragmatic reasons for language changes Chung (2006) identifies several motivations for code-switching, while Baker (2006) offers the most comprehensive list, summarizing twelve distinct purposes for this linguistic practice.
(1) Code-switching can be used to emphasize specific points in conversation
(2) If a person does not know a word or phrase in one language, he can replace a word with another language
Bilingual individuals often encounter discrepancies between words or phrases in their two languages, leading them to switch to one language when expressing concepts that lack equivalent meanings in the other culture.
(4) Code-switching can be used to strengthen requests
(5) Repeating phrases or paragraphs in another language can also be used to clarify a certain point
(6) Code-switching can be used to express identity, friendship or family ties
(7) With regard to a previous dialogue, the person may report the dialogue in the language or language used
(8) Code-switching is sometimes used as a way to interfere with conversation
(9) Code-switching can be used to relieve pressure and introduce humor into conversation
(10) Code-switching usually involves changes in attitudes or relationships
(11) Code-switching can also be used to exclude people from conversation
(12) In some bilingual situations, code-switching often occurs when certain topics are introduced (2006: 111-113)
Code-switching serves a significant social function in various communities, as highlighted by linguists like Scotton (1988), who asserts that conversational styles in Kenya illustrate unity or inequality among group members Similarly, McConvell (1988) points out that indigenous peoples of Victoria River engage in code-switching, showcasing its role in their communication dynamics.
Social information plays a crucial role in either including or excluding listeners Blonunaert (1992) noted that educators' use of the Kiswahili campus language, a variant of English spoken in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, serves to exclude individuals from different educational backgrounds Additionally, researchers such as Scotton (1976) and Heller (1988a) argue that code-switching can create barriers and reinforce social divisions.
"ambiguity" or "neutrality" In addition, code-switching can act as a self-exclusion tool when an individual wishes to separate himself from a specific language group
Research on the social function of code-switching has been conducted at the micro level by various scholars, including Auer, Blom, and Gumperz These researchers argue that each social group possesses a unique code-switching model shaped by shared norms and values Auer (1988) suggests that code-switching signifies membership within a specific social network, indicating that different groups may employ distinct switching patterns Some authors categorize code-switching as a "discourse strategy" aimed at achieving specific communicative goals For instance, Christie (1990) highlights that Creole French (Patois)/English bilinguals in Dominica use code-switching to assert their social identity, with transitions from English to Patois often expressing intimacy and addressing community-related topics.
Gumperz (1982) argues that social identity and situational factors are not the sole determinants of language use; rather, individuals make various language choices to effectively convey their intended meaning within a society-pragmatic context Similarly, Gal (1988) describes code-switching as a conversational strategy that serves to emphasize points and facilitate changes in interpersonal or group dynamics.
Researchers have categorized the transformation code into two dimensions, as noted by Blom and Gumperz (1972) and Saville-Troike (1986) This classification identifies two types of transcoding, which are based on the distinctions made during type conversions The first type of transcoding is scenario-based.
Transcoding in language use can be categorized into situational code-switching and metaphorical transcoding Situational code-switching occurs when speakers switch languages based on their surroundings, without changing the subject, as noted by Wardhaugh (1986) An example of this is seen in universities, where professors refer to students as "doctors" after a successful thesis defense In contrast, metaphorical transcoding adds meaning to language changes within a single situation, such as when a German couple shifts from "du" to "sie" to signify a cooling relationship or when a wife addresses her husband as "Mr Smith" to express dissatisfaction (Saville-Troike, 1986) Additionally, transcoding can be classified by the scope of conversion, distinguishing between alternate conversion, which involves language changes between sentences, and content conversion, which occurs within a single sentence.
Bilingualism, as defined by Baker (1988), refers to an individual's ability to listen, read, speak, and write in two languages Wei (2000) further emphasizes that the term "bilingual" primarily describes individuals who possess two languages, typically involving a family language or mother tongue alongside a major language acquired in the community or school Bilingualism reflects both the collective property of language communities and the individual capacity to navigate between them It is important to note that proficiency in both languages is not a requirement for bilingualism; rather, it encompasses the ability to read and write in both languages.
Bilingual students often understand spoken English and Welsh, fluently speaking English while struggling with Welsh By age six, they read in Welsh and by eight, they read in English, though their writing skills are limited One significant advantage of being bilingual is the exposure to two distinct cultures, enriched with diverse behavioral systems, folklore, and traditions Additionally, bilingualism enhances communication within communities and across societies, fostering flexible and creative thinking Children with bilingual skills develop a broader vocabulary for concepts, leading to increased language awareness and sensitivity in communication The impact of bilingual education extends beyond language, influencing various aspects such as educational, social, economic, cultural, and political outcomes.
Children possess the remarkable ability to learn multiple languages simultaneously, showing a natural interest in linguistic skills This capability is closely tied to their language acquisition processes and the development of their linguistic abilities over time Various factors, including age, social interaction, and exposure to different languages, significantly influence this journey While training bilingual children can present challenges, it is essential to dispel common myths surrounding bilingualism, such as the belief that it leads to slower language development or confusion between languages Contrary to past misconceptions, bilingualism does not hinder a child's speech; instead, any delays in language development may arise from other factors unrelated to learning multiple languages.
Agency and Family Language Policy
Agency is a multifaceted and ambiguous concept, as highlighted by Huang and Benson (2013) and Block (2009), often referenced without precise definitions It is intricately linked to key concepts in applied linguistics, such as autonomy and identity (Theo Norton & Toohey, 2011; Duff, 2012) Ahearn (2001) notes that agency has garnered attention from social researchers aiming to explore how human agency influences the transformation of social structures, particularly in light of recent social movements The discussion of agency typically occurs within the framework of the agency/structure dualism, as noted by Fuchs.
In 2001, agency was defined as an internal characteristic of individuals, while structure was seen as an external and objective force However, this distinction is being increasingly challenged by researchers who argue that all human behavior is inherently shaped by social and cultural contexts in both its creation and interpretation (Mercer 2011; Fuchs 2001; Ahearn 2001; Lantolf and Thorne).
In 2001, Aearn emphasized the significance of sociocultural factors by defining agency as "the ability to take action through sociocultural intermediaries." Supporting this view, Rantov and Thorne (2006) argued that self-determination extends beyond mere voluntary control of behavior; it is influenced by cultural systems shaped by historical contexts and is activated or restricted by the motivations present during interactions.
Agency empowers individuals to engage actively in specific roles, enhancing the significance and success of their learning experiences Research indicates that language development is significantly influenced by learners' agency, as they invest in their language education and employ strategies to navigate challenges (Flowerdew and Miller).
2008) On the other hand, the right to self-determination may also lead to active resistance to certain beliefs, acts or practices For example, Siegal's research
Research has shown that Western women learning Japanese often resist adopting feminine speech patterns in the language (1996) The notion of representation has gained traction in the emerging field of family language policy, which is defined by King, Fogle, & Logan-Terry (2008) as a transparent strategy regarding language use and selection among family members This policy aims to explore how languages are managed, learned, and negotiated within the family context (Fogle & King, 2013; King).
In recent research on family language policy, the child's right to self-determination, also known as agency, is highlighted as a key theme This topic explores the interplay between internal (micro) and external (macro) influences within families, particularly in the context of transnational and diverse family dynamics.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research Methodology
In this study, the author uses the main research methodologies which is the method of observation and interview
Observing family language activities provides valuable insights into a child's use of Japanese and Vietnamese across various contexts This method enables the author to gather data on bilingualism and code-switching tendencies, offering a comprehensive analysis of the child's linguistic behavior According to Arshall and Rossman (1989), observation is a crucial tool for understanding language dynamics within the family setting, allowing for an evaluation of how the child navigates and utilizes both languages in daily interactions.
"the systematic description of events, behaviors, and artifacts in the social setting chosen for study" Researchers such as Erlandson, Harris, Skipper, & Allen
Participant observation, as outlined by Demunck and Sobo (1998), is a primary method employed by anthropologists in field research, emphasizing the importance of engaging with the environment through the five senses Dewalt and Dewalt (2002) describe this approach as an active process that includes memory enhancement, informal interviews, detailed note-taking, and, crucially, patience This method allows researchers to immerse themselves in the natural setting, gaining insights into participants' daily activities (Schensul and Lecompte, 1999) Furthermore, DeWalt (2002) notes that participant observation aids in establishing sampling and interview criteria, enriching the research process by fostering a deeper understanding of the context being studied.
Two interviews were conducted with the child's parents to gather insights into their language use and the motivations behind their signatures The discussions revealed their attitudes towards bilingualism and code-switching, highlighting the significance of these practices in their family's communication.
Qualitative research interviews aim to gather detailed descriptions of the interviewee's life experiences to elucidate the meaning behind specific phenomena (Kvale, 1983, p 174) While various methods exist for collecting these descriptions, face-to-face interviews remain the most comprehensive approach.
Data collection
Data collection involved two direct interviews conducted by the researcher with both the father and mother, utilizing a questionnaire based on prior studies by Harding & Riley (1999) and Serna (2007) focused on bilingual families (see Appendix 1 for details).
The observation form serves as a valuable tool for gathering data on a child's bilingual usage of Japanese and Vietnamese during language interactions with parents and peers For more detailed information, please refer to Appendix 2 of this study.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Expectations and intentions for family language’s implementation
The findings from interviews with both the father, who is Japanese, and the mother, who is Vietnamese, revealed differing expectations and attitudes regarding language use and bilingualism for their child Utilizing the same questionnaire for both parents (see Appendix A), the study highlights the distinct perspectives each parent holds about their child's linguistic development.
In a recent interview, a father discussed his experiences raising a bilingual family, emphasizing that he consistently communicates with his child in Japanese He explained that using Japanese feels like a natural reflex for him, as it is his native language Additionally, the family's current residence in Japan further reinforces his choice to speak Japanese at home.
In the child's environment, communication predominantly occurs in Japanese, with the child rarely using Vietnamese directly Vietnamese is only spoken occasionally during family gatherings that include the child's mother It is estimated that the child communicates in Japanese about 90% of the time and resorts to Vietnamese primarily in the presence of other Vietnamese speakers.
He said that he assumed the children were not code-switching the language
The father hopes to incorporate Vietnamese as a family language, given that it is his wife's hometown and they may relocate to Vietnam for his new role as the company's representative director Although he strives to converse in Vietnamese with his wife, he often resorts to Japanese due to the challenges he faces in maintaining a Vietnamese dialogue, leading him to feel that he is not truly bilingual.
21 considers Vietnamese his second language He assumed the children could be bilingual
In a private interview, she revealed that marrying her Japanese husband and moving to Japan introduced her to the concept of a bilingual family This experience prompted her to study bilingualism more seriously, particularly after reading the influential work on bilingual families by Harding and Riley.
In 1999, she adopted a single-parent approach to raise her family with a focus on bilingualism, believing that consistency was crucial for motivating her children to become bilingual From birth, she committed to speaking only Vietnamese with her child, despite her desire to improve her Japanese communication skills for work She emphasized the importance of using Vietnamese at home to help her children maintain their cultural heritage, responding in Vietnamese even when her child spoke Japanese Japanese was only used when necessary, such as when there were no Vietnamese equivalents She also spoke Japanese in the presence of other Japanese speakers, viewing code-switching as a natural phenomenon without any negative feelings towards it.
The mother offers a unique perspective on her bilingual child, emphasizing the importance of maintaining proficiency in both Japanese and Vietnamese due to their multicultural family background Despite being a skilled Japanese translator, she does not consider herself bilingual She believes that the child's bilingualism is crucial for embracing their father's Japanese culture and her Vietnamese heritage However, she acknowledges that bilingualism among Japanese-Vietnamese speakers is uncommon and may not always lead to success.
How to use the actual language of family
During a family dinner, a conversation exceeding 15 minutes was recorded between a parent and child To ensure a natural and relaxed atmosphere, the author entrusted the recording device to the mother, who recorded the dialogue without the presence of a researcher.
The analysis of the recording reveals that family members' language use closely aligns with their intentions; however, minor discrepancies exist between their intended and actual language usage Additionally, instances of code-switching are noted throughout the chat recording, with further details provided in Appendix B.
In most situations, a father communicates with his child in Japanese However, in specific instances, such as Example A, he switches to Vietnamese When conversing solely with the mother, he predominantly uses Vietnamese Interestingly, in Example B, although the mother initiates the dialogue in Japanese, the father responds in Vietnamese.
In interactions with his wife and child, the father predominantly uses Japanese, as illustrated in example C, where he responds to the mother in Japanese despite her inquiries in Vietnamese This consistent choice of language highlights his preference for Japanese during their conversations, even when addressed in Vietnamese.
In Example B, the father demonstrates intrusive code-switching by using the Japanese term "ajimi" instead of the Vietnamese word for "taste." This choice reflects a momentary lapse in vocabulary during conversation (Baker, 2006) Although the father likely speaks Vietnamese fluently, this instance highlights the complexities of language use in bilingual contexts.
At the time of speaking, the individual struggled to use the word "exactly" and resorted to Japanese to compensate for their limited Vietnamese vocabulary Ludi (2003) identifies this strategy as word translation, a common technique employed by non-native speakers to navigate their lexical constraints.
In a previous interview, the father mentioned that he consistently attempts to communicate with his wife in Vietnamese However, recognizing her understanding of Japanese, he sometimes resorts to using Japanese when he is unsure of the correct Vietnamese term.
In a private interview, the mother expressed her commitment to consistently use Vietnamese at home with her child and husband; however, she acknowledged that she occasionally resorts to Japanese for convenience This tendency was further evidenced by the recorded conversations, which revealed a notable frequency of code-switching to Japanese.
In example B, the mother expresses gratitude for the meal by using the Japanese phrase "gochisosama deshita," which has no direct Vietnamese equivalent and is traditionally said after dining Additionally, in example E, the wife's reply to her husband's use of a Japanese phrase further emphasizes the cultural significance of language in their interactions.
Code-switching, as defined by Baker (2006), often allows speakers to convey emotions or concepts that resist direct translation However, the mother’s use of the Japanese phrase "oishikatta," which translates to "this is good," challenges Baker's theory, as the phrase can be directly translated Researcher Gumpertz (1982) offers an alternative perspective, suggesting that such code-switching may serve to engage specific listeners in the conversation In this instance, the mother’s choice to use Japanese could indicate her intention to communicate directly with the father rather than the child, highlighting the nuanced dynamics of language use in familial interactions.
24 terminology may be used by the mother to form mechanisms for connecting family members in conversation
Baker (2006) notes that code-switching frequently occurs when a speaker aims to integrate into a group This is evident in the mother's use of Japanese phrases, reflecting her desire to communicate in that language Fotos (1995) further explains that code-switching can serve multiple purposes simultaneously, making it challenging to pinpoint the specific motivations behind the mother's language choices in the conversation.
In examples A and C, the mother substitutes a complete Vietnamese phrase with a Japanese one, reflecting her desire to communicate in Japanese Additionally, this code-switching may serve to emphasize and clarify her message.
2006) The mother may have purposely carried out code-switching in order to emphasize the importance of the topic
In example D, the mother engaged in Japanese conversation with her husband and child, emphasizing that consistency is key to raising a bilingual child Despite the rule of speaking only Vietnamese at home, her use of Japanese was prompted by her husband, leading to a more fluid conversation This scenario highlights her desire to connect with the Japanese-speaking community.
In the conversation, the child predominantly communicates in Japanese, with only two instances of code-switching to Vietnamese in examples F and G, along with one request in Vietnamese in example H This limited use of Vietnamese makes it challenging to define its role in the dialogue As noted by Baker (2006), such occurrences may require further exploration to understand their significance in the context of bilingual communication.
Cultural attitudes significantly influence a child's transcription, as seen in the differences between Japanese and Vietnamese communication styles Clancy (1986) notes that Japanese communication is often indirect, especially when making requests; for instance, a common expression for wanting water is "Nodo Kawaita," meaning "my throat is dry." In contrast, Vietnamese communication typically employs direct requests, such as "Con muốn uống chút nước được không ạ?" This suggests that a child may prefer using Vietnamese for requests to align with cultural norms, despite the stark differences from Japanese communication practices.
Discussion
Two interviews examining the expectations and intentions surrounding the use of parental languages revealed that family language practices align closely with these intentions, though some discrepancies exist The father stated he consistently speaks Japanese to the children; however, he occasionally uses Vietnamese, as illustrated in Example A Additionally, he engages in code-switching between Japanese and Vietnamese during conversations with his wife (Examples A and B) In another interview, the father asserted that the child does not engage in code-switching, yet examples C, F, G, and H contradict this claim, indicating that the child does indeed code-switch Despite the father's negative perception of code-switching, this situation supports Meisel's (2004) assertion that more proficient speakers are likely to code-switch more frequently.
Code-switching serves as a vital communication tool for bilinguals, allowing them to navigate conversations in multiple languages (Baker, 2006) In a study, a mother predominantly used Vietnamese with her child, yet occasionally switched to Japanese for convenience The mother and child both communicate in Japanese and Vietnamese, reflecting her desire to maintain Japanese in the home Emotional expressions were often conveyed through code-switching, as direct translations from Japanese to Vietnamese were sometimes inadequate The child is identified as a passive bilingual, primarily using Japanese but resorting to Vietnamese for clarification with the mother While fluent in Vietnamese when in Vietnam, the child shifts to a monolingual mode in Japan, highlighting the significant influence of the social environment on language choice.
Private discussions between the parents reveal a shared expectation for their family's future language activities, emphasizing the importance of bilingualism in both Japanese and Vietnamese The father, anticipating a potential move to Vietnam due to his role as a representative director, believes that proficiency in both languages will enhance both work and family life The mother also aspires for their children to become bilingual, advocating for the One Parent, One Language (OPOL) approach However, the effectiveness of this method is debated, as some researchers suggest that rigid adherence to OPOL may impede family communication Despite this, the mother's strong proficiency in Japanese indicates that if family communication is conducted primarily in Japanese, it will not hinder interactions among family members.
Regular use of Japanese in family communication significantly enhances a child's chances of becoming bilingual, as previous studies indicate that minority languages must be spoken at home (De Houwer, 2007) This family's goal is to incorporate both Japanese and Vietnamese in their conversations, utilizing language switching not only to address lexical gaps but also for practical, social, and cultural purposes Language switching serves as a valuable tool for bilingual families, enriching their conversations and facilitating better understanding among members.
CONCLUSION
This study investigates the language code-switching of a child from a multicultural family, consisting of a native Japanese parent and a Vietnamese parent, living in Japan Through observation and interviews, it was found that both parents desire their family members to communicate in Japanese and Vietnamese, leading to shared language usage trends within the family Initial findings indicate a consistent intention to use both languages during family interactions, particularly with the child However, instances of code-switching occur in situations such as vocabulary gaps, emphasis on opinions, and emotional expression The child's language choices are significantly influenced by the social environment; while in Vietnam, the child communicates fluently in Vietnamese, but reverts to a monolingual mode in Japan Despite this, recorded conversations reveal instances of code-switching, attributed to the differing communication cultures of Japan and Vietnam.
Research indicates that for a child to have a strong opportunity to become bilingual, consistent communication in the family's minority language is essential This responsibility often falls on the mother, whose proficiency in Japanese plays a crucial role If the mother prioritizes Japanese as the main language for family interactions, the child's potential to become bilingual may be compromised.
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1 What is your native language?
2 When did you come to Japan?
3 When did you learn Japanese/Vietnamese?
4 How old is your child?
5 What language do you use to communicate with your child?
6 Do you like talking to your child in Japanese or Vietnamese?
7 When you talk to your child in Japanese, they will answer you in Japanese or Vietnamese
8 When you talk to the child in Vietnamese, they will answer you in Vietnamese or Japanese
9 When the child communicates with people around, what language do they usually use?
10 Has your child been able to read and write in both Japanese and Vietnamese?
11 How often do you travel between Vietnam and Japan?
12 When or why did you change the language of communication with your children and spouse?
13 How do you feel when your child combines Japanese and Vietnamese?
14 Why do you want your child to be bilingual?
15 Do you think you are bilingual?
16 Do you think your child is bilingual?
The font is usually Vietnamese
Parentheses are Vietnamese explanations of Japanese words and phrases The curly braces are language-scoping features
The child calls her father Otoosan and the mother Okaasan This is not covered as an example of a switching
M: Con có nhớ những những gì đã hứa với mẹ không?
D: Iisugiteiruyo (You said too much about this)
F: I just wanted to remind you
M: Um Gochisosama deshita (Alright, thank you so much for the meal) F: Did you do ajimi or (tasting)
M: Yeah, I’ve been sick after that lunch
M: Um… Ngày mai chúng ta phải bắt tay vào chuẩn bị sẵn mochimono (things to bring)
D: Soieba shiroi kutsushita wa attakke?
(Oh yeah, don't you know what white socks you have?)
F: Shiroi kutsushita hitsuyo na no? (Do you need white socks?)
M: Con có phải mặc đồng phục không?
M: You could borrow some of Otosan’s (father’s) cause you haven’t got any We’ll borrow buy some tomorrow
M: Con có mặc quần đùi vào mùa hè không?
F: {laughter} Sonna wakai – igirisu ja nai da zo
M: Em chỉ nghĩ như thế là hợp lý
D: Eh? Soshitara astuii jan (Then you’ll be so hot.)
M: Tại sao họ không mặc quần đùi vậy?
D: Atari mae des yo! (Of course they don’t!)
F: Nihon no natsu wa, hanzubon haita kara te suzushikuwa narinain da yo
Yoso ni gyaku ni nagazubon yousurruni omota ho ga suzushi ne Dochi ka to yuu to
(Japan's summers are so hot, so hot that you don't feel any cooler when wearing shorts In fact, when it's hot, you can wear long pants even cooler.)
F: Ki tsukanai kimi na (You don’t even notice that do you?)
M: Ki ni tsukanai ka, ki ni shinai (She doesn’t notice or she doesn’t care.)
F: Gochisosamadeshita (Thank you so much for the meal)
M: Iie Doitashimashite (No, you’re welcome.)