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Inside Indian
Indenture
Free download from www.hsrcpress.ac.za
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Inside Indian
A South African Story, 1860–1914
Indenture
Ashwin Desai & Goolam Vahed
Free download from www.hsrcpress.ac.za
Published by HSRC Press
Private Bag X9182, Cape Town, 8000, South Africa
www.hsrcpress.ac.za
First published 2010
ISBN (soft cover): 978-0-7969-2244-1
ISBN (pdf): 978-0-7969-2245-8
ISBN (ePub): 978-0-7969-2312-7
© 2010 Human Sciences Research Council
The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect the
views or policies of the Human Sciences Research Council (‘the Council’) or indicate that the
Council endorses the views of the authors. In quoting from this publication, readers are advised to
attribute the source of the information to the individual author concerned and not to the Council.
Copyedited by Lee Smith
Designed and typeset by Jenny Young
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Contents
Preface vi
Map of indentured recruitment districts, sea routes
and settlement areas x
1 Shiva’s dance 1
2 The paglaa samundar (mad ocean) 19
3 From the Raj to Raju 39
4 ‘Master Coolie’ arrives 61
5 The interpreters of indenture 83
6 Inside the world of Uriah Heep and Jabez Balfour 103
7 Esperanza: a place of hope? 127
8 Bhen Choodh and the politics of ploys 149
9 Cast(e) on an African stage 173
10 Family matters 197
11 When the ‘coolies’ made Christmas 223
12 From heathens to Hindus 239
13 Coolies with Bibles 261
14 Bâdshâh Pîr meets Soofie Saheb 283
15 The many faces of leisure and pleasure: from China to ganja 301
16 The bodysnatchers (1899–1902) 323
17 The Virgin Mary and the three-pound cross 341
18 ‘Drawing blood from a stone’ 357
19 Resistance goes underground 371
20 The moral persuaders? 399
21 Africa calling 423
Glossary 439
Notes 442
References 463
Index 470
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Preface
He has nothing to lose, he tells himself and so he reaches for the stars. For where do
we go when it falls apart in our hands and we are left with less than we started with?
Begin again? And with what? Where are the dreams to fill the souls of wandering
exiles?
JAMAL MAHJOUB
1
The landscape of KwaZulu-Natal in the early decades of the twenty-first century still bears the
signs of indenture.
Travel up the north coast, look for the pointer that says Kwa Dukuza, turn left, head beyond
Mahatma Gandhi Street and you will end up at Kearsney. At the bottom of a hill you will come
across a Baptist church. It is in this church that indentured labourers listened with rapt
reverence to the sermons of John (the Baptist) Rangiah, who was especially brought from
Nellore, Madras, in 1903 to see to their spiritual needs.
Head down the south coast and you will see acres of land bristling with sugar cane and
carrying the names of enclaves that signal the sway of British colonisers: Margate, Ramsgate,
Port Edward. Before these vestiges of British imperialism, drive through Umzinto and you will
see a sign for Lynton Hall. Once the home of the Reynolds brothers, it is now a venue for
expensive cuisine and plush weddings. A visit is guaranteed to leave ‘a lingering memory of
culinary extravagance’.
2
There are other memories of Lynton Hall too, clues of which linger
more than a century later and point to the setting of one of the most brutal and compelling
episodes of indenture.
We travelled these roads and were moved to tell the stories of indenture, to turn the
tombstones on the hill near Lynton Hall overlooking Esperanza,
3
with their stark date lines of
‘when-born’ and ‘when-died’, into real living people, and to turn the empty pews of the church
in Kearsney into moments when they were filled with the faithful flipping through Bibles
marked in Telegu. The stories we uncovered are an incredible slice of history, the impact of
which resonates into the present.
We are not the first to traverse this territory. A steady stream of writing on indentured
labour has come our way over the past few decades. Much of this literature painstakingly
details the number of indentured who came, where they came from, the regional variations,
the caste designations, the system’s indignations, and so on.
Inside Indian Indenture builds on this strong body of information, but also seeks to go
beyond the numbers, trespassing directly into the lives of the indentured themselves. It
explores the terrain of the everyday by focusing on the development of religious and cultural
expressions, the leisure activities, the way power relations played themselves out on the
vi
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vii
plantations and beyond, inspecting weapons of resistance and forms of collaboration that were
developed in times of conflict with the colonial overlords.
It is a social history that extends beyond the boundaries of institutions, yet is situated in
the social web of indenture itself, especially the small intense world of the plantation. The
writing that follows seeks to move away from seeing indenture as some Benthamite
Panopticon in which the indentured were completely under the gaze and discipline of the
master. We show that they ‘were as much agents as they were victims and silent witnesses’.
4
Indenture was a time in which old patterns of living could not simply be resurrected in a
‘foreign’ environment, while new patterns struggled to be born. We enter this world by
showing real people in all their ambiguities and complexities as they danced the uncertain
edge between improvisation and resignation.
While the system was presented by the colonists as a fait accompli and the indentured as
a tabula rasa on which the economic needs of late colonialism could simply be imposed, in
reality, indenture saw its contours being established, resisted and renegotiated as the inden-
tured and their white masters were constantly involved in a shared but uneven economic and
political dynamic.
In seeking the voices of the indentured, we faced an important methodological problem, as
these voices were ‘filtered through the pens of others’. The testimonies of the indentured ‘were
transcribed or recorded by official scribes. Most of the emigrants could not even read the
deposition they were asked to sign, marking an “X” instead. Next to direct evidence, however,
they come closest to revealing the voices of bonded labourers.’
5
We have found this a fascinating story brimming with desire, skulduggery and tender mercies,
as much as with oppression and exploitation. None more so than the 1913 strike, studies of
which in the main have rendered the crowd largely anonymous as Gandhi, the master
puppeteer, took centre stage. Yet the indentured participated in their thousands, more often
than not outside the purview of Gandhi and the visible leaders of the strike, in some instances
fighting violent hand-to-hand battles with the authorities, throwing up their own leaders and
drawing on memories of previous struggles. In telling the story of the strike, we try to reveal
‘the faces in the crowd, their hopes, their fears and muddled aspirations’,
6
and show how the
erstwhile puppets, the indentured, were in many cases pulling the strings of rebellion.
Reclamation can, of course, lead to cultural chauvinism. So we aim not just to tell a story
of the internal dynamics of indentured life, but to do so against the backdrop of white rule and
its oppressive relationship with the Zulu. Inscribed in this unfolding narrative is the brutal
and violent dispossession of the Zulu, and the callousness of the colonial onslaught that
destroyed their indigenous economy and turned once courageous warriors against imperialism
into ‘houseboys’ serving at the white man’s table or doing his laundry, and into dispossessed
migrants tunnelling underground in the mines while their families struggled to survive. We try
then to tell a broader history that does not, we trust, lend itself to reinforcing cultural and
racial bigotry.
But this is not done in a way that obscures the central narrative. In fact, it renders it more
revealing. Those who ‘agreed’ to indenture were often propelled by desperation as the British
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spread their tentacles throughout India. It is apposite in these contemporary times in which
the British Empire is dressed up (once again) as a benign, progressive, modernising force, as
cover for the ‘civilising mission’ in Iraq and elsewhere, to iterate, as Mike Davis has done in
Late Victorian Holocausts:
If the history of British rule in India were to be condensed into a single fact, it is this:
there was no increase in India’s per capita income from 1757 to 1947. Indeed, in the last
half of the nineteenth century, income probably declined by more than 50 percent From
1872 to 1921 the life expectancy of ordinary Indians fell by a staggering 20 percent…
‘Modernisation’ and commercialisation were accompanied by pauperisation.
7
It was the very same British Empire that brought misery and subjugation and, ironically,
created an opportunity for ‘escape’ to places like Natal. Many were filled with hopes as high
as Mahjoub’s stars as they crossed the kala pani (the black water – the sea). Dreams of a better
life and the opportunity to save money and return to the village as ‘success stories’ were not
to be for many who returned ‘home’ with less than they had started out with, and who found that
home was not the same place. Neither were they the same people. Caste had been transgressed,
parents had died and spaces for reintegration closed as colonialism tightened its grip. Home
for these wandering exiles was no more.
A substantial number came to the realisation that the place of exile was the place of home.
Like Mahjoub, they wondered, ‘…where do we go when it falls apart in our hands and we are
left with less than we started with? Begin again? And with what?’ And so, many made the
return journey. To Africa. To begin anew.
This book tells a story about the many beginnings and multiple journeys that made up the
indentured experience. The research for this book took several years. We shuddered and
gasped as we found snippets of information tucked away on forgotten shelves and in boxes of
musty archives. We felt proud and terribly sad as we read letters penned a century ago and
more from distant ancestors, so dignified still in their anguish. And some of the photographs
that we have included are beyond description.
As authors we come from different academic backgrounds, one a sociologist (Ashwin) and
the other a historian (Goolam). There are other differences, too, that are not necessary to go
into, but which those who know both of us would find it easy to discern. They have no doubt
made many jokes about how such an incongruous twosome has managed to survive the long
period that has been the writing of this book. But this collaboration has been a wonderful
experience. This is not simply a professional relationship but one of abiding friendship.
Writing this story has been an emotional experience and an incredibly humbling one. The
people who are closest to us bore the brunt of the long hours and of a project that seemed to have
no end. To them we owe a deep gratitude and we hope that this story, when (if) they read it, will
explain our mood swings between sadness, anger even, when we came across the depth of the
humiliations and violence suffered by the indentured, and our smiles, joy and pride as we came
across the remarkable ability of the indentured to confront and resist the system. The indentured
viii INSIDE INDIAN INDENTURE A SOUTH AFRICAN STORY, 1860–1914
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Preface
ix
refused to be disembodied ‘coolies’ defined by numbers and fought many battles to ensure that
they were recognised as people with rights, feelings and a permanent future in Africa.
Ashwin’s father died on 11 November 2006 without seeing the final product. He was a
history teacher and it is extremely sad that he will not pass judgement over this work. His
influence, though, lives through the pages of this book. Goolam’s wife, Taskeen, and children,
Naseem, Razia and Yasmeen, live many miles away, and they feel the separation intensely.
This book, which in essence is about painful separations and multiple journeys, helps suture
the wounds of long absences.
We believe that you will feel enriched by sharing these stories. If even a little of the
emotion and insight about being alive in South Africa today that came to us through
researching and narrating the stories of indenture is transmitted to you, then the many hours
of painstaking labour in producing this book will have been worthwhile.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank friends and colleagues who took time out of their busy schedules to
assist in different ways. Surendra Bhana, as always, gave liberally of his time. He has been a
great support throughout and especially in reading early drafts of the manuscript. Joy Brain
very kindly provided documents and photographs from her collection. Others whose help,
comments, questions and encouragement are appreciated include Brij V Lal, Isabel Hofmeyr,
Parvathi Raman, Paula Richman, Betty Govinden, Brij Maharaj, Sudesh Mishra, Mandy
Goedhals and Karin Willemse.
In the course of our research we relied on primary sources from many archives and
libraries, and have been fortunate to have had their generous support. We owe special thanks
to the staff of the South African Archives Repository in Durban, Maritzburg and Pretoria, as
well as the Killie Campbell Library, who often went beyond the call of duty to help. We would
like to mention Judith Hawley, R Singh, Mwelela Cele and Nellie Somers by name, though
others also helped in various ways. We also thank Mr K Chetty and Emmanuel Narie (Siya) of
the Gandhi–Luthuli Centre, University of KwaZulu-Natal, for their assistance.
Finally, we thank the reviewers for their criticisms and suggestions. All errors that remain
are our own. As is the tradition when sociologists and historians work together, the theoretical
shortcomings are all Goolam’s and the factual errors are all Ashwin’s.
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x INSIDE INDIAN INDENTURE A SOUTH AFRICAN STORY, 1860–1914
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[...]... circumstance In tracing the biographies of the indentured, it becomes apparent that indenture was much more fluid than previously thought For example, some of the indentured, having completed their contracts, returned to India, married, and made their way back as ‘free’ Indians, or sometimes re-indentured Others, literally one step out of indenture, married those still indentured And so, while we see South... consolidated its grip on the subcontinent, in part by ceding some authority to Indians who were inscribed into its governance The fact that indenture was not a one-way phenomenon forces us to keep returning to India if only to take its leave.30 14 INSIDE INDIAN INDENTURE A SOUTH AFRICAN STORY, 1860–1914 The routine details about indenture, such as the numbers who emigrated, the ships on which they arrived,... wife to my master.’ Votti claimed in a deposition to Administrator Haden that it was ‘quite unusual’ to indenture an unmarried Indian woman to an Indian male employer, ‘several requests for such course of action by respectable Indians in and around Maritzburg having been refused’ She wanted her indenture to Nulliah cancelled, and to be ‘transferred to some respectable European person’ Votti’s allegation... 1893: 8 INSIDE INDIAN INDENTURE A SOUTH AFRICAN STORY, 1860–1914 Charlie Nulliah has been personally known to me for many years and I believe him to be, although an Indian, a thoroughly honest and respectable man I do not for one moment believe that he has been guilty of the charges brought against him…He is the owner of a considerable amount of property and is the registered employer of several indentured... transnational space, allowance too must be made for the fluidity between indentured and free Indians This study sometimes goes beyond the plantation to reflect the experiences of those who had completed their indentures It proved impossible for the authorities to impose an ‘iron wall’ between the indentured and the free because indentured labour was employed in a large number of settings besides sugar... Votti, highlighting ‘the great hardship and the rather unprecedented action of the Protector in allotting or transferring to another Indian the services of an unmarried Indian woman’, when he had refused this ‘in the case of Indians of higher caste and respectability than the Indian Charlie Nulliah’ Gallwey added that Nulliah’s brother had three wives and was in the process of marrying a fourth He considered... the indentured found all manner of ways to resist this and assert their humanity Shown here are Napaul Kaloo (7359), Neetye Peeroo (7360), Nathonee Sooraie (7366) and Chand Kahn (7367) 1 the indentured through letters, newspaper reports and anecdotes handed down through time, matching them with stories of the indentured in different locations Parvathi Raman lamented that ‘the early narrative of (indentured)... reference to Nulliah’s ‘lower caste’, insinuations of Indians being liars, and Orientalist ideas of Indians being unable to control their sexual urges This is not the last we hear of Votti She married Rangasami Damodrapilla (33126) on 11 October 1893 while still under indenture Rangasami, from Chintradipett in Madras, had arrived in November 1884 and served his indenture with Henry Shire Theirs was a violent... months prior to the murder John Arnold was sure that Dubar had come to Natal under ‘false pretences’: ‘We simply came to the conclusion that he had no intention of working under indenture and that he had come out 10 INSIDE INDIAN INDENTURE A SOUTH AFRICAN STORY, 1860–1914 under false pretences, which I told him when he returned.’ Nagishar was 24 and Dubar’s shipmate The four men were tried in September... folklore in Durban, though its authenticity has never been verified It is said that at the railway office, Sultan was 12 INSIDE INDIAN INDENTURE A SOUTH AFRICAN STORY, 1860–1914 Sultan Pillai Kannu Muluk Mahomed (43374), better known as Mulukmahomed Lappa (ML) Sultan, arrived as an indentured labourer and left the legacy of a great benefactor asked his name by a white overseer and he replied, ‘Muluk . Inside Indian
Indenture
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Inside Indian
A South African Story, 1860–1914
Indenture
Ashwin. www.hsrcpress.ac.za
x INSIDE INDIAN INDENTURE A SOUTH AFRICAN STORY, 1860–1914
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