Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume III - South Asia - L pptx

... intheirchildren.SociopoliticalOrganizationSocialOrganization.TheLingayatsystem of socialstrati-ficationisbuiltlargelyaroundwealth,power,andprestigeinbothsecularandreligiousspheres.Occupationalandsocialmobilityareopentoeveryone.Lingayatsarethereforein-volvedinallsectors of theeconomy.Theirworkethicflowsdirectlyfromtheirethic of kayaka(ritesandobservancesper-formedwiththebody,hencethespiritualvalue of labor);theirroleincommunitybuildingcomesfromtheirpractice of dashoha(communitysharing of one'sownlabor),andtheiridentificationwithsocietyatlargefromtheirnotion of aikya(beingwiththelingaisbeingwithsociety).Lingayateco-nomicbehaviorthereforestemsfromthevaluesenshrinedintheirideology.PoliticalOrganization.Lingayatsareactivelyinvolvedpo-liticallythroughparticipationinthedemocraticestablish-mentinKarnataka.Itspoliticalhistoryrecordsthesuccessfulmobilization of Lingayatsinachievingpoweratthevillagelevel,inunifyingasingleunitedKarnatakathatwasdividedamongseveraladjoiningstatespriorto1956,andinpromot-ingvillagelinkswiththecenter.Incarryingthisout,theyhavelongbeenawarethatsocialmobilizationcouldnotbeachievedwithoutapoliticalorientation.Thehundreds of bi-ographies of successfulLingayats(publishedbytheGadagTontadaryamonastery)provideampleevidence of thisaware-ness.Thesecularandreligiousleaderssteertheircommunity,mediatedbyitsmiddle-andlower-middle-classcore,wellbe-yondcommunalpolitiesintotheuniversalpolity,andfrompremodernpolitiestoamodem,liberalone.ReligionandExpressiveCultureReligiousBeliefs.TheLingayatreligionisthelargestes-tablishedreligioninKarnataka.OtherestablishedreligionsincludeBrahmanism,Jainism,andIslam.LingayatsdonotlabelthemselvesHindusandclaimanindependentstatusfortheirfaith.TheLingayattheologicaldoctrine of sakti-visistadvaita(aqualifiedmonisticphilosophycharacterizedbySakti,thespiritualpower of Shiva);itssocializationagents,theguruandthejangama(monk);anditsnotion of istalingaaredistinctivelyLingayatincharacter.Itssystemin-volvingastavarnas(eightsupportivesystems),pancaacaras(fiveprinciples of conduct),andsatstalas(sixstagesrelatedtosocialandreligiousprogress)hashelpedtotransformLin-gayatismintoadistinctframework.Theirethicalandbehav-ioralnormshavegiventhemacapacitytocoexistwithothersocioculturalgroupsandatthesametimepreservetheirreli-giousandculturalhomogeneityandidentity.Thebeliefsandbehavioralpatterns of Lingayatsareexpoundedinthecom-positions of Basava,whomtheyregardastheirfoundingfa-theraswellasadominantinfluenceintheworks of hiscol-leagues.Thesecompositions,collectivelyknownastheVacanas,havethestatus of sacredliterature,aretaughttoLingayatsfromchildhood,andareinternalizedbythem.Lin-gayatsbelieveinaone-and-onlyGodandworshiphimintheform of istalinga,whichresemblestheshape of aglobe.Lin-gayatsareantimagicandantisupernaturalintheirreligiousorientation.Theydonotworshipstoneimagesandthedei-ties of thedesitradition.TheybelievethatdevotiontoBasavaandtheotherLingayatsaintswillbringthemtheirblessingsandguardtheirlives.ReligiousPractitioners.Theyhavetheirownpriestswhoofficiateatthevariouslife-cyclerites, of whichtheprominentonesarethosedealingwithbirth,marriage,anddeath.Priest-hoodamongLingayatsisnotascriptiveandisopentoallirre-spective of sex.Lingayatsdonotconsiderthe world asmaya,anillusion,andrejecttheHindunotions of karma,rebirth,purity,andpollution.Ceremonies.TheLingayatritualcalendargivespromi-nencetothebirthdays of theirsaints,thefirstinimportancebeingthebirthday of Basava.Inaddition,theycelebrateHindufestivalssuchasDipavali,Yugadi,andSankramana.Theircenters of pilgrimageareatKalyan,Ulive,andSrisaila,theplaceswhereBasava,hisnephewCennabasava,AllamaPrabhu,andAkkaMahadeviarelaidtoeternalrest.Arts.AlthoughLingayatsinpastcenturieswerenotedfortheirreligiouspoetryandphilosophicalwritings,todaythechiefartsarethesingingandplaying of hymns.Thereisnomarkedabilityshowninthevisualarts.Medicine.Lingayatpriests(calledayyaorswami)arealsoastrologersandmedicinemen,oftendispensingherbalreme-diestosickvillagers.Thisisausefulcraftforthemtopossess,ratherthanalearnedprofession.DeathandAfterlife.ForLingayatsthereisnolifeafterdeath.TheybelievethatthereisoneandonlyonelifeandthataLingayatcan,byhisorherdeeds,makethislifeahellorheaven.Atdeath,heorsheisbelievedtohavereturnedtoGodandtobeunitedwithhim.Theycallthisstateaikya(unitywithlinga).Sincethedeadpersonisbelievedtohaveattainedthestatus of Shiva,thebodyiswashed,clothed,deckedwithflowers,worshiped,andcarried ... careforjhumfieldsandgirlsaretaughthowtoweave.Magicoreligiousritesare,forthemostpart,masteredbymeans of observation.ThesoleexceptiontothisnormistheKhazangpinachant(whichac-Limbu149orNepalidishes.Riceisthemostpopularstaple of theLepchadiet;wheat,maize,andbuckwheatarealsoeatenbutarenotnearlyaspopular.Milletisgrownforfermentingasanalcoholicbeverage;thisgrainisnevereatenbypeople.TheLepchadietisroundedoutwithfreshfruitsandvegetables;fishisoccasionallycaughtbutnotoften.Thetraditionalspartannature of Lepchalifedoesnotlenditselftosecularartorpainting,which(exceptforspe-ciallytrainedlamas)arecompletelyalientothem.Theyare,however,outstandingcarpenters,andmanydofindemploy-mentinthistrade;theyarealsonotedfortheirweavingandspinningabilities.TheMarwari,anIndianmerchantcaste,arechieflyresponsibleforsettingupshopsandactingasmoneylenderstotheLepcha.Theprinciplecashcrop of theLepchaiscardamom,theirmainexport.Thereisnorigiddivision of laborbasedonsex;women,however,arestrictlyforbiddentokillanyanimals.Groups of womenandmenworksidebysideinthefields,andalthoughmengenerallyweavethebasketsandmats,andwomenspinyam,ifone of thesexesweretotryoneortheotheractivity,nostigmawouldbeattachedtoit.Kinship,Marriage,andFamilyTheLepchasaredividedintogroupsbasedonbirthandmar-riage;thesearethepatrilinealclanandtheimmediatenuclearandextendedfamily.TheLepchascountdescentforninegenerationsonthefather'ssideandaminimum of fouronthemother's.Theyhaveaverysmallnumber of kinshiptermsandexcludethewholecategory of cousins;and,exceptforthemother'sbrothers,theymakenodistinctionbetweenthepa-ternalandmaternallines.Forpeopleyoungerthanthespeaker,theydonotmakeanydistinctionbasedongender.Onlychildren'sspouseshavedifferenttermsforson-in-lawanddaughter-in-law.Anysexualconnectionwithbloodrelationsforninegen-erationsonthefather'ssideandfouronthemother'ssideisconsideredincestuous.Lepchatraditionallymarryveryyoung,girlsusuallybeforeage14andboysbyage16.TherearetwostagesinLepchamarriage:betrothalandbringinghomethebride.Thebetrothalphaseisavalidatingceremonyatwhichthefamily of thegroompresentsthebride'sfamilywithgifts,called"theprice of thebride,"andoncetheseareacceptedthemarriageiscompletedandthegroommayhavefullaccesstohisbride.SociopoliticalOrganizationEachLepchavillageistraditionallyheadedbyavillageleader,whoisresponsibleforkeepingorderandcollectingtaxes.CrimeisaveryrareoccurrenceinaLepchavillage;murderisalmostunheard of, althoughtherehavebeenaccusations of poisoning.TheftishighlyunusualbecausetheLepchaecon-omyisfoundedonthebeliefthatpeopledonotsteal,andwhenthisdoeshappenitisverydisquieting.Anyoutbreak of aquarrelishandledimmediatelybyneutralpersons.TheLepchaattitudetowardaggressionisthatitisnotnaturalandthatitisdestructivetothecommunityatlarge.ReligionTheLepchapracticetwomutuallycontradictoryreligionssi-multaneously,withoutanyambivalentfeeling.TheolderMunreligion,namedafterthetitle of thepriests,involvesaspecialrelationshipwithafamilyspirit.Thisspiritisappeasedbyanimalsacrificesandbydirectcommunication,aspart of anefforttowardoffevilspiritswhocauseillnessanddisaster.Itisinterestingtonotethat,amongthemanymythsandleg-ends of theLepcha,therearemanyaccounts of theAbomina-bleSnowman(Yeti)intheglacialregions of theHimalayas,andheisworshipedasthegod of thehunt,theowner of allmountaingame,andthelord of allforestcreatures.TibetanLamaismwasintroducedintheseventeenthcenturyandisrootedinapriesthoodandinsanctitygainedbylearning,notbyinspiration;thesacrifice of animalsisconsideredaterriblesinbymembers of thisreligion.SeealsoSikkimeseBibliographyGorer,Geoffrey(1938).HimalayanVillage:AnAccount of theLepchas of Sikkim.London:MichaelJoseph.2nded.NewYork:BasicBooks,1967.Hooker,JosephD.(1891).HimalayanJournals.London:Ward,Lock,Bowden&Co.[Numerousearliereditions.]Jest,Corneille(1960).'ReligiousBeliefs of theLepchasintheKalimpongDistrict(WestBengal)."Journal of theRoyalAsiaticSociety1960:12 4-1 34.Morris,John(1938).LivingwithLepchas:ABookabouttheSikkimHimalayas.London:WilliamHeinemann.Siiger,Halfdan,andJorgenRischel(1967).TheLepchas:CultureandReligion of aHimalayanPeople.EthnographicalSeries2.Copenhagen:NationalMuseum of Denmark.Tobias,Michael(1967).MountainPeople.Norman:Univer-sity of OklahomaPress.2nded.1986.NewYork:BasicBooks.JAYDiMAGGIOLimbuETHNONYMS:noneOrientationTheLimbu,one of thelargesttribalaggregatesinNepal,liveinthemosteasterlypart of NepalbetweentheArunRiverandtheborder of SikkimDistrict,India.TheLimbuare of MongoliandescentandspeakaTibeto-Burmandialect.In1970,thepopulationwasestimatedat245,000.HistoryandCulturalRelationsInthelatterpart of theeighteenthcenturyNepalwasformedbyunitingvariousethnicgroupsandnumerousprincipalitiesunderahigh-casteHindudynasty.Thisconquestresultedinanumber of migrations of high-casteHindugroupsintoeast-152Lingayattionisaporchwitharaisedplatform,usuallyopenbutsome-timesclosed,whichisusedforvisitorsandresting.Athresh-oldandadoorframewithcarvedfigures of Basavaleadtothesecondsection,whichconsists of unitsusedforhousingthecattleandfordomesticpurposes,includingakitchen,astore-room,andapuja(worship)room.Thethirdsection of thehouse,thebackyard,isusedforstoringhay,fuel,etc.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Theeconomy of aLingayatvillage,whichispredominantlyagricultural,re-flectstheLingayatculture.Theirsocialstructureispopulistic,withbirthandoccupationintertwined.Lingayatsareengagedinanentirerange of occupationalactivities-agriculture,commerceandtrade,teachingandscholarship,blacksmith-ing,carpentry,weaving,oilpressing,hairdressing,etc.Tradi-tionally,Lingayatfarmersproducedpartlyforlocalconsump-tionandpartlyforamarketeconomy,andplowedtheirlandwithmetal-shodwoodenplowspoweredbypairs of bullocks.Much of economiclifewasregulatedbytheayasystem,inwhichexchange of goodsandservicestookplace.Thelocalartisangroupsandlabordependeduponthefarmersfortheirsurvival.Withindependencein1947andthelaunching of five-yearplansandcommunitydevelopmentprojects,thetra-ditionalmode of cultivationisbeinggraduallymodernizedbytheuse of chemicals,fertilizers,liftpumps,irrigation,etc.Rurallife,oncecharacterizedbyexchangerelationships,isgivingwaytocompetitiveinterestsrevolvingaroundtheeco-nomicrealities of supplyanddemand.Forexample,thearti-sancommunityinthevillagehasnearlycloseditsdoorstolocalcustomers,asitnowseeksnewopportunitiesinthenearbycitymarketinitstraditionalspecialities.Andthevil-lagewasherman'sfamilyalsoisinvolvedinthecityelectriclaunderingestablishment,thecobblerinitsshoestores,theblacksmithintool-makingjobs,andthegoldsmithinthejew-elrystore.Sotraditionalworkisbecomingmodemwork,andtraditionalskillsarebecomingmodernizedintheprocess.Thevillagefarmers,whoonceproducedprimarilyfordomes-ticandlocalpurposes,nowprefercashcropssuchassugar-cane,cotton,chilies,fruits,andvegetablesforexport.Butsuchconcernsdonotseemtohaveerodedtraditionalvaluesasindicatedbytheincreasingnumber of cooperativesocietiesinLingayatvillages.UrbanLingayatsarefoundequallyinalloccupationsanddominatesmalltrade,commerce,andthetextileindustryinKarnataka.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.Thekinshipuniverse of theLingayatscanbedescribedinterms of twocategories:effec-tiveandnoneffective.Relationshipsamongeffectivekinareclose,intimate,obligatory,andreciprocal,whereasthoseamongnoneffectivekinarelessintimateandfunctionallyin-significant.Effectivekinarethosecloselyrelatedbydescentandmarriage,andmateselectionamongsuchkinispreferen-tial.Noneffectivekinareremotelyrelatedandrarelyremem-bered,andmeaningfulinteractionbetweenthemisabsent.Ideally,Lingayatkinshipemphasizesthepatrimonialprinci-ple,butinrealitymatrilinealorientationsprevailbothinsen-timentsandobligations.KingroupsamongruralLingayatsmaintainandreinforcetheirkinshiprelationsthroughuncle-niece,cross-cousin,andexchangemarriages.Affinalrelation-shipsarerecognizedonlyiftheyareinvolvedinpreferentialmarriages.KinshipTerminology.Lingayatkinshipmaybedescribedasmultilateralwithpartlydescriptiveandpartlygenerickinterms.Father'sbrothersandsisters,forexample,arede-scribedas"big"or"little""fathers"and"mothers"dependingonrelativeage;termsforpaternalandmaternalgrandfathersandgrandmothersaretreatedinthesameway.MarriageandFamilyMarriage.AcommonpracticeamongLingayatparentsistoarrangetheirchildren'smarriages.Aboutfivedecadesago,abrideandbridegroomcouldseeeachother'sfaceonlyatthemarriagepedestal,butincreasingeducationandwidespreadurbanizationhavecreptintothevillagesandslowlyaffectedtheways of traditionalmatchmaking.Thesedays'love"mar-riagesareheard of eveninthecountryside.IneducatedLingayatfamilies,youngergenerationsenjoysomefreedominthechoice of partners,apracticeunheard of halfacenturyago.Theuse of horoscopesisconspicuouslyabsentamongthe_Lingayats.Divorceandseparationareuncommonandmaritalbreakdownsarefrownedupon.Precautionsagainstpossibledisintegrationaretakenbyarranginginterkinmar-riages,whichhelptostrengthenthemaritalbonds.Intheevent of abreakdown,however,Lingayatattitudestowarddi-vorce,especiallyincomparisonwithsomeotherreligiousgroups,areliberalandtolerant.Theyareequallyliberalinen-couragingwidowremarriages,whicharecondemnedbytheHindu-Brahmanicsociety.ResidenceispatrilocalamongruralLingayats.Uponmarriage,thebridegoestolivewiththegroom'shousehold.Amongurbanitestheyareexpectedtoliveindependently.ForaneducatedLingayatcouple,neo-localresidenceisthenorm.DomesticUnit.TheextendedfamilyisregardedastheidealarrangementamongruralLingayats,althoughthenu-clearfamilyisactuallymorecommonandthereareocca-sionalinstances of conjugalfamilyarrangements.Nuclearorconjugal,thefamilydoesnotliveinisolation,asitisalwaysembeddedinthelargerkingroup.Sincethecollectivesolidar-ity of thekingroupistheprimevalueinthecommunity,fam-ilyautonomyandprivacyareneveritsconcerns.Allrelatedfamiliesareheldtogetherbyasense of mutualityandcomple-mentarity.Suchinterdependenceisseenonoccasions of births,weddings,fairs,andfestivals.TheurbanLingayatfam-ilyisprimarilynuclearbutittoomaintainsitstieswithitsruralkinbyprovidingshelter,hospitality,andemploymentopportunities,whenneeded.Inheritance.Traditionally,legalrightsfavoredthepatri-lineage.Uponmarriage,agirltookherhusband'ssurnameandallthelegalclaimsthatwentwithit.Herloss of ashareinherparentalfamilyproperty,however,wasmetthroughade-quategifts of jewelryandgoldduringhermarriageandonsuccessivevisitstothenatalfamily.Herparentsandsiblingsfulfilledtheirmoralobligationstoher,especiallyintimes of crisis.Suchcustomsandconventionsgenerallycreatedanen-vironmentinwhichbrother-sisterrelationscontinuedevenaftertheparents'deaths.TheSuccessionAct of 1956thatgaveguaranteedequalrightstosurvivingchildren of deceasedparentsalteredthebondsthatonceunitedtheconjugalandnatalfamiliesandbrother-sisterrelationships.Itisnotun-150Limbu.emNepal,causinganethnicandculturalsplitwiththeLimbus.Limbusareconsideredthefirstsettlers of eastNepalandarethoughttobedescendants of theKiratis.Limbusbe-cameknowntohistoryintheeighteenthcentury,atatimewhenanumber of smallchiefdomsinLimbuanwereundertheauthority of thekingdom of Bijayapur.TheLimbuswereexpectedtograntlandtotheimmigrantsfortheirsupport.TheNepalesegovernmentbroughtalltriballands(withtheexception of certainLimbus)underraikar,"asystem of land-lordismunderwhichtherights of anindividualtoutilizationandtransfer of thelandarerecognizedbythestateaslongastaxesarepaid."BeforethissystemwasenforcedallLimbugroupsheldlandunderthesystem of kipat,inwhich"anindi-vidualobtainsrightstolandbyvirtue of hismembershipinaseries of nestingkingroups."Thischange of landtenurecausedLimbustoloselandstotheHinduimmigrants,whoweremostly of Brahmancaste.Thereweretworeasonsforthischange.First,ashortage of landswasbeginningtobefelt,andthereforethegovernmentdissolvedalltheLimbuanrightstotheirkipatlands.Asecondfactorwastheabsence of ownershipdocuments,whichledtolegalconflictsoverown-ershipandrent.Surrenderedkipatlandshelpedtofinancerevenuesettlements,postalservices,andthearmy.TheLimbuswereleftonlywiththelandtheywerelivingonandcultivating.TheBrahmanshadsomeadvantagesoverLim-bus:theywereskilledandhadlaborresourcesthattheLimbuslackedandneeded.Theywerealsoabletoreadandwrite,whichqualifiedthemforadministrativejobsandforcedtheabolition of thekipatsystem.Intheeyes of theLimbus,Brahmanswere"ungratefulservants"whoweretrustedwiththeirlandbut"stole"itinstead.TheLimbusarenowdeter-minedtosalvagetheirlandunderthekipatsystemandrefrainfrompassingitontomembers of othergroups.Brahmans,atacosttotheLimbus,havebecomethemostauthoritarianethnicgroupineastNepal.ResentmentisalsofeltbytheBrahmanstowardtheLimbus;BrahmansregardtheLimbusas"simple"and"concernedonlyforthepresent."BrahmansfeelthatifLimbushadlookedtothefuture,theywouldnothavegrantedtheirlands.TheLimbuanstruggleforlandisanongoingprocessthatcontinuestoaffectsocialandpoliticalconditionsintheregion.EconomyAgricultureisthemainsource of income.Theabundance of landhasmadethecultivation of newagriculturallandspossi-ble,butinsufficientknowledge of technologyhaslimitedtheirproductivity.Limbugrowwheat,rice,andmaize,andtheytradesome of thecropsforgoodsthatcannotbegrownormadeintheirregion.Asexualdivision of laboroccursinagriculture.Menplowthefields,womenplanttheseeds,andattheharvestingperiodbothsexesjointocompletethejob.Duringcultivationfamiliesbringfriendstohelpwiththefields.Thesegroups of peoplesharelaborwithoneanotherduringespeciallybusytimes.Anothersource of incomeforLimbusismilitaryservice.EconomichardshiphasmadeitworthwhiletojointhearmybothinNepalandinIndiainre-turnforasmallamount of cash.Associatedwithmilitaryserviceisrespectandhonor,especiallyforthose of highermil-itaryrank.Kinship,Marriage,andFamilyMarriageisdefinedasalegitimateunionbetweenamanandawomansothattheymayproducelegitimatechildren.Inthepast,marriageswerearrangedbyfamilieswithneitherthebridenorthegroomhavingmuchcommentonthemarriagepaymentsorceremonies.Aftertheweddingthegirlwouldgiveupherlastnameforherhusband's,inreturnforabride-price.Modemtimeshavechangedthisandnowbothpartieshaveachancetochooseanddecideonthematter.Thegiftgivingcontinuesaftertheweddingandmarriagepaymentsex-tendovermanyyears.Womenplayagreatandveryactivepartinthemarriage,inpartbecauseinmanyhouseholdsthemanservesinthearmyformanyyearsandthewomanisthedecisionmakerconcerningthehouse,children,marriage,andbusiness.Womenalsoinfluencethestability of amarriage.Themother-in-lawphobiaisstronglyfelt,andinmostcasesthemother-in-lawistheprimereasonforabride'sdeparture.Languageisalsoabarrierifthebrideisfromadifferentre-gion.TheLimbus,likemanyNepalese,arehesitanttoad-dressoneanotherdirectly.Callingoutanameinpublicistabooandcreatesembarrassment;thereforethenewbrideiscalled"you"or"thewife of so-and-so"(teknonymy)andshedoesnothavefullstatusasawomanuntilshebearsachild.Untilfullacceptancebythemother-in-law,themarriageisuncertain,asthewifecanreturntohernatalhomeifsheismadetofeeluncomfortable.Polygamyisnotwidelyprac-ticed;itispracticedonlyifthewifeisbarrenorhasfailedtoproducesons.Kinshipisveryimportantinamarriage.Aunionwithkinisconsideredsuccessfulandideal.FortheLimbustherearethreetypes of marriages:adultery,arrange-ment,and"theft."Allthreearelegal.Incase of adulterousmarriageabride-priceisnotrequired.Somecompensationispaidtotheformerhusbandbythenewhusband.Also,ifthewomanissingle,thenewhusbandvisitsthewoman'snatalhomewithofferingstoformacloserbondwithherfamily."Theft"marriagesarecommon.Theterm"theft"meansthatshehasagreedtobetakenwithoutnegotiations.Suchelope-mentisonewaytoavoidthehighcost of abride-price.Thewomeninthesemarriagesareconsideredasweaksubjects,laborresources,andchildbearers.FortheLimbustheseun-desirablemarriages,especiallytheft of marriedwomen,areusuallyinitiatedatdances.Familiesrelated"bythebone"makeuppatrilineallineagesandclans.Death of amemberbringspollutiononthelocalagnaticdescentgroup.Duringthistimeadultsrefrainfromeat-ingmealscookedwithsaltandoil.Wiveswhohavetakentheirhusband'sfamilynamealsotaketheirimpuritiesbyeatingleft-oversfromtheirmeals.Lineageandclangroupsareexogamous,somenandwomenwiththesameclannameareforbiddentomarryorhavesexualrelations.Today,lineagesdonothaveagreatinfluenceonmarriage,thoughpaymentsaremadetothechief of theclan.IngeneralLimbufamiliesareeconomicallyandrituallyindependent of eachother.ReligionandExpressiveCultureOnearea of differencebetweenLimbusandBrahmansisreli-gious.LimbusrecognizeandparticipateinmanypopularHindufestivalsbutalsohaveanumber of theirownpracti-tioners.Theyworshipbymeans of bloodsacrifice.Theybe-lievethatlineagedivinitiesarenottransmittedpatrilineally.Lakher145LinguisticAffiliation.TheLakherspeakMaraChin(BurmicFamily,Tibeto-BurmanStock),alanguagebelong-ingtotheSino-TibetanPhylum.HistoryandCulturalRelationsTheseparategroupsthatmakeuptheLakherareallbelievedtohaveoriginatedsomewherenorth of theirpresentlocation,intheChinHills.Theadvancement of thesepeoplescanbetracedwithsomedegree of certainty,andtheoriginalhome-land of atleastthree of thesegroups(Tlongsai,Hawthai,andSabeu)canbeposited.TheTlongsaimigrationbeganinLeisai(betweenLeitakandZaphai).Theoriginalhomeland of theHawthaiisbelievedtohavebeenChira(inHaka).TheSabeuarefoundinChapi,butitisbelievedthattheymigratedtothatlocationfromThiatla,whichisnearHaka.Beforetheadvent of Britishimperialdomination,intervillageconflictwastheLakhernorm.IndividualLakhervillagesfoughtagainstoneanotherandagainstneighboringpeoples(e.g.,theKhumis ... careforjhumfieldsandgirlsaretaughthowtoweave.Magicoreligiousritesare,forthemostpart,masteredbymeans of observation.ThesoleexceptiontothisnormistheKhazangpinachant(whichac-Limbu149orNepalidishes.Riceisthemostpopularstaple of theLepchadiet;wheat,maize,andbuckwheatarealsoeatenbutarenotnearlyaspopular.Milletisgrownforfermentingasanalcoholicbeverage;thisgrainisnevereatenbypeople.TheLepchadietisroundedoutwithfreshfruitsandvegetables;fishisoccasionallycaughtbutnotoften.Thetraditionalspartannature of Lepchalifedoesnotlenditselftosecularartorpainting,which(exceptforspe-ciallytrainedlamas)arecompletelyalientothem.Theyare,however,outstandingcarpenters,andmanydofindemploy-mentinthistrade;theyarealsonotedfortheirweavingandspinningabilities.TheMarwari,anIndianmerchantcaste,arechieflyresponsibleforsettingupshopsandactingasmoneylenderstotheLepcha.Theprinciplecashcrop of theLepchaiscardamom,theirmainexport.Thereisnorigiddivision of laborbasedonsex;women,however,arestrictlyforbiddentokillanyanimals.Groups of womenandmenworksidebysideinthefields,andalthoughmengenerallyweavethebasketsandmats,andwomenspinyam,ifone of thesexesweretotryoneortheotheractivity,nostigmawouldbeattachedtoit.Kinship,Marriage,andFamilyTheLepchasaredividedintogroupsbasedonbirthandmar-riage;thesearethepatrilinealclanandtheimmediatenuclearandextendedfamily.TheLepchascountdescentforninegenerationsonthefather'ssideandaminimum of fouronthemother's.Theyhaveaverysmallnumber of kinshiptermsandexcludethewholecategory of cousins;and,exceptforthemother'sbrothers,theymakenodistinctionbetweenthepa-ternalandmaternallines.Forpeopleyoungerthanthespeaker,theydonotmakeanydistinctionbasedongender.Onlychildren'sspouseshavedifferenttermsforson-in-lawanddaughter-in-law.Anysexualconnectionwithbloodrelationsforninegen-erationsonthefather'ssideandfouronthemother'ssideisconsideredincestuous.Lepchatraditionallymarryveryyoung,girlsusuallybeforeage14andboysbyage16.TherearetwostagesinLepchamarriage:betrothalandbringinghomethebride.Thebetrothalphaseisavalidatingceremonyatwhichthefamily of thegroompresentsthebride'sfamilywithgifts,called"theprice of thebride,"andoncetheseareacceptedthemarriageiscompletedandthegroommayhavefullaccesstohisbride.SociopoliticalOrganizationEachLepchavillageistraditionallyheadedbyavillageleader,whoisresponsibleforkeepingorderandcollectingtaxes.CrimeisaveryrareoccurrenceinaLepchavillage;murderisalmostunheard of, althoughtherehavebeenaccusations of poisoning.TheftishighlyunusualbecausetheLepchaecon-omyisfoundedonthebeliefthatpeopledonotsteal,andwhenthisdoeshappenitisverydisquieting.Anyoutbreak of aquarrelishandledimmediatelybyneutralpersons.TheLepchaattitudetowardaggressionisthatitisnotnaturalandthatitisdestructivetothecommunityatlarge.ReligionTheLepchapracticetwomutuallycontradictoryreligionssi-multaneously,withoutanyambivalentfeeling.TheolderMunreligion,namedafterthetitle of thepriests,involvesaspecialrelationshipwithafamilyspirit.Thisspiritisappeasedbyanimalsacrificesandbydirectcommunication,aspart of anefforttowardoffevilspiritswhocauseillnessanddisaster.Itisinterestingtonotethat,amongthemanymythsandleg-ends of theLepcha,therearemanyaccounts of theAbomina-bleSnowman(Yeti)intheglacialregions of theHimalayas,andheisworshipedasthegod of thehunt,theowner of allmountaingame,andthelord of allforestcreatures.TibetanLamaismwasintroducedintheseventeenthcenturyandisrootedinapriesthoodandinsanctitygainedbylearning,notbyinspiration;thesacrifice of animalsisconsideredaterriblesinbymembers of thisreligion.SeealsoSikkimeseBibliographyGorer,Geoffrey(1938).HimalayanVillage:AnAccount of theLepchas of Sikkim.London:MichaelJoseph.2nded.NewYork:BasicBooks,1967.Hooker,JosephD.(1891).HimalayanJournals.London:Ward,Lock,Bowden&Co.[Numerousearliereditions.]Jest,Corneille(1960).'ReligiousBeliefs of theLepchasintheKalimpongDistrict(WestBengal)."Journal of theRoyalAsiaticSociety1960:12 4-1 34.Morris,John(1938).LivingwithLepchas:ABookabouttheSikkimHimalayas.London:WilliamHeinemann.Siiger,Halfdan,andJorgenRischel(1967).TheLepchas:CultureandReligion of aHimalayanPeople.EthnographicalSeries2.Copenhagen:NationalMuseum of Denmark.Tobias,Michael(1967).MountainPeople.Norman:Univer-sity of OklahomaPress.2nded.1986.NewYork:BasicBooks.JAYDiMAGGIOLimbuETHNONYMS:noneOrientationTheLimbu,one of thelargesttribalaggregatesinNepal,liveinthemosteasterlypart of NepalbetweentheArunRiverandtheborder of SikkimDistrict,India.TheLimbuare of MongoliandescentandspeakaTibeto-Burmandialect.In1970,thepopulationwasestimatedat245,000.HistoryandCulturalRelationsInthelatterpart of theeighteenthcenturyNepalwasformedbyunitingvariousethnicgroupsandnumerousprincipalitiesunderahigh-casteHindudynasty.Thisconquestresultedinanumber of migrations of high-casteHindugroupsintoeast-152Lingayattionisaporchwitharaisedplatform,usuallyopenbutsome-timesclosed,whichisusedforvisitorsandresting.Athresh-oldandadoorframewithcarvedfigures of Basavaleadtothesecondsection,whichconsists of unitsusedforhousingthecattleandfordomesticpurposes,includingakitchen,astore-room,andapuja(worship)room.Thethirdsection of thehouse,thebackyard,isusedforstoringhay,fuel,etc.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Theeconomy of aLingayatvillage,whichispredominantlyagricultural,re-flectstheLingayatculture.Theirsocialstructureispopulistic,withbirthandoccupationintertwined.Lingayatsareengagedinanentirerange of occupationalactivities-agriculture,commerceandtrade,teachingandscholarship,blacksmith-ing,carpentry,weaving,oilpressing,hairdressing,etc.Tradi-tionally,Lingayatfarmersproducedpartlyforlocalconsump-tionandpartlyforamarketeconomy,andplowedtheirlandwithmetal-shodwoodenplowspoweredbypairs of bullocks.Much of economiclifewasregulatedbytheayasystem,inwhichexchange of goodsandservicestookplace.Thelocalartisangroupsandlabordependeduponthefarmersfortheirsurvival.Withindependencein1947andthelaunching of five-yearplansandcommunitydevelopmentprojects,thetra-ditionalmode of cultivationisbeinggraduallymodernizedbytheuse of chemicals,fertilizers,liftpumps,irrigation,etc.Rurallife,oncecharacterizedbyexchangerelationships,isgivingwaytocompetitiveinterestsrevolvingaroundtheeco-nomicrealities of supplyanddemand.Forexample,thearti-sancommunityinthevillagehasnearlycloseditsdoorstolocalcustomers,asitnowseeksnewopportunitiesinthenearbycitymarketinitstraditionalspecialities.Andthevil-lagewasherman'sfamilyalsoisinvolvedinthecityelectriclaunderingestablishment,thecobblerinitsshoestores,theblacksmithintool-makingjobs,andthegoldsmithinthejew-elrystore.Sotraditionalworkisbecomingmodemwork,andtraditionalskillsarebecomingmodernizedintheprocess.Thevillagefarmers,whoonceproducedprimarilyfordomes-ticandlocalpurposes,nowprefercashcropssuchassugar-cane,cotton,chilies,fruits,andvegetablesforexport.Butsuchconcernsdonotseemtohaveerodedtraditionalvaluesasindicatedbytheincreasingnumber of cooperativesocietiesinLingayatvillages.UrbanLingayatsarefoundequallyinalloccupationsanddominatesmalltrade,commerce,andthetextileindustryinKarnataka.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.Thekinshipuniverse of theLingayatscanbedescribedinterms of twocategories:effec-tiveandnoneffective.Relationshipsamongeffectivekinareclose,intimate,obligatory,andreciprocal,whereasthoseamongnoneffectivekinarelessintimateandfunctionallyin-significant.Effectivekinarethosecloselyrelatedbydescentandmarriage,andmateselectionamongsuchkinispreferen-tial.Noneffectivekinareremotelyrelatedandrarelyremem-bered,andmeaningfulinteractionbetweenthemisabsent.Ideally,Lingayatkinshipemphasizesthepatrimonialprinci-ple,butinrealitymatrilinealorientationsprevailbothinsen-timentsandobligations.KingroupsamongruralLingayatsmaintainandreinforcetheirkinshiprelationsthroughuncle-niece,cross-cousin,andexchangemarriages.Affinalrelation-shipsarerecognizedonlyiftheyareinvolvedinpreferentialmarriages.KinshipTerminology.Lingayatkinshipmaybedescribedasmultilateralwithpartlydescriptiveandpartlygenerickinterms.Father'sbrothersandsisters,forexample,arede-scribedas"big"or"little""fathers"and"mothers"dependingonrelativeage;termsforpaternalandmaternalgrandfathersandgrandmothersaretreatedinthesameway.MarriageandFamilyMarriage.AcommonpracticeamongLingayatparentsistoarrangetheirchildren'smarriages.Aboutfivedecadesago,abrideandbridegroomcouldseeeachother'sfaceonlyatthemarriagepedestal,butincreasingeducationandwidespreadurbanizationhavecreptintothevillagesandslowlyaffectedtheways of traditionalmatchmaking.Thesedays'love"mar-riagesareheard of eveninthecountryside.IneducatedLingayatfamilies,youngergenerationsenjoysomefreedominthechoice of partners,apracticeunheard of halfacenturyago.Theuse of horoscopesisconspicuouslyabsentamongthe_Lingayats.Divorceandseparationareuncommonandmaritalbreakdownsarefrownedupon.Precautionsagainstpossibledisintegrationaretakenbyarranginginterkinmar-riages,whichhelptostrengthenthemaritalbonds.Intheevent of abreakdown,however,Lingayatattitudestowarddi-vorce,especiallyincomparisonwithsomeotherreligiousgroups,areliberalandtolerant.Theyareequallyliberalinen-couragingwidowremarriages,whicharecondemnedbytheHindu-Brahmanicsociety.ResidenceispatrilocalamongruralLingayats.Uponmarriage,thebridegoestolivewiththegroom'shousehold.Amongurbanitestheyareexpectedtoliveindependently.ForaneducatedLingayatcouple,neo-localresidenceisthenorm.DomesticUnit.TheextendedfamilyisregardedastheidealarrangementamongruralLingayats,althoughthenu-clearfamilyisactuallymorecommonandthereareocca-sionalinstances of conjugalfamilyarrangements.Nuclearorconjugal,thefamilydoesnotliveinisolation,asitisalwaysembeddedinthelargerkingroup.Sincethecollectivesolidar-ity of thekingroupistheprimevalueinthecommunity,fam-ilyautonomyandprivacyareneveritsconcerns.Allrelatedfamiliesareheldtogetherbyasense of mutualityandcomple-mentarity.Suchinterdependenceisseenonoccasions of births,weddings,fairs,andfestivals.TheurbanLingayatfam-ilyisprimarilynuclearbutittoomaintainsitstieswithitsruralkinbyprovidingshelter,hospitality,andemploymentopportunities,whenneeded.Inheritance.Traditionally,legalrightsfavoredthepatri-lineage.Uponmarriage,agirltookherhusband'ssurnameandallthelegalclaimsthatwentwithit.Herloss of ashareinherparentalfamilyproperty,however,wasmetthroughade-quategifts of jewelryandgoldduringhermarriageandonsuccessivevisitstothenatalfamily.Herparentsandsiblingsfulfilledtheirmoralobligationstoher,especiallyintimes of crisis.Suchcustomsandconventionsgenerallycreatedanen-vironmentinwhichbrother-sisterrelationscontinuedevenaftertheparents'deaths.TheSuccessionAct of 1956thatgaveguaranteedequalrightstosurvivingchildren of deceasedparentsalteredthebondsthatonceunitedtheconjugalandnatalfamiliesandbrother-sisterrelationships.Itisnotun-150Limbu.emNepal,causinganethnicandculturalsplitwiththeLimbus.Limbusareconsideredthefirstsettlers of eastNepalandarethoughttobedescendants of theKiratis.Limbusbe-cameknowntohistoryintheeighteenthcentury,atatimewhenanumber of smallchiefdomsinLimbuanwereundertheauthority of thekingdom of Bijayapur.TheLimbuswereexpectedtograntlandtotheimmigrantsfortheirsupport.TheNepalesegovernmentbroughtalltriballands(withtheexception of certainLimbus)underraikar,"asystem of land-lordismunderwhichtherights of anindividualtoutilizationandtransfer of thelandarerecognizedbythestateaslongastaxesarepaid."BeforethissystemwasenforcedallLimbugroupsheldlandunderthesystem of kipat,inwhich"anindi-vidualobtainsrightstolandbyvirtue of hismembershipinaseries of nestingkingroups."Thischange of landtenurecausedLimbustoloselandstotheHinduimmigrants,whoweremostly of Brahmancaste.Thereweretworeasonsforthischange.First,ashortage of landswasbeginningtobefelt,andthereforethegovernmentdissolvedalltheLimbuanrightstotheirkipatlands.Asecondfactorwastheabsence of ownershipdocuments,whichledtolegalconflictsoverown-ershipandrent.Surrenderedkipatlandshelpedtofinancerevenuesettlements,postalservices,andthearmy.TheLimbuswereleftonlywiththelandtheywerelivingonandcultivating.TheBrahmanshadsomeadvantagesoverLim-bus:theywereskilledandhadlaborresourcesthattheLimbuslackedandneeded.Theywerealsoabletoreadandwrite,whichqualifiedthemforadministrativejobsandforcedtheabolition of thekipatsystem.Intheeyes of theLimbus,Brahmanswere"ungratefulservants"whoweretrustedwiththeirlandbut"stole"itinstead.TheLimbusarenowdeter-minedtosalvagetheirlandunderthekipatsystemandrefrainfrompassingitontomembers of othergroups.Brahmans,atacosttotheLimbus,havebecomethemostauthoritarianethnicgroupineastNepal.ResentmentisalsofeltbytheBrahmanstowardtheLimbus;BrahmansregardtheLimbusas"simple"and"concernedonlyforthepresent."BrahmansfeelthatifLimbushadlookedtothefuture,theywouldnothavegrantedtheirlands.TheLimbuanstruggleforlandisanongoingprocessthatcontinuestoaffectsocialandpoliticalconditionsintheregion.EconomyAgricultureisthemainsource of income.Theabundance of landhasmadethecultivation of newagriculturallandspossi-ble,butinsufficientknowledge of technologyhaslimitedtheirproductivity.Limbugrowwheat,rice,andmaize,andtheytradesome of thecropsforgoodsthatcannotbegrownormadeintheirregion.Asexualdivision of laboroccursinagriculture.Menplowthefields,womenplanttheseeds,andattheharvestingperiodbothsexesjointocompletethejob.Duringcultivationfamiliesbringfriendstohelpwiththefields.Thesegroups of peoplesharelaborwithoneanotherduringespeciallybusytimes.Anothersource of incomeforLimbusismilitaryservice.EconomichardshiphasmadeitworthwhiletojointhearmybothinNepalandinIndiainre-turnforasmallamount of cash.Associatedwithmilitaryserviceisrespectandhonor,especiallyforthose of highermil-itaryrank.Kinship,Marriage,andFamilyMarriageisdefinedasalegitimateunionbetweenamanandawomansothattheymayproducelegitimatechildren.Inthepast,marriageswerearrangedbyfamilieswithneitherthebridenorthegroomhavingmuchcommentonthemarriagepaymentsorceremonies.Aftertheweddingthegirlwouldgiveupherlastnameforherhusband's,inreturnforabride-price.Modemtimeshavechangedthisandnowbothpartieshaveachancetochooseanddecideonthematter.Thegiftgivingcontinuesaftertheweddingandmarriagepaymentsex-tendovermanyyears.Womenplayagreatandveryactivepartinthemarriage,inpartbecauseinmanyhouseholdsthemanservesinthearmyformanyyearsandthewomanisthedecisionmakerconcerningthehouse,children,marriage,andbusiness.Womenalsoinfluencethestability of amarriage.Themother-in-lawphobiaisstronglyfelt,andinmostcasesthemother-in-lawistheprimereasonforabride'sdeparture.Languageisalsoabarrierifthebrideisfromadifferentre-gion.TheLimbus,likemanyNepalese,arehesitanttoad-dressoneanotherdirectly.Callingoutanameinpublicistabooandcreatesembarrassment;thereforethenewbrideiscalled"you"or"thewife of so-and-so"(teknonymy)andshedoesnothavefullstatusasawomanuntilshebearsachild.Untilfullacceptancebythemother-in-law,themarriageisuncertain,asthewifecanreturntohernatalhomeifsheismadetofeeluncomfortable.Polygamyisnotwidelyprac-ticed;itispracticedonlyifthewifeisbarrenorhasfailedtoproducesons.Kinshipisveryimportantinamarriage.Aunionwithkinisconsideredsuccessfulandideal.FortheLimbustherearethreetypes of marriages:adultery,arrange-ment,and"theft."Allthreearelegal.Incase of adulterousmarriageabride-priceisnotrequired.Somecompensationispaidtotheformerhusbandbythenewhusband.Also,ifthewomanissingle,thenewhusbandvisitsthewoman'snatalhomewithofferingstoformacloserbondwithherfamily."Theft"marriagesarecommon.Theterm"theft"meansthatshehasagreedtobetakenwithoutnegotiations.Suchelope-mentisonewaytoavoidthehighcost of abride-price.Thewomeninthesemarriagesareconsideredasweaksubjects,laborresources,andchildbearers.FortheLimbustheseun-desirablemarriages,especiallytheft of marriedwomen,areusuallyinitiatedatdances.Familiesrelated"bythebone"makeuppatrilineallineagesandclans.Death of amemberbringspollutiononthelocalagnaticdescentgroup.Duringthistimeadultsrefrainfromeat-ingmealscookedwithsaltandoil.Wiveswhohavetakentheirhusband'sfamilynamealsotaketheirimpuritiesbyeatingleft-oversfromtheirmeals.Lineageandclangroupsareexogamous,somenandwomenwiththesameclannameareforbiddentomarryorhavesexualrelations.Today,lineagesdonothaveagreatinfluenceonmarriage,thoughpaymentsaremadetothechief of theclan.IngeneralLimbufamiliesareeconomicallyandrituallyindependent of eachother.ReligionandExpressiveCultureOnearea of differencebetweenLimbusandBrahmansisreli-gious.LimbusrecognizeandparticipateinmanypopularHindufestivalsbutalsohaveanumber of theirownpracti-tioners.Theyworshipbymeans of bloodsacrifice.Theybe-lievethatlineagedivinitiesarenottransmittedpatrilineally.Lakher145LinguisticAffiliation.TheLakherspeakMaraChin(BurmicFamily,Tibeto-BurmanStock),alanguagebelong-ingtotheSino-TibetanPhylum.HistoryandCulturalRelationsTheseparategroupsthatmakeuptheLakherareallbelievedtohaveoriginatedsomewherenorth of theirpresentlocation,intheChinHills.Theadvancement of thesepeoplescanbetracedwithsomedegree of certainty,andtheoriginalhome-land of atleastthree of thesegroups(Tlongsai,Hawthai,andSabeu)canbeposited.TheTlongsaimigrationbeganinLeisai(betweenLeitakandZaphai).Theoriginalhomeland of theHawthaiisbelievedtohavebeenChira(inHaka).TheSabeuarefoundinChapi,butitisbelievedthattheymigratedtothatlocationfromThiatla,whichisnearHaka.Beforetheadvent of Britishimperialdomination,intervillageconflictwastheLakhernorm.IndividualLakhervillagesfoughtagainstoneanotherandagainstneighboringpeoples(e.g.,theKhumis...

... peoplefrom cultures differentfromourown."We"isusedhereinthebroadestsense,toincludenotjustscholarswhostudythecul-tures of the world andbusinesspeopleandgovernmentoffi-cialswhoworkinthe world communitybutalsotheaveragecitizenwhoreadsorhearsaboutmulticulturaleventsinthenewseverydayandyoungpeoplewhoaregrowingupinthiscomplexcultural world. Forall of thesepeople-whichmeansall of us-thereisapressingneedforinformationonthe cultures of the world. This encyclopedia providesthisin-formationintwoways.First,itsdescriptions of thetraditionalways of life of the world& apos;s cultures canserveasabaselineagainstwhichculturalchangecanbemeasuredandunder-stood.Second,itacquaintsthereaderwiththecontemporaryways of lifethroughoutthe world. Weareabletoprovidethisinformationlargelythroughtheefforts of the volume editorsandthenearlyonethousandcontributorswhowrotetheculturalsummariesthataretheheart of thebook.Thecontributorsaresocialscientists(an-thropologists,sociologists,historians,andgeographers)aswellaseducators,governmentofficials,andmissionarieswhousuallyhavefirsthandresearch-basedknowledge of thecul-turestheywriteabout.Inmanycasestheyarethemajorex-pertorone of theleadingexpertsontheculture,andsomearethemselvesmembers of the cultures. Asexperts,theyareabletoprovideaccurate,up-to-dateinformation.Thisiscrucialformanyparts of the world whereindigenous cultures maybeoverlookedbyofficialinformationseekerssuchasgovern-mentcensustakers.Theseexpertshaveoftenlivedamongthepeopletheywriteabout,conductingparticipant-observationswiththemandspeakingtheirlanguage.Thustheyareabletoprovideintegrated,holisticdescriptions of the cultures, notjustalist of facts.Theirportraits of the cultures leavethereaderwitharealsense of whatitmeanstobea"Taos"ora"Rom"ora"Sicilian."ThosesummariesnotwrittenbyanexpertontheculturehaveusuallybeenwrittenbyaresearcherattheHumanRela-tionsAreaFiles,Inc.,workingfromprimarysourcematerials.TheHumanRelationsAreaFiles,aninternationaleduca-xiii...

... thatlifecontinuesbe-yondthegrave,inalandwhereeach of theuyushasitsindi-vidualabode.Whenonedies,hisorhersoulistakentothedomain of theuyuwhowasthecause of death.Anindividualenjoysthesamestatusandlife-stylethatheorshehadwhilealive.Forthisreasonthedeceasedisprovidedwithfood,drink,possessions,andothertoolsandprovisionstoensurecomfortintheafterlife.BibliographyChowdhury,J.N.(1971).AComparativeStudy of AdiReli-gion.Shillong:North-EastFrontierAgency.Duff-Sutherland-Dunbar,G.(1905).AborandGalong.Memoirs of theRoyalAsiaticSociety of Bengal,5(extranumber).Calcutta.Ffirer-Haimendorf,Christophvon(1954)."ReligiousBeliefsandRitualPractices of theMinyongAbors of Assam,India."Anthropos49:58 8-6 04. Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume III SOUTH AsiA AnavilBrahman7AhirETHNONYMS:Gahra,Gaolan,Gaoli,Gerala,Goala,Golkar,Mahakul,RawatTheAhirareacaste of cowherds,milkers,andcattlebreederswidelydispersedacrosstheGangeticPlain,espe-ciallyinthemoreeasternlypart(Bihar,Bengal,andeasternMadhyaPradesh).TheAhiirmustnumberwelloveramilliontoday:theynumbered750,000in ... Thus,"Abor"suggestsonewhodoesnotsubmitallegiance(i.e.,onewhoishostile,barbarous,orsavage).ThealternativeviewconnectsthewordwithAbo,theprimordialmaninAbormythology.Thefinal-ristakentobesimilartofinal-rrintribaldesignationssuchasAorr,Simirr,andYim-chungrr,whichmeans"man."Inthe1960s,theAborbegancallingthemselvesAdisbecause of thenegativeconnotations of theirformername(seeAdiintheAppendix).Location.AborcommunitiesinIndiaareconcentratedonthebanks of theSiangandYamnerivers.Theirterritory,totalingsome20,000squarekilometers,hastheIndia-Tibetborderasitsnorthernboundary,Pasighatasitssouthernboundary,andGallongcountryandtheSiyomriverasitswesternboundary.Theregion'sgeographiccoordinatesare28°and29°N,by95°and96"E.Demography.Accordingtothe1971censustherewere4,733Abor.AUnitedBibleSocietiessurveysuggestsatotalAdi-speakingpopulation of 84,026in1982.LinguisticAffiliation.TheAborspeakAdi(alsocalledMiri,Abor,Arbor,orMishing),alanguage of theTibeto-BurmanStockbelongingtotheSino-TibetanPhylum.HistoryandCulturalRelationsTheAborsimmigratedtotheirIndianhomelandfromthenorthcrossingtheHimalayasintotheAssamValley.Eventu-allytheyretreatedintothehighlandregionsthattheycur-rentlyoccupy.Thecause of thismigrationisunknown,al-thoughnaturalcausesandpoliticalupheavalhavebeensug.gestedaspossiblecatalysts.Itisalsonotknownwhethertheymigratedasasolidbodyatasinglepointinhistory,orinsmallersubgroupsoveraperiod of severalhundredyears.Be-tween1847and1862,theBritishgovernmenttriedunsuc-cessfullytoconquerall of Aborterritory.Followingthefailure of severalmilitaryendeavors,atreatywasreachedthatguar-anteedlimitedBritishhegemonyanduninhibitedtradeandcommunicationonthefrontier.Inspite of occasionaltreatyviolations,anuneasypeacewasmaintained.AfterthefinalBritishmilitaryactionagainsttheAbor(inresponsetothemurder of theassistantpoliticalofficerandacompanion)in1912,thehillsnorth of Assamweredividedintowestern,central,andeasternsectionsforadministrativepurposes.Thelast of thesewerecollectivelygiventhename of SadiyaFron-tierTract.In1948,theTirapFrontierTractwasdividedintotheMishmiHillsDistrictandtheAborHillsDistrict.Finally,in1954,thename of theAborHillsDistrictwaschangedtotheSiangFrontierDivision.Sincethistime,theAborhaveundergoneconsiderableacculturation,whichhasresultedinanumber of changesinthenature of villagelife,thelocaleconomy,socialstructure,andpoliticalorganization.SettlementsVillagesareusuallybuiltonhilltops(thoughintheplains,Abortendtofollowthelocalpractice of buildingvillagesonlevelland).Preferenceisgiventothoselocationsthataffordaccesstoariverbyaslopinginclineononesideandthepro-tection of averysteepdeclineontheotherside.Housesarebuiltonelevatedplatforms.Theyarearrangedinrowsex-tendingfromthetoptothebottom of thehill,andarecon-structedsothattherearside of thehousefacesthehillitself.Publicbuildingsinatypicalvillageincludethemoshup(bach-elors'dormitory),therasheng(singlefemales'dormitory),andgranaries.Inoldervillages,stonewallswithwoodenrein-forcementsarefound.Majorbuildingmaterialsarebamboo,wood,thatchinggrass,andcane.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Themajorsub-sistenceactivitiesarehunting,fishing,gathering,agriculture,andbarter of surpluscropsforbasicnecessitiesandluxuries.Slash-and-burn(orjhum)agricultureisthenorm.Forestandundergrowtharecut,dried,andburned,afterwhichseedsareplanted.Soilfertilityismaintainedforaperiod of onetothreeyearsusingthismethod.Agriculturallandisgradedac-cordingtolatentfertility,andcropsareassignedaccordingly.36AborFiirer-Haimendorf,Christophvon(1962).TheApaTanisandTheirNeighbours.London:Routledge&KeganPaul.Lal,Parmanand,andBimanKumarDasGupta(1979).LowerSiangPeople.Calcutta:Government of India.Roy,Sachin(1960).Aspects of Padam-MinyongCulture.Shillong:Notth-EastFrontierAgency.Simoons,FrederickJ.,andElizabethS.Simoons(1968).ACeremonialOx of India:TheMithaninNature,Culture,andHistory.Madison:University of WisconsinPress.Srivastava, L. R.N.(1962).TheGallongs.Shillong:North-EastFrontierAgency.HUGHRPAGE,JRAgariaETHNONYMS:Agariya,AghariaAlthoughtheAgariaarenotahomogeneousgroup,itisbelievedtheywereoriginallyaDravidian-speakingbranch of theGondtribe.Asaseparatecaste,however,theydodistin-guishthemselvesfromothersbytheirprofessionasironsmelters.Theirpopulationwas17,548in1971,andtheywerewidelydispersedacrosscentralIndiaontheMaikalrangeinMandla,Raipur,andBilaspurdistricts of MadhyaPradesh.Thereareothercastes of AgariasamongtheLoharsaswell.TheAgaria'snamecomesfromeithertheHindugod of fireAgni,ortheirtribaldemonwhowasborninflame,Agyasur.TheAgarialiveintheirownsection of avillageortown,orsometimestheyhavetheirownhamletoutside of atown.Sometravelfromtowntotownworkingtheirtradeaswell.Asalreadyindicated,thetraditionaloccupation of theAgariaisironsmelting.TheygettheirorefromtheMaikalrange,pre.ferringstones of adarkreddishcolor.Oreandcharcoalareplacedinfurnacesthatareblastedbyapair of bellowsworkedbythesmelters'feetandchanneledtothefurnacethroughbambootubes,aprocessthatiskeptupforhours.Theclayin-sulation of thekilnisbrokenupandthemoltenslagandcharcoalaretakenandhammered.Theyproduceplowshares,mattocks,axes,andsickles.Traditionallybothmenandwomen(inBilaspurmenonly)collecttheoreandmakethecharcoalforthefurnaces.Atduskthewomencleanandpreparethekilnsforthenextday'swork,bycleaningandbreakingupthepieces of oreandroastingtheminanordinaryfire;thetuyeres(cylindricalclayventsfordeliveringairtoafurnace)arerolledbyhandandmadebythewomenaswell.Duringsmeltingoperationsthewomenworkthebellows,andthemenhammerandfashiontheoreonanvils.Theconstruction of anewfurnaceisanim-portanteventinvolvingthewholefamily:themendigtheholesforthepostsanddotheheavywork,thewomenplasterthewalls,andthechildrenbringwaterandclayfromtheriver;uponcompletion,amantra(prayer)isrecitedoverthefur-nacetoensureitsproductiveness.TherearetwoendogamoussubcastesamongtheAgaria,thePathariaandtheKhuntias.Thesetwosubgroupsdonotevensharewaterwitheachother.TheexogamousdivisionsusuallyhavethesamenamesastheGonds,suchasSonureni,Dhurua,Tekam,Markam,Uika,Purtai,Marai,tonameafew.SomenamessuchasAhindwar,Ranchirai,andRattoriaare of HindioriginandareanindicationthatsomenorthernHinduspossiblyhavebeenincorporatedintothetribe.Indi-vidualsbelongingtoasectionarebelievedtoconstitutealineagewithacommonancestorandarethereforeexoga-mous.Descentistracedpatrilineally.Marriagesareusuallyar-rangedbythefather.Whenaboy'sfatherdecidestoarrangeamarriage,emissariesaresenttothegirl'sfatherandifac-ceptedpresentswillfollow.ContrarytoHindumarriagecus-toms,marriageispermittedduringthemonsoonswhenironsmeltingispostponedandthereisnowork.Abride-priceisgenerallypaidafewdaysbeforetheceremony.AswiththeGonds,firstcousinsarepermittedtomarry.Widowmarriageisacceptedandisexpectedwithone'slatehusband'syoungerbrother,particularlyifheisabachelor.Divorceisallowedforeitherpartyincases of adultery,extravagance,ormistreat-ment.Ifawomanleavesherhusbandwithoutbeingdivorced,theothermanbycustomisobligatedtopayapricetothehusband.Evenamongthewidelydispersedsubgroups of theAgariatheretraditionallyhasbeendiscrimination:amongtheAsur,marriagewassanctionedbycustomwiththeChokh,althoughbothgroupsrefusedtomarrywiththeHinduLoharsubgroup,owingtotheirlowerstatus.ThefamilygodisDulhaDeo,towhomofferings of goats,fowl,coconuts,andcakesaremade.TheyalsosharetheGonddeity of theforest,BuraDeo.Lohasur,theirondemon,istheirprofessionaldeity,whomtheybelieveinhabitsthesmeltingkilns.DuringPhagunandontheday of DasahiatheAgariamakeofferings of fowlasasign of devotiontotheirsmeltingimplements.Traditionally,villagesorcererswerere-cruitedduringtimes of sicknesstodeterminethedeitywhohadbeenoffended,towhomanatonementwouldthenbeoffered.BibliographyElwin,Verrier(1942).TheAgaria.Oxford:HumphreyMil-ford,OxfordUniversityPress.Russell,R.V.,andHiraLal(1916)."Agaria."InTheTribesandCastes of theCentralProvinces of India,byR.V.RussellandHiraLal.Vol.2, 3-8 .Nagpur:GovernmentPrintingPress.Reprint.1969.Oosterhout:AnthropologicalPublications.JAYDiMAGGIOAbor5SociopoliticalOrganizationSocialOrganization.Theprimaryallegiance of anindivid-ualistohisorherfamily.Thecohesion of largergroupswithinthesociety,suchassubclans,clans,andmoieties,canalsobeoccasionedbydisputesandconflictsthatthreatenoneormore of theconstituentmembers of theselargergroups.AmongtheAbor'sprimaryinstitutionsmustbein-cludedjhumagriculture,thenuclearfamily,themoshup,andtherasheng.Theanticipatedsecondaryinstitutions(i.e.,corereligiousbeliefs,ritualcults,andfolklorecorpus)alsoobtainamongtheAbor.Traditionally,socialstatuswasachievedthroughtheaccumulation of wealth.Today,educationandoccupationarealsoviewedassigns of status.PoliticalOrganization.Eachvillageisanautonomousunitwhoseaffairsareadministeredbyacouncil(kebang).Councilmembershipconsists of clanrepresentativesandin-dividualvillagemembers.Everyaspect of villagelifeisgov-ernedbythekebang.Thisincludesthemediation of localdis-putes.Groups of villagesareorganizedintobangos,whicharegovernedbyabangocouncil.Disputesbetweenbangosaremediatedbyabogumbokang(atemporaryinterbangocouncilmadeup of bangoeldersfromthesamegroup).SocialControl.Sources of conflictwithinAborsocietyin-cludemaritalandfamilialdisputes,divorce,theft,assault,andinheritancedisputes.Theresolution of conflictandtheregulation of behaviorwithin ... landorwater.Thefourdivisions of landrepre-sentthefourOngeeclans.Eachsection of theislandisfurthersubdividedintosections of landassociatedwithalineage.Theselanddivisions,knownasmegeyabarrotas,areidentifiedwithaperson'smatrilineageand,dependingonwhethertheterritoryisintheforestoronthecoast,witheithertheturtlehunters(eahambelakwe)orthepighunters(ehansakwe).Ongeesprefertohuntandgatherintheirownmegeyabarrotabuttherearenorestrictionsonhuntinginsomeoneelse'smegeyabarrota.Ifonedoeshuntinanother'smegeyabarrotaoneisobligedtoofferandsharefirstwiththeownersanyre-sourcetaken.Aperson'sidentitywithamegeyabarrotaplaysacrucialroleinOngeeritualsandceremonies;forexample,consummation of amarriagemustoccurinthewife'smegeya-barrota,andadeadperson'sbonesmustbekeptintheberate(circularhut) of adescendant'smegeyabarrota.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.Thepresentsmallsize of thepopulationandthelimitedinformationavailableontheNorthernandMiddleAndamansmakesitdifficulttocreateacomprehensivepicture of Andamanesekinship.Earliereth-nographicaccountspresentthebasictribaldivisionasthe"sept,"butRadcliffe-Brown'sobservationsleadustobelievethatgroupscametogethertoensurefriendlyrelations.Onthebasis of Ongeeethnographicmaterialandearlydescrip-tions of theAndamanese,itisbeyondadoubtthattheAnda-manesehavebilateraldescentgroups.KinshipTerminology.Thekinshipsystemiscognaticandterminology,onthewhole,specifiesclassificatoryrela-tions.Prefixesareaffixedtoclassificatoryterms of referencethatalsoemphasizeseniorandjunioragedifferentials.MarriageandFamilyMarriage.Marriageisarrangedbytheelderswithintheprescribedgroup,thatis,betweenturtlehuntersandpighunters.Aman'spatrilinealrelativestakegiftsanddemandadaughterfromaman'smatrilinealgroup.AmongtheOngees,populationdeclineoftenmakesitimpossibleforayoungmantomarryhisclassificatorycrosscousin,andconsequentlyhesometimesmustmarryamucholderwomanwhoishismoth-er'sclassificatorycrosscousin.Monogamyisastrictrule.Anoldermanorwomanwhohaslostaspousereceivespriorityformarriage.Leviratemarriageisacceptable.Marriageisahighlyvaluedstatus.BothManandRadcliffe-Brownimplythatresidenceisambilocal,butsome of Radcliffe-Brown'sremarksindicateatendencytowardsvirilocalresidence.AmongtheOngeesanewlymarriedcouplestayswiththewife'smatrilinealrelativesatleastuntilachildisbom.Afterachildisbornthecouplemaymovetolivewiththehusband'ssiblingsandtheirfamilies.Divorceisrareandisconsideredimmoralafterthebirth of achild.DomesticUnit.Thenuclearfamilyisthemajorgrouparoundwhichallactivitiesrevolve.Thenuclearfamilyin-cludesamarriedcouple'sownchildrenaswellasanyadoptedchildren.Inheritance.Menandwomeninheritrightsandobliga-tionsprimarilyfromtheirmatrilineallineage.Toolsandca-noesmaybeinheritedfromthefather'sside.Socialization.Customarilychildrenaregiveninadoption.Theresponsibility of earlysocialization of thechildrestswiththechild'smatrilinealrelatives.Onceayoungboyisreadyforinitiationhistrainingandeducationbecometheresponsibil-ity of hisfatherandhispaternalrelatives.Afteragirl'sfirstmenstruationsheisevenmorecloselyalignedwithhermatri-linealrelatives.Children of bothsexesaretaughtabouttheforestwhiletheyaccompanytheireldersonvarioushuntingandgatheringactivities.Throughplayandthemaking of toycanoes,bowsandarrows,shelters,andsmallnets,childrenareintroducedtothebasicrequisiteskills.SociopoliticalOrganizationSocialandPoliticalOrganization.Traditionallyspeakers of adialectresidedasanindependentandautonomousgroupinaspecificpart of theislands.Eachlocalgroupwasfurtherdividedup,especiallyintheNorthernandtheMiddleAnda-mans,intotwentytofiftypeoplewho,dependingonthesea-son,livedeitheratthecoastorintheforest.Marriagealli-ancesandadoptionsbetweencoastalandforestdwellerscontrolledconflict;thosesocialcontrolsweresupplementedbythedictates of theelders.SocialControl.TheAndamanesevaluesystemisthebasicmeansformaintainingsocialcontrol.Directconfrontationisavoided,and"goingaway"-thatis,leavingthesourceandscene of conflictforashorttime-isencouraged.Usuallyapersonexpressesresentmentbybreakingordestroyingsomepiece of propertyatthecampsiteandthenstayinginthefor-estforafewdays.Whiletheoffendedpersonisgone,othercampmatesfixupthedestroyedpropertyandwaitforthatperson,whoistakenbackwithoutrecriminations.Conflict.Occasionallyneighboringgroupswouldhaveaconflict of interests;however,hostilityneverescalatedbe-yondthelevel of avoidance.Whenproblemsbetweengroupswouldarise,women,throughinformalchannels of negotia-tion,wereinstrumentalintheresolution of tension.Resolu-tionwasusuallymarkedbyafeastinwhichthegroupsincon-flictwouldparticipate.Betweenneighboringgroupswithdifferentidentitiesthatweremarkedbydifferentspokendia-lects,thepeacemakingceremonyconsisted of asequence of 4AborMajorcropsincluderice,fivevarieties of Job'stears,fourtypes of fingermillet,foxtailmillet,maize,andnamdung(Perillaocimoides,theseed of whichiseatenwholeorground).Greenvegetablesgrownincludemustard,countrybean,pumpkins,whitegourds,smallonions,soybeans,flatbeans,eggplants,bittergourds,frenchbeans,smallmustardplants,potatoes,tomatoes,andenge(Colocasiaantiquorum).Fruitsgrownincludejackfruit,oranges,papayas,bananas,andpineapples.Condimentcropsarelimitedtochilies,gin-ger,andsugarcane.Cottonisthemostimportant of thesev-eralfibercropsgrown.Finally,tobaccoisalsoraised.Gayals,dogs,pigs,goats,andchickensarethemostimportant of theanimalsdomesticatedbytheAbor.TheAbordonothaveacurrency of theirownwithanyitem of value(i.e.,havingapracticalordecorativeuse)beingusedasmoney.MetalitemsarevaluedbytheAbor,andthemetalcauldron(danki)im-portedfromTibetisparticularlytreasured.IndustrialArts.Bamboo,wood,cane,clay,stone,glass,metal,cotton,andwoolareusedasrawmaterials.Manufac-tureditemsincludeyarn,wovencloth,personalattire(e.g.,fordaily,ceremonial,andmilitaryuse),ornaments(e.g.,forear,neck,waist,andwrist),householdfurniture,baskets,utensilsforthepreparationandstorage of food(e.g.,bamboocontainers,woodengourds,andmetalpots),andimplements of war(e.g.,bows,arrows,swords,shields,helmets,spikedwristlets,andbamboospikesorpanjis).Trade.SurplusgoodsarebarteredbytheAborinex-changeforvariousnecessitiesandluxuryitems.Marketrela-tionshipsexistamongtheAborthemselvesandtraderouteslinkthemwithmarketsinNayiLube(Tibet),Along,Pangin,andPasighat(thelatterthreebeinginSiangFrontierDivi-sion).Forexample,rawhidesandchiliesaretradedbytheBorisinTibetforrocksalt,woolencloth,rawwool,Tibetanswordsandvessels,earornaments,andbrassbangles.Theyexchangesalt,iron,andsomeutensilsforotheritemswithneighboringgroups.Withtheestablishment of Along,Pasi-ghat,andPanginasadministrativecenters,Abortradersfromthroughouttheregioncometothesetownstobartertheirgoods.Inadditiontobarter,currencyisalsousedasame-dium of exchange.Division of Labor.Whilesometaskssuchaschildcareandcookingaresharedinsomecasesbymenandwomen,gender-baseddemarcation of responsibilitiesisfollowedinothers.Forexample,weavingistheprovince of women,whilethecuttingandburning of treesandbrushforjhumisamaletask.Generallyspeaking,womenassumeprimaryresponsibil-ityforcooking,maintenance of domesticanimals,andtheseeding,weeding,andharvesting of jhumfields.LandTenure.Eachvillagehasitsownterritorialbound-aries.Withinthese,thelandbelongstothefamiliesinhabit-ingthevillage.Royhassuggestedthatclanownership of landobtainsinsomeoldervillages,thoughthisisnotthegeneralnorm.LalandGuptasuggestedthatinMinyongvillages,thedominantclan(s)is(are)themajoritylandholder(s).Theo-reticallyalllandbelongstothevillage.However,thefamiliesthatconstituteavillagehavetherighttocultivatethelandthattheyclaimastheirown.Kinship,MarriageandFamilyKinGroupsandDescent.Descentispatrilineal.Each of theconstituentAborgroupstracesitsdescentfromasinglemythicalancestorandiscomposed of anumber of clans.Theseclansaredividedintovarioussubclans(groups of fami-liesthatarethebasicAborsocialunit).Clanexogamy,strictlyadheredtoatonetime,hasbecomelessthenormfortheAborduetopopulationincreaseanddispersion.Sub-clans,however,haveremainedstrictlyexogamous.Largerdi-visionsmayexistbetweentheclanandgrouplevels(e.g.,amongtheMinyong,whoaredividedintotwomoieties).Marriage.Monogamousunionsarethenorm,thoughpolygynyisalsopracticed.Divorceisfrequentandeasilyob-tainable.Premaritalsexualexplorationisencouraged.Free-dom of choiceinmateselectionisthenorm,butparentallyarrangedmarriagesalsooccur.Postmaritalresidencedoesnotfallneatlyintoanycategory,butitseemstobebilocal(thenewlymarriedcouplesettlingwiththeparents of eitherthebrideorthegroom)inthebeginning of theunionandneo-localafterthebirth of thefirstchild.Insomecases,theyoungestson of afamilymayremaininthehome of hisfatheralongwithhiswifeandchildren.DomesticUnit.Thetypicalunitismadeup of ahusbandandwife,togetherwiththeirchildren.However,anumber of variationsinbasicMinyongfamilycompositionhavebeennoted.Absoluteauthorityresideswiththemalehead of thehousehold.Jointfamiliesarerarebecausetheallegiance of maleandfemaleoffspringistransferred,firsttothemaleandfemaledormitories,thentotheirownfamilies,asthelifecycleprogresses.WhilemonogamousunionsaretheAbornorm,polygynousarrangementsareknown.Consequently,householdswithcowivesarenotrare.Inheritance.Theinheritance of allpropertydescendsthroughthemaleline.Sonsshareequallyintherealproperty(land) of theirfather'sestate.Thesameistrue of thefamilyhouse,thoughtheyoungestsoninheritshisfather'shouseifhehaschosennottoestablishhisownresidenceaftermar-riage.Thecare of thefather'swidowistheresponsibility of theyoungestson.Allotherpropertyownedbythefather-suchasbeadsinheritedfromhisfather,implementsusedinhuntingandwarfare,andclothingwovenforhimbyhiswife-isdividedequallyamonghissons.Some of hispersonaleffects(thoughnone of realvalue)areusedtodecoratehisgrave.Ornamentsthatawomanbringswithherintoamar-riageandthosegiventoherbyherhusbandremainhersandareinheritedbyherdaughtersanddaughters-in-law.Socialization.Thechiefagents of socializationareachild'sparents,themoshup(men'sdormitory),andtherasheng(women'sdormitory).Inthehome,gender-specificrolesandresponsibilitiesareintroducedbytheparents,andchildrenspendtheirdaysengagedinhouseholdandsubsis-tenceactivities.Afterachildisabletocrawl,itisplacedunderthecare of itseldersiblings.Oncethechildhasreachedadolescence,responsibilityforsocializationshiftstothemoshupandrasheng,wherechildrenspendeveningsaftertheirround of dailydomesticchoresisover.Thedormitoriesserveasthetraininggroundformenandwomenuntiltheyaremarriedandareabletoestablishtheirownhouseholds.Andamanese9havebeenimplemented.Todaytheremainingfourtribalgroupsareundershegovernment-controlledinstitutioncalledAndamanAsimJanJatiVikasSamiti.Governmentplanners,administrators,andsocialworkersfaceadilemmaindeterminingwhatkinds of changesinthetraditionalworldview of theremainingtribalgroups,especiallytheOngees,shouldbeeffected.TheJarwasandtheSentinelesehaveremainedlargelyoutsidetheframework of structuredandprolongedwelfareactivities.TheGreatAndamanese,who of thefourgroupshavehadthelongestperiod of contactwithoutsiders,arethemostdependentonoutsidersandtheirgoods;theyalsoarethesmallestgroup,withpracticallynomemory of theirownlanguageandtraditions.SettlementsAndamanesesettlementpatternsarebasedonseasonalchanges.Duringtherelativelydryseason(fromOctobertoFebruary)simplethatchedlean-tohutsaresetupinacircularformationclosetothecoastalareabyfourfamiliesormore.Allhutsfacethecentralcampgroundcreatedbythesur-roundinghuts.Usuallytheseparatehutsfortheunmarriedmenandnewlymarriedcouplesdonotformapart of thehutssurroundingthecampground.Duringthemonths of MaytoSeptember,theAndamanesemovefromthecoasttothefor-estwherepigsarehuntedandhoney,fruit,andtubersarecol-lected.Violentrainstorms,whichoccurfromMaytoSeptem-ber,makeitimpossiblefortheAndamanesetohuntturtles,dugongs,orfishfromtheircanoes.Themovefromthecoasttotheforestismarkedbyachangeinsettlementpattern:thoughcampsaresetupintheforestastheyareatthecoast,onlyfour...

... thelatterstillexistandtendtobeoccupationallyendogamous.Today,however,Muslimvillagecommunities,atleastinBangladesh,aremostoftenpopulatedbyordinarycultivators,amongwhomwell-markedcastelikedistinctionsarenotfoundandwhoempha-sizedistinctionsinwealthasthebasisforsocialrank.PoliticalOrganization.WestBengalisdividedintosix-teendistricts,andbelowthedistrictlevel(aseverywhereinIndia)thereisathree-tieredcouncilsystemknownaspancha.yatiraj,whosepurposeistoadministervillageandmultivil-lageaffairsandtocarryoutdevelopmentprojectsconsistentwithstatewideplansandgoals.Eachvillageelectsavillageas-sembly(gramsabha),whoseexecutivebodyisthevillagecouncil(grampanchayat).Usuallythesevillagecouncilsarecontrolledbythenumericallyand/oreconomicallydominantcastegroupinthevillageselectingthem.Severalvillagecoun.cilsinturnelectanareacouncil(anchalpanchayat),whichhasjurisdictionoverthevillagecouncils.Theheads of thevariousareacouncils,alongwithnominatedmembers of thestatelegislativeassembly,formthedistrictcouncil(zillaparishad),which,linkedtothestategovernment,hascontrolovertheentirelocalgovernmentsystem.Paralleltothelocalcouncilsateachlevelisathree-tieredjudicialsystemaswell.InBangladesh,whichundertookadministrativereformsin1982,the68,000officiallydesignated"villages"ormauzasareamalgamatedintoaround4,300unionswithgoverningcoun-cilsknownasunionparishadsconstitutingthelowestlevels of thenationalgovernmentandadministration,towhichthevillagerselectmembers.Unionsarefurthergroupedintonearly500upazillasorsubdistrictss,"governedbyupazillaparishads,whosemembershipsarecomposedbythechairmen of theunionparishads(exceptthatthechairman of anupazillaparishadisdirectlyelected).Upazillasinturnareunitedintosomesixty-fourdistricts,andtheseagainintofourdivisions.Thekeytothisadministrativeschemeissupposedtobetheupazillaparishad,whichhasmanylocaldecision-makingpowers,especiallythoserelevanttocommunitydevel-opment.Socialscientistswhohavestudiedthelocalgovern.mentsysteminBangladeshhavefoundthatitis.usuallydominatedbythemorewealthysections of thepeasantryandlocallypowerfulvillageelites.SocialControl.InbothWestBengalandBangladesh,for-malsocialcontrolmechanismsareprovidedbytheunits of localgovernmentdescribedabove,inconjunctionwithpoliceandcivilcourtadministration.However,informalmecha-nismshavetraditionallybeenimportantaswell.AmongHin-dus,intervillagecastepanchayats(councils),headedbytheelders,regulatemarriagesandotherwisegoverntheaffairsandmediatedisputes of themembers of thesamecasteinsev-eraladjacentvillages.AmongMuslims,similartraditionalcouncils,calledsamaj, of villageeldersperformsimilarfunc-tions,andsometimesthesegroupsmayencompassseveralcontiguousvillages.Thesetraditionalsociopoliticalgroup-ingsmayoverlapwiththeofficialunits of localgovernmentdescribedabove,inthattheleaders of theseindigenousgroupsaresometimeselectedtomembershipinthegovern.mentalbodiestoo.Conflict.Anthropologistshaveconductedmanystudies of conflictin South Asianvillages,includingthose of Bengal.Theyhavefoundthatconflictoftenoccursnotonlybetweenthevariouscastesbutalsobetweenfactions,eachcomposed of members of variouscastegroups.Competitionforscarcelandisamajorsource of conflict,aswellasrivalrybetweenlandownersforpowerandinfluenceinlocal,regional,andevenstateandnationalaffairs.Wealthylandowningfamilieswilloftenexercisecontrolovertheirtenantsandthelandlesspeoplewhoworkontheirland,relyingonthesupport of thelatterinconflictsituations.Theoutcomes of electionsforbothlocalandupper-levelcouncilsareinfluencedbyfac-tionalconflict,asarethepollsineachconstituencyforstateandnationallegislativebodies.ReligionandExpressiveCultureHinduismandIslamarethetwomajorreligions of Bengal,andreligiousidentificationwasthebasisforthepoliticaldivi-sionexperiencedbytheBengaliswiththedeparture of Britishrulein1947.InWestBengal,Hindusconstituted77percent of thepopulationin1981,andMuslims22percent.Some85percent of BangladeshisareMuslim,about14percentHindu.Lessthan1percent of BengalisareChristians;onecanalsofindafewisolatedBengaliBuddhistvillagesinsouthernBangladesh.ReligiousBeliefs.BengaliHinduismbyandlargecon-formstotheorthodoxVedanticvariety of thatfaith,althoughinresponsetotheculturalimpact of theBritishinthelastcenturythereemergedcertainmodernisticvariants(e.g.,theBrahmoSamaj,towhichsomeWesternizedhigh-casteelitesweredrawn).TheShaivitecult,focusingonworship of thegodShivaandhisfemalecounterparts,iswidespreadamongtheuppercastes,whileVaishnavism,involvingdevotiontotheLordKrishna,ispopularamongthelowercastes.BengaliMuslimsbelongoverwhelminglytotheSunnidivision of IslamandgenerallyconformtotheHanafischool of Islamiclaw.PopularreligioninBengaloftendisplayssyncretism,amixing of bothHinduandMuslimfolkbeliefs,deities,andpractices.Bengalisfamousforitswanderingreligiousmendi.cantfolkmusicians(e.g.,theBauls,whodisdaincasteandconventionalHindu/Muslimreligiousdistinctionsintheirworshipandway of life).InadditiontoformalworshipatHindutemplesandMuslimmosques,popularworshipin-volvingreligiousfolkmusiciswidespread,especiallyatVaish-navitegatherings(kirtan)andamongMuslimfollowers of severalSufiorders(tarika)presentinBengal.BengaliMus-limsarealsoknownfortheirpractice of "pirism,"theculticfollowing of Muslimsaintsorholymen(calledpirs).ReligiousPractitioners.TheHinduclergyisdrawnfromthehighest(Brahman)castesandisthusamatter of birth-right,althoughnotallBrahmansactuallypracticeaspriests(pandit,purahit).Practitionerswithin ... aredecidedbytheelders of disputingvillagesorarere-ferredtothelargerterritorialorganization.Everyonepartici-patesindecisionmakinguntilaconsensusisreached.Thepoliticalorganization,inconformitywiththevaluesystem of Paurisociety,regulatesthebehaviorpattern of thedisputantsandtransgressors.Theoffice of villageheadishereditary.Thevillagepanchayat,anewstatutorybody,hasrecentlybeenin-troducedsidebysidewiththetraditionalcouncil of elders,primarilyforvillagewelfareactivities.Thewaves of nationalpartypoliticshavenotreachedPauricountry.SocialControl.Severalrecentchangesininterpersonalre-lationshipsaretheresult of achangeinthesocialsettingfromethnichomogeneityandvillageexogamytoethnicheteroge-neityandvillageendogamy.Thecommonownership of landunderswiddencultivationandprivateownership of valleylandforcultivationareacknowledged.Commonritualprac-ticesbindPaurisocietyintoasingleentity.Theorganiccon-trol of communitylifeisguidedbyanegalitarianoutlook of thepeople.Conflict.Exceptforconflicts of aminornature,harmoni-ousrelationsbetweenpersonsandalsobetweensocialgroupsaremaintained.Still,whendisputesoverlandcontrol,inces-tuousrelations,adultery,divorce,orhomicidedoarise,thevillagecouncil of eldersandthelargerterritorialcouncil-forintravillageandintervillagedisputes,respectively-decidetheissuesthroughdeliberation.ReligionandExpressiveCultureReligiousBeliefs.Theuniverseisdominatedbynumerousdeitiesandspirits,bothgoodandevil,andthesepossessun-equalpowers.Thesesupernaturalbeingsareorderedhierar.chicallyandareclassifiedassupreme,nature,andvillagedei-ties,generaltribalgods,andancestralspirits.Bothmaleandfemaledeitiesexist.Thesungodandhisconsort,theearthgoddess,aresupremedeities.Theyarerememberedoneachritualoccasion,butthereisnospecificceremonyfortheirworship.ThePauriBhuiyahaveadoptedmanyHindudeities.ReligiousPractitioners.Priesthoodishereditaryandisheldbyamalewhorepresentstheseniormostbranch of theoriginalvillagefamily.Thepriestpropitiatesthedeitiesonbe-half of thevillagersandisthechiefofficialinallcommunalworship.Ceremonies.Most of thefestivalsarecloselyassociatedwithdifferentaspects of economicactivities.SomefestivalsareborrowedfromtheHindus.Socialandreligiousceremo-niesareoccasionswheninteractionsandmeetings of peopletakeplace.Almostallritualshavesacredandsecularaspects,yettheyareextremelystereotypedintheirdetails.Arts.Dancingandsinging,especiallybytheyouth,areanintegralpart of Paurilife.Externalinfluenceshaveaffectedmanyaspects of ... herhusband'sproperty.Socialization.Motherandchildareconsideredpollutinguntiltheeleventhdayafterbirth,whenapurifyingceremonyisconductedandthebabyisgivenaname.Thefirstfeeding of rice,calledpasni,isgivenafter5monthsforagirland7monthsforaboy.Aboy'sheadisshavedatabout7years of age(asmalltuft of hairisleftonthebackasasignthatheisaHindu),andheisformallyinitiatedintofullcastemember-shipwhenhereceivesthesacredthread,eitheratthetime of thehaircutorafewyearslater.Atherfirstmenstruationagirlisremovedtoanotherhouse,wheresheisshieldedfromthesight of anymeninherfamilyandfromthesun.Bothparentsparticipateinraisingtheirchildren,butwomenperformmost of thechildcare,especiallyinthepreteenyears.Fathersactasdisciplinariansastheirchildrengrowolder.SociopoliticalOrganizationSocialOrganization.Acastesystemprevails,withtheBrahmansandChhetrisoccupyingaveryhighpositioninit.PoliticalOrganization.Villagepoliticallifetendstofol-lowitsowndynamic,regardless of changesinthenationalpo-liticalscene.Villageaffairstendtobemanagedbyformalorinformalcouncils of villageeldersinwhichBrahmansandChhetris,byvirtue of theirstatusaslandholdersandtheirrel-ativelyhighereducation,oftenplayprominentroles.Nation-allytheking,whoseancestorunifiedthecountryinroughlyitspresentformattheend of theeighteenthcentury,hasal-waysbeenaThakuri,anaristocraticsection of Chhetris.TheRanafamily,whichprovidedallprimeministersfrom1846till1950andisstillpowerfulinthegovernmentandarmy,isalsoChhetri.ThemovementtooverthrowtheRanasandsubsequentpoliticalmovementsaimedatdemocraticorso-cialistreformhavefrequentlybeenledbyBrahmansandChhetris.SocialControl.Until1963Nepal'sMulkiAin(nationalcode)explicitlystatedwhichactivitieswereproperforeachcastegroupandprescribedpenaltiesforinfractions of thelaw.Sincethecode'srevisionin1963,theMulkiAintreatsallcitizensequallyunderthelaw.Conflict.Thoseconflictsthatcannotbesettledthroughinformalmeansatthevillagelevelarereferredtothelegalandjudicialsystem of Nepal.ReligionandExpressiveCultureReligiousBeliefs.AllBrahmansandChhetrisareHindusandsubscribetomost of thebasicHindubeliefs.Atamini-mumtheseincludethreenotions.Oneisdharma-theideathateachpersonhasaspecificduty,moralcode,andset of behaviorswhichareentailedbyvirtue of membershipinagroup(suchasacastegroup).Anotherideaisthat of karma-sometimeslikenedto'causeandeffect,"becauseitexplainswhateverpresentstate of affairsexistsinterms of theeventsinpreviouslivesthatproducedit.Thethirdismoksha(salvation)-releasefromtheround of rebirthsthatreincar-nationinvolves.ReligiousPractitioners.Brahmansmayactasfamilypriests(forBrahmanandChhetrihouseholds,butnotforothercastesandethnicgroups),aswellasofficiateatshrinesandtemplesandatritualsassociatedwithmajorfestivals.Theyalsohandlealltheritualsperformedduringmarriage.Theyaregenerallypresentonreligiousoccasionsandreadex-cerptsfromtheVedasorotherSanskrittexts.TheyalsorecitefromthePuranasandfromthetwogreatHinduepics,theRamayanaandtheMahabharata.Ceremonies.AllBrahmansandChhetrisareHindusandobservefestivals,performrituals,andworshipdeitiesassoci-atedwithHinduism.One of themoreimportantannualfesti-valsisDasein(orDurgaPuja),inwhichthegoddessDurga(Kali)isworshipedoverafortnightinthemonth of October.Manyritualofferingsandanimalsacrificesaremadeatthistime,andthereismuchfeastingandvisitingamongimmedi-atefamilyandextendedkin.Onthetenthday of thefort-nighteachindividualmaleandfemalepaysrespecttoseniorrelatives,whothenreciprocatebyplacingacoloredtikaontheforehead of thejuniorperson.AlsoobservedisPhagu(calledHoliinIndia),thespringrite of HinduculturerelatedtofecundityandthegodKrishna.Itcomesinthemonth of Phagun(February-March)andisariotoustimewhenmen,women,andchildrensing,dance,andthrowcoloredpowderandwaterateachother.OtherannualfestivalsincludeTihar(Dipavali,thefestival of lights),JanaiPurnima(changing of thesacredthread),andTij-panchami(apurificatoryriteforwomen).Ritualsinadditiontothosementionedabove(underSocializationandMarriage)includeworship of thehouseholdgod(kuldevta),worship of brothersbysisters(bhaitika,celebratedduringTihar),anddaily(morningandsome-timesevening)worship of various of theHindudeities,in-cludingGanesh,Shiva,Vishnu,Ram,Krishna,Saraswati,Durga,Parvati,Narayan,Bhairab,andmanyothers.SomeChhetris of westNepalworshipMashtathroughshamans(dhamisorjhankris)andknowlittleornothingabouttradi-tionalHindudeitiesandfestivals.Arts.BrahmansandChhetrisarenotknownfortheirar-tisticinterestsorabilities.Music,dance,andvisualandplas-ticartsaretraditionallythedomain of other,generallylowercastes,andexceptamongeducatedurbanpeopleBrahmansandChhetrisdonotindulgethemselvesintheseactivities.Theirsimple,mostlyundecoratedhousesreflectthislack of artisticbent.Medicine.BrahmansandChhetriswillacceptmedicalhelpfromanyavailablesource,whetheritisanAyurvedicdoctor(aspecialistinherbalmedicine),apassingBuddhistlamawithareputationforeffectivemedicines,ashamanwhoBadaga15HistoryandCulturalRelationsTheearlyBadagas,refugeesfromtheMusliminvaders of My-sore,hadtocuttheirfarmsteadsout of theNilgiriforests.Theycontinuedsomeslash-and-burncultivationthereuntilthe1870s.Bythattimethelanddemands of Britishteaandcoffeeplanters,thenresidentforhalfacentury,hadcreatedamarketforfarmland,whichtemptedmanyBadagastosellsome of theirland.Butmost of theirlandwasretained.Bytheearlytwentiethcenturytheywerepursuingadvancededu-cationandsomeurbanprofessions.FormanyyearsnowtheBadagashavebeenadaptingtotheirownusecertainaliencustomsandtechniques.Nowhereisthismoreevidentthaninagriculture.SettlementsThevillages,eachinhabitedonlybyBadagas of aparticularclanandusuallycontainingnomorethanseveralhundredpeople,consist of parallelrows of stoneorbrickhouseswithtiledroofs.Theyliealongtheslope of ahillonitsleewardside,forprotectionfromthewesterlymonsoon.Thefieldsspreadoutallaround.Uptoahalf-dozentemplesandshrinesfordifferentHindugodsarefoundineachvillage.Modernvillageshaveelectricityandpipedwatertocommunaltaps,butnotlongagothewatersupplywasanearbystreamoratbestachannelrunningintothevillagefromastream.Oneotheruniversalfeatureisavillagegreen,importantasacoun-cilplace,playground,danceground,funeralplace,andgen-eralgrazingareaforthecalves.ThetraditionalBadagatwo-roomhouses,stillincommonuse,arebuiltingroups of adozenorlesstoformacontinuouslinealongalevelpiece of ground.Theyarenowmade of whitewashedbrickandhavetiledorcorrugated-ironroofs,butthetraditionalbuildingmaterialwaswattleanddaub.Scarcelyanythatchedroofsnowremain.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.IngeneralBadagasusefieldsaroundthevillagestopracticemixedfarm-ing of millets,barley,wheat,andavariety of Europeanvegeta-bles,two of which-thepotatoandcabbage-havenowas-sumedmajorcommercialimportance.Milletswerethestapleuntilthiscentury,andtheyweresometimescultivatedinfor-estclearingsbytheslash-and-burntechnique.Badagafarm-ersusenoirrigation;instead,theyrelyontherainfall of tworegularmonsoonseasons.Duringthiscenturytheyhavegrad-uallyshiftedfromsubsistencefarming of traditionalgrainstocash-cropfarming of potatoesandcabbages.Afterseveralseasons of disease,potatoeswererecentlysupersededbynu-meroussmallplantations of tea(whichwasfirstintroducedherebytheBritishin1835)andcabbagefields.Crops of Eu-ropeanoriginarenowgrownonmachine-madeterraceswiththehelp of chemicalfertilizers,trucktransport,improvedseed,andevencropinsurance;similartechniquesareusedontheteaplantations,whichmustmaintain world marketstan-dards.Herds of buffaloandcowsarekeptfordairypurposes;thesearelessnumerousthaninthepast,andtheyareneverkeptformeat,eventhoughmostpeoplearenotvegetarians.Poultryarefrequentlykeptandponiesoccasionally.Bee-keepingispracticednow,butinearlierdaysonlywildhoneywascollectedintheforests.Althoughpotatoesandpur-chasedricearethestaplesnowadays,theBadagastradition-allyatewheatandvariousmillets.Theirmixedfarmingpro-ducesagoodvariety of bothlocalandEuropeancrops,andtheirdietalsomaybecomplementedwithsomewildforestplants.MostBadagasarenonvegetarian,eatingmuttonandoccasionalwildgame.Thereisnoevidence of opiumaddic-tion,althoughthiswasanopium-producingcommunityinthelastcentury.Illicitliquorisproduced.IndustrialArts.AlthoughBadagashavebeendoingbuild-ingandurbantradesforaboutacentury,until1930theylookedtotheKotastosupplyall of theirneedsinpottery,car-pentry,leather,blacksmithing,silverornaments,thatching,andfurniture.Badagasincludenospecializedartisanphra-triesorsubcastes.Trade.Thiscommunityiswellknownforitscomplexsym-biosiswiththeToda,Kota,andKurumbatribesof...

... tothegovernment.TheChakmarajatraditionallyreceivedasmallportion of taxonswiddenland.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.Theparibar(family)isthebasickinshipunitinChakmasociety.Beyondtheparibarandbari(homestead),multihouseholdcompoundsarethenextwidestunit,themembers of whichmayformworkgroupsandhelpeachotherinotheractivities.Nextarethehamlets,com-prised of anumber of bari.Theyformworkgroupsforeco-nomicactivitiesrequiringtravel,suchasswiddencultivation,fishing,collecting,etc.Hamletpeopleareorganizedandledbyaleadercalledthekarbari.Thevillageisthenextlargergroupwhoarrangeafewritualstogether.DescentamongtheChakmaispatrilineal.Whenawomanmarries,sheleavesherownfamilyandisincorporatedintothat of herhusband.Propertyisinheritedinthemaleline.Despitethepatrilineal-ity,somerecognitionisgiventomaternalkin.Forexample,anindividual'smother'sfamilywillparticipateinhisorhercremationceremony.KinshipTerminology.Thepatrilinealnature of theChakmakinshipsystemispartiallyreflectedinthekinshipterminology.Thus,differenttermsareusedtoaddressafa-ther'sbrotherandamother'sbrotherandtoaddressafa-ther'ssisterandamother'ssister.Ontheotherhand,inthegrandparentalgenerationthedistinctionbetweenpaternalandmaternalkindisappears,withallgrandfathersbeingcalledajuandallgrandmothersnanu.Inthefirstdescendinggeneration,thereisagainnodistinctionbetweenpatrilinealandothertypes of kin.Thusfather'sbrother'schildren,fa-ther'ssister'schildren,mother'sbrother'schildren,andmother'ssister'schildrenarealltermedda(male)anddi(female).MarriageandFamilyMarriage.PolygynousmarriagesarepermissibleamongtheChakma,althoughtheyarelesscommontodaythaninthepast.Marriagesareusuallyarrangedbytheparents,butopinions of potentialspousesareconsidered.Ifaboyandgirlloveeachotherandwanttomarry,theparentsusuallygivetheirconsentprovidedtherules of marriageallowthemtodoso.Chakmarules of exogamyforbidmarriagebetweenpeoplebelongingtothesamegutti(orgusthi).Thisguttimaybede-finedasapatrilineagewhosememberstraditionallytraceddescentfromacommonancestorwithinsevengenerations.However,earlyinthepresentcenturyaChakmaprince,RamonyMohonRoy,tookforhiswifeawomanrelatedtohimwithinfivegenerations,bothbeingdescendants of thesamegreat-grandfather.Followingthisexample,ithasnowbecomecommonformarriagestobeallowedwithanyonenotpatrilineallyrelatedwithinfourgenerations.Theguttiseemstohavebeenredefinedaccordingly.Inmorerecenttimes,Chakmastillsaythatmarriageshouldnottakeplacewithinthegutti,andyetitsometimeshappensthatsecondcousins(thedescendants of thesamegreat-grandfather)arepermit-tedtomarry.Virilocalresidenceaftermarriageisthenormandpeopledonotlookfavorablyuponuxorilocalresidence;however,rareinstances of uxorilocalresidencehavebeenreported.DomesticUnit.Thefamily(paribar)usuallycomprisesahusbandandwife,togetherwiththeirunmarriedchildren.However,thereareinstances of marriedsonswiththeirwivesandchildrenlivingtogetherwiththeirparentsinoneparibar.Usuallyallmembers of theparibaroccupyasinglegharorhouse.However,ifaparibarexpandstothepointwhereitisimpossibleoruncomfortableforallmemberstoliveunderthesameroof,oneortwoannexesmaybeaddedattheside of themainbuilding.Butevenwhentheparibarmembersliveunderseparateroofs,theycontinuetocookandeattogether.Inheritance.Propertyisdividedequallyamongthesons.Thedaughtersusuallydonotinherit.Usuallyayoungersonwhocaresforhisparentsintheiroldagereceivesthehome-steadinadditiontohisshare.Socialization.Infantsandchildrenareraisedbybothpar-entsandsiblings.Inathree-generationfamily,grandparentsalsotakeactiverolesinsocializingandenculturatingthechil-58Castes,HinduMandelbaum,David.G.(1970).SocietyinIndia.2vols.BerkeleyandLosAngeles:University of CaliforniaPress.Raheja,GloriaG.(1988)."India:Caste,Kingship,andDom-inanceReconsidered."AnnualReview of Anthropology17:49 7-5 22.W.D.MERCHANTChakmaETHNONYM:ChangmaOrientationIdentification.TheChakmaspeakadialect of BengaliorBangla,liveinsoutheasternBangladesh,andarepredomi-nantly of theBuddhistfaith.AlthoughtheyaregenerallyknownintheanthropologicalliteratureasChakma-andareofficiallysotermedinBangladesh-theyusuallycallthem-selvesChangma.Location.Bangladeshislocatedbetween20034'and26038'Nand88001'and92041'E.Chakma(andanotherelevenethnicminoritypeoples)occupythreehillydistricts of Bangladesh-Rangamati,Bandarban,andKhagrachhari.Thishillregioniscutbyanumber of streams,canals,ponds,lakes,andeasternrivers;itcoversatotalarea of about13,000squarekilometers.SomeChakmaalsoliveinIndia.Demography.Accordingtothe1981censusthetotalChakmapopulationinBangladeshwas212,577,makingthemthelargesttribalgroupinBangladesh.In1971afurther54,378ChakmawereenumeratedinneighboringIndianter-ritory.Theyconstitute50percent of thetotaltribalpopula-tion of thesoutheasternhillregion,althoughtherearealsomanyBengali-speaking(nontribalororiginallyplains)peopleintheregionwhomigratedthereatvarioustimesinthepast.Asaresult,Chakmanowconstitutelessthan30percent of thetotalpopulation of thatregion.In1964,thisregionlostitsofficiallydesignatedtribalstatus,andasaresultmanypeo-plefromtheplainsmigratedthere.LinguisticAffiliation.TheChakmaspeakadialect of Bangla(Bengali),whichtheywriteinthestandardBanglascript.(Thisisthemothertongue of almost99percent of thetotalpopulationinBangladesh-i.e., of some110millionpeople.)However,itseemslikelythattheChakmaoncespokeanArakanese(Tibeto-Burman)language,whichtheylaterabandonedinfavor of theIndo-Europeantongue of theirBengalineighbors.TheChakmawriterBirajMohanDewangivesafigure of 80percentfortheBangla-derivedChakmavocabulary.HistoryandCulturalRelationsScholarsdifferontheoriginandhistory of Chakma.OnepopularviewamongtheChakmaisthattheirancestorsoncelivedinChampoknagar,althoughopinionsdifferastoitslo-cation.ItisalsoguessedthattheChakmaderivedtheirnamefromChampoknagar.AccordingtooralhistorytheChakmaleftChampoknagarforArakaninBurmawheretheylivedforabout100years.TheyhadtoleaveArakanforBangladeshinoraroundsixteenthcentury,whenBangladeshwasgovernedbyMuslimrulers,beforethearrival of theBritish.Evenifwedonotbelievethestory of theirorigininChampoknagar,wehavereasontobelievetheChakmalivedinArakanbeforetheymigratedtoBangladesh.Theywerethennomadicshift-ingcultivators.OntheirarrivalinBangladeshtheChakmachiefsmadeabusinesscontractwiththeMuslimrulers,promisingtopayrevenueortaxincotton.Inreturntheywereallowedtoliveinthehillregionandengageintradewiththelargersociety.Bythelateeighteenthcentury,Britishauthori-tieshadestablishedthemselvesinthesoutheasterndistricts of Bangladesh.TheBritishformallyrecognizedadefiniteter-ritory of theChakmaraja(theparamountchief).In1776,SherdoulatKhanbecametheChakmaraja.Hefoughtunsuc-cessfullyagainsttheBritish.FurtherfightingbetweentheChakmaandtheBritishtookplacebetween1783and1785.In1787,RajaJanbuxKhan,son of SherdoulatKhan,madeapeacetreatywiththeBritishgovernment,promisingtopaythelatter500maunds of cotton.TheBritishrecognizedtheoffice of Chakmarajathroughouttherest of theirrule.Differ-entChakmarajasmaintainedgoodrelationswiththeauthor-ities of centraladministrationandtheChakmaincreasinglycameincontactwiththeBengalipeopleandculture.SettlementsTraditionallytheChakmabuildtheirhousesabout1.8me-tersabovethegroundonwoodenandbamboopiles.Withtheincreasingscarcity of bambooandwood,theyhavestartedtobuildhousesdirectlyonthegroundintheBengalistyle.TheChakmahaveasettledvillagelife.Afamilymaybuildahouseonaseparateplot of land.Afewfamiliesalsobuildhousesonthesameplot of land.Theseunits(clusters of houses)areknownasbari(homestead).Anumber of bariconstituteahamlet(paraoradam).Anumber of hamletsmakeupagramorvillage.Thisisalsoknownasamouza,a"revenuevillage."Mosthousesarebuiltontheslopes of thehills,usuallynearstreamsorcanals.Bambooiswidelyusedinmakinghouses.Thepillarsaremade of bamboo(orwood);theplatform(abovetheground)andwallsarealso of bamboo.Theroofismadewithbambooandhemp.AveryfewChakmahavestartedusingtinformak-ingroofs.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Theeconomyisbasedonagriculture.Chakmafarmersutilizethreedifferentmicroenvironments:flatlands,whichcanbeirrigated,slightlyhigherlands,whicharenotusuallyirrigated;andrela-tivelysteephighlands.Eachmicroenvironmentisutilizedforthecultivation of specificcrops.Intheirrigatedlowlands,theChakmagrowwetrice.Hereplowingisdonewithasinglemetal-bladewoodenplowdrawnbybullocksorwaterbuffalo.TheChakmawholearnedplowagriculturefromBengalisinthemid-nineteenthcenturygrowwetricetwiceayearonthesameland.Thecropisharvestedbyhandwiththehelp of sickles.OnslightlyhigherlandstheChakmacultivateavari-Chin67theresultingdangerousspiritsandmadeitpossibletosendthemasservantstotheLand of theDead.TheSouthernChinneverpracticedheadhunting.ReligionandExpressiveCultureReligiousBeliefs.TheChin-Lushaitraditionalpantheoniscomplicated.Thereisgenerallyasomewhatremotecreatorgod,sometimeswithafemalecounterpart.SomesayhisrealmiscoextensivewiththeLand of theDead.Heisreveredasaremotefatherfigure,buthispowerconsistsonly of avagueabilitytoprotectoneagainstultimateadversity.Itisinthelight of thesecharacteristicsthatthetraditionalhighgodservedasasort of modeltowhichthe ... chiefnationalistgroup.Thenon-Brahmansthendominatedbysheernumbersandanewfoundsense of theirimportanceinthepreviouslyBrahman-dominatedpoliticalarena.Bythetime of Indianindependence,noBrahmanwasimportantintheCongressparty.LaterChitpavanpoliticalskillwasexertedontheLeftandontheRight,notinthemoderateIndianNationalCon-gress.ImportantSocialistsareS.M.Joshi(b.1904),N.G.Goray(b.1907),andcurrentlyMadhuLimaye(b.1922),al-thoughthesehavenotbeenaswellknownonthenationalstageaswereTilak,Gokhale,orRanade.ChitpavansdominatedtheMarathi-speakingareaad-ministratively,culturally,economically,andeducation-ally-infact,ineveryfieldexceptritualreligion-sincetheirfirstappearanceinwesternIndiainthelateseventeenthcen-turyuntilthedecadesjustbeforeIndianindependence.Thisdominanceeventuallyresultedinastronganti-Brahmanfeel-ingthatsurfacedviolentlyafterthedeath of Gandhiin1948atthehands of aChitpavanBrahman.Riotinganddestruc-tioninBombay,Nagpur,andabeltfromPunetoKolhapurdroveChitpavans(andoftenotherBrahmans)tolargecities,out of governmentservice,andintostillmorenewpursuits.MostChitpavanfamiliesnowhaveatleastonememberwork-inginprofessionallifeinEuropeortheUnitedStates.EconomyTheoccupation of theChitpavansintheiroriginalterritory of theKonkanwasfarming,withsomeincomefromperform-ingritualamongtheirowncaste.However,theyoftenwerethekhots of aKonkanivillage,apositioncombiningthehead-manshipandthefinancialwork of thevillage.Inotherareas of Maharashtra,Brahmanswerethevillageaccountants,butthehead of thevillagewas of aMarathacaste.Thecombina-tion of thetworesponsibilitiesputpowerintothehands of asinglehead,andthereweremanyeffortstoreformthekhotisysteminthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.Chit-pavansrarelytookupagriculturalworkaftertheirmigration,nordidtheybecomeritualpriestsexceptwithintheirowncaste.Many,however,becameteachersandrecognizedSan-skritscholars.Some of thebestknownBrahmanscholarsinthesacredcity of VaranasiwereChitpavanmigrants.Fromthenineteenthcenturyontheyhaveenteredtheprofessionsinlargenumbers.Theearlyentrance of theChitpavansintonewoccupationsandpursuitscausedtheRatnagiriDistrictGazetteer of thelatenineteenthcenturytodescribethemas.averyfrugal,pushing,active,intelligent,well-taught,astute,self-confidentandoverbearingclass[following]almostallcallingsandgenerallywithsuccess."A1920censuslist of theiroccupationsreads:governmentservice,lawyers,engi-neers,doctors,bankers,priests,writers,landowners,andhusbandmenn"(farmers).One of thefirstMaharashtrianin-dustrialistswasVishnuRamchandraVelankar(b.1890),founder of GajananWeavingMills.RecentlyChitpavanshaveenteredhigh-techindustryandbusiness.Chin65itistosomeextentatleastconveyableinmarriage-pricesorbysale,andyetitisfarfromanabsoluteparamountright.Forinstance,itisarguablewhetherconveyance of ownershipthroughmarriagepaymentsorsalecaneverbeoutrightalien-ationsratherthanmerelong-termmortgagings.AtleastintheHaka(Lai)area of centralChinState,individualhouse-holdsandpersonscanhaveheritable,evenconveyablerights(withinvillagelimits,perhaps)overindividualcultivationplotsinoneormorecultivationtracts,forwhichtheownerowespaymentstothechieflyparamountownerthatareinthenature of bothtaxandrent.Yetshouldthesepaymentsnotbemade,thefieldownertechnicallycannotbeevicted-thoughhemaybeexiled,physicallyassaulted,orevenkilled,becausethefailure of paymentisarejection of constitutedauthority.Fruittrees,honeybeehives,andotherexploitableitemsonthelandmayalsobeindividuallyownedandconveyed.Housesitesareownedsubjecttotheright of residenceinthevillageatthepleasure of constitutedvillageauthority.Nowa-daysmuch of thelandhaspassedintotrueprivateownership,especiallywheremodemcommercialcropsorapatch of irri-gatedricearegrown,moresoperhapsontheIndianside of theborderthaninMyanmar.Butinbothcountriestherearelegalrestrictionsontheright of nonnativeinhabitantstoownlandintheChin-Lushaicountry.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.Descentisagnatic,withepony-mousclansandlineagesthattendtosegmentfrequently:ingeneralonefindsmaximallineagesandmajorandminorseg-ments,theminorsegmentoftenbeingcoextensivewiththehousehold.Oftenonlytheminimallineagesegmentisstrictlyexogamous-andtherapidity of segmentationcanoftenoverrideeventhatproscription,sothatmarriagebetweenevenhalf-siblingsisinparts of ChinStatenotnecessarilypenalized-thoughatleastthelegalfictionthatclansarethemselvesexogamousiscommonlymaintained.Postnuptialresidenceisusuallyvirilocal,anditisviripatrilocalinthecase of thesonwhowillinherithisparent'shouse.Daughtersal-waysmarryout of thehouseholdandnoninheritingsonsmarryneolocally.Althoughpolygynyisallowed,it ... thissense of theirrelativedepriva-tion,andtheirorigintalesalsoexpandonthistheme,pur-portingtoexplainwhytheBurmanorAssamese"elderbrother" of theiroriginalancestorcametohaveallthoseamenitiesandtheChinsofew.TheChinpeoplesgotwhattheyneededfromtheplainspartlythroughtradingthepro-duce of theirforestsandpartlybyraidingbordersettlementsintheplains.Itwasthishabit of raidingplainssettlements(forgoads,slaves,andhumanheads-especiallyLushairaidsontheteaplantations of CacharandAssam)thatcausedtheBritish,inthelatenineteenthcentury,tooccupytheChinandLushaiterritories.SettlementsWiththeexception of afewadministrativetowns-suchasAizawl,theMizoramcapital;Haka,capital of ChinState;Falam,Tedim,Matupi,andMindatinChinState;andthevariousdistrictadministrativetownsinMizoramState-theChinpeoplesliveinagriculturalvillagesranginginsizefromafewdozentoseveralhundredhouses.TherearemoretownsandfewerverysmallvillagesinMizoramnowbecausefrom1964untilwellintothe1980sMizoramwasinsurgentterni-toryinwhichtheIndiangovernmentinstitutedmassivereset-tlementandvillageconsolidation.Now,astraditionally,theaveragehouseholdhasaboutfivepersonsinit.Villagestendtobesituatedwelluponthehillsides,thoughsomeareplacednearerthesmallstreamslowerdown.Villagelocationhasal-waysbeenacompromisebetweentheneedfordefensibilityandtheneedforaccesstowater.Housesandvillagesareori-entedaccordingtothepossibilitiesprovidedbytheconvo-lutedslopes.Housesarebuiltonpilings,thoughinsomeplacesoneendortheuphillsiderestsdirectlyontheground.Traditionalhousesarebuilt of hand-hewnplanksforthemostpart,thoughthepooreroneshaveatleasttheirwallsandfloorsmade of splitbamboo.Theroofisgenerallythatchedwithgrass,butinparts of northernChinStatetherearesomeslateroofs.Nowadayscorrugatedironoraluminumsheetingisusedwhenpossible.Thetraditionalfloorplanis of onemaininteriorroom-oratmosttwo-withitscentralhearth,afrontverandaopeninfrontbutcoveredbyaroofgable,andfrequentlyashallowrearcompartmentforwashingandvarioussorts of storage,whichmayhavealsoalatrineholeinitsfloor.Themajorlimitationonthesize of avillageistheaccessibility of agriculturalland.Thesepeopleareexclu-sivelyshiftingcultivators:theyclearandcultivateahillslopeforonetofiveyearsorso,thenleavethatslopetofallowandclearanotherforestedslopeintheirterritory.Thelongerahillsideisfarmed,thelongeritmustliefallowuntilfitforuseagain(twentyandmoreyearsinsomecases),andit...

... oldcultureiscomprised of threemainlayers:theTamil-Malayalamsubstratumwithitsmanysubtleroots;oldSinhalacultureandlanguage,whichisthedominantelement;andthephase of Arabicin-fluence.ButtheMaldivesweretouchedbyeveryculturalwindthatpassedovertheIndianOcean.SinceindependencetherehasagainbeeninfluencefromSriLanka,throughitsteachersbroughtovertosetupmodemeducationwithteach-ing of English.UnusuallyrapidchangehasoccurredinDivehicultureinthepasttwenty-fiveyears.SettlementsThe201inhabitedislandsarethelargerorbestfishingis-lands.Housesaremade of localvegetationandthatchorcoralstones,sometimeswithimportedironortileroofs.Peo-pledesirepleasanthouses,andtheyoftenarrangethemonstreetswiththeplotsmarkedbystickfences.Theislandisthesocialandadministrativeunit.Everybodyhasofficialregistra-tiononhisorherislandandcannotchangeittoanotheris-landwithouttwelveyears'residence.Eachislandcomprisesaninsularsocialcommunity,inwhichitsland,people,andproductsarepreferredtothose of otherislands.Theislandsaregroupedintonineteenadministrativeatolls.Maleistheonlycity,withsomemultistoriedbuildings of coralstoneneatlywhitewashedandmostlybuiltalongthestraightsandystreets.Ithasapiousair,withthirty-fivemosquesandmanytombs.Nearbyistheairportisland of Hulule,witharunwayextendingonthereef.Some60"uninhabited"islandsarenowbuiltupasprofitabletouristresorts,whichespeciallyat-tractEuropeansinwinter,butthegovernmenttriestomini-mizetheirculturalinfluence.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Themaintradi-tionaleconomicactivitiesaretradingandfishing.Bonitosandlargertunaareamainstay of theeconomy,caughtbypole-and-lineortrolling-linefromsailboatsormotorizedwoodenboats.ThefamousMaldivesfishispreparedbyboil-ing,drying,andsmoking.Amanmaximizeswealthbyacquir-ingfishingboatsbecausetheownergetsalargershare of fishthanthefishingcrew.Aboatownermightalsoobtaintherightfromthestatetoleaseuninhabitedislands,mainlyforcollectingcoconuts.Therearethreekinds of milletsgrownandtarointhe south. Somehomeshavebreadfruit,mango,papaya,andbananatrees,butfewvegetablesareeaten.Seatradehasalwaysbeenavitalsource of income,andnowthereisamodemshippingindustry;profitsfromitandtourismac-cruemostlytoafewprominentfamiliesinMale.Incomepercapitafromforeignaidisrelativelyhigh.IndustrialArts.Themoststrikingtraditionalcraftisbuildingwoodenboats,bothsmallandlargeoneswithlateensails,whichcanfishinthedeepseaandcarrygoodstothecontinents.Sailinglongdistanceswithoutbenefit of mapsandchartsisaremarkabletraditionalskill.Maldivesropetwistedfromcoconutcoirwasalwaysindemandbyforeignnavies.Theislandersalsomakefineproductssuchasmatswovenfromlocalreedsandlacquerworkonturnedwood.Cottonweaving,silverwork,stonecutting,andbrassworkhavemostlydiedout.Trade.FormanycenturiestheMaldiveswerefamousasthemainsource of cowrieshells,usedasmoneyinBengalandAfrica.Divehisareskilledinrapidcounting,necessaryforhandlingcowries,coconuts,orfish.Thetraditionalmethodwastocountbytwosto96andmarkeachunit of 192bylaying2coconutsontheside;theytherebycouldcountrap-idlytomanythousands.Thebasenumberwas12,whichClarenceMaloneyfindssignificantinMaldiveshistory.WhatismorepeculiaristhatIndo-Aryanwordsfor25,50,75,100,and1,000areappliedrespectivelyto24,48,72,96,and960,asthedecimalsystemhasbeenreplacingtheduodecimal.Weightsandmeasuresarebasedonmultiples of 4and12.Themainimportshavebeenrice,wheatflour,cottontextiles,kerosene,metalproducts,tobacco,salt,andcondiments.Nowthewholecountryisaduty-freeentrepot,contrastingwiththecontrolledeconomies of other South Asiancoun-tries,andthereismodembanking.Division of Labor.Menfish,whilewomenprepareanddrythefish.Mengrowmillets,whilewomencultivaterootcrops.Menconductinterislandandoverseastrade,climbcoconuttrees,andaretheartisansincotton,silver,lacquer,andstonework,whilewomenweavematsanddoembroidery.Womendothetediousjob of twistingcoirintosmallropes,whichmenthentwistintothickropesfortheirboats.How-ever,thesesexrolesarenotabsolutelyfixed;therearecases of theseactivitiesbeingdonebytheothersex.Womendomost of thehouseworkandchildcare,butmenmayalsodoit.Boatcrewsandleaders of Islamicritualandlaw,however,areallmales.LandTenure.Alllandbelongstothestate,whichleasesuninhabitedislandsorparts of islandstoprominentpeopleforcollection of produce,aspart of itssystem of control.AllhouseholdsintheMaldives,exceptonMale,canclaimtherighttoaplot of landforahouseandgardenintheirisland of registration.InFueMulakuinthe south, residentshavetherighttocultivateasmuchtarolandastheywish.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.TheDivehikinshipsysteminoriginisacombination of DravidianandArabwithelements of NorthIndiankinshipderivedfromSriLanka.Althoughthesethreesystemsaresharplyatvariance,theyareresolvedinDivehiculture.TheDravidiansystemisbasedonpreferredcross-cousinmarriage,andamaleclassifiesallfemalesasei-thersister(unmarriageable)orfemalecrosscousin(marriage-able).Thematrilinealvariant of theDravidiansystemoccursEuropeansin South Asia 79Maloney,Clarence(1984).-Divehi."InMuslimPeoples:A World EthnographicSurvey,Vol.1,23 2-2 36.Rev.ed.,editedbyRichardWeekes.Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress.Maloney,Clarence(1980).People of theMaldiveIslands.Ma-dras:OrientLongman.Ottovar,Annagrethe,andNilsFinnMunch-Petersen(1980).Maldiverneoet0samfundidetIndiskeOcean(TheMaldivianIslandcommunityintheIndianOcean).Copen-hagen:Kunstindustrimuseet.CLARENCEMALONEYANDNILSFINNMUNCH-PETERSENMunch-Petersen,NilsFinn(1982).'Maldives:History,DailyLife,andArtHandicraft."BulletinduC.E.M.O.I.(Brussels).1:7 4-1 03.Europeansin South Asia ETHNONYMS:Ferangi(fromMemsahib;child:ChhotaSahib"Franks"),Sahib(fem.:Whiletheimpact of Europeonthe South Asiansubcon-tinenthasbeenimmeasurableanddatesbacklongbeforeVascodaGama'sexploratoryvisitin1498,thenumber of Eu-ropeansresidentintheareanowismerelyafewtens of thou-sands.(Theymoveaboutsomuchthatacloseestimateisdif-ficult.)Butevenintheheyday of Britishimperialismtherewereonlyabout167,000Europeansinall of South Asia (1931census).LeavingasidefromthisdiscussiontheAnglo-IndiansandLuso-Indians of the South Asianmainland,andtheBurghers of SriLanka,whoareallinfactlocalpeople of part-Europeanancestry,wecanidentifythefollowingcategories of Europeansasbeingresidentin South Asia today.(1)Diplomatsandjournalists.Foundonlyinthecapitalcitiesandotherconsularposts.(2)Developmentworkers,etc.Technicalspecialistsfromthe World HealthOrganization,otherUnitedNationsagen-cies,theU.S.PeaceCorps,etc.areregularlyencounteredinmost South Asiancountries.Students of anthropology,lin-guistics,andsomeothersubjectsmaybefoundalmostany-where,thoughneveringreatnumbers.SometeaandcoffeeplantationsinIndiastillhaveEuropeanmanagersandindeedareownedbyBritishcompanies.(3)RetiredBritishresidents.Asmallnumber of veryeld-erlypeoplewhoretiredinIndiaorSriLankaataboutthetime of independencearestillthere.(Most,however,leftthesub-continenttoretireinBritain,theChannelIslands,Cyprus,orAustralia.)(4)Christianmissionaries.Whilethe South Asianchurchesareessentiallyself-governing,severalhundredEuro-peanandAmericanmissionariesandCatholicpriestsandnunsmaystillbeencounteredintheregion.Theyarestill of someimportanceineducation,aswellasinfunnelingWest-emaidtotheirparishioners.(5)Religiousseekers.Atanygiventimetherearesomethousands of Australian,European,orAmericanpeople,usu-allyfairlyyoung,whoarewanderingaroundIndia,Nepal,andelsewhereinsearch of religiousenlightenmentwithinthebroadtradition of Hinduspirituality.Some of thesepeoplehavebeenlooselyclassedas"hippies."Frenchpeoplearepar-ticularlyattractedtoPondicherryandthenearbyreligiouscenter of Auroville,whileothershavebeenespeciallyat-tractedtospecificashrams,toRishikeshandotherHima-layansites,ortotheTheosophicalCenterinMadrasCity.(6)Tourists.Theregionhasanenormoustouristpoten-tial,whichhasbeenslowlydevelopedsinceindependence,andin1991India,SriLanka,Nepal,andtheMaldiveshaveathrivingtouristindustry.Unlikethereligiousseekersmen-tionedabove,whomaystayformanymonths,ordinaryWest-erntouristsusuallyvisitforjusttwoorthreeweeks.Thegreatmajority of thesetouristsarefromwesternEuropeandAustralasia.(Many of India'stourists,ontheotherhand,arenon-Europeansfromother South Asiancountries.)80Europeansin South Asia TheBritishImpactTheculturalandpoliticalimpact of theBritishoverthepasttwocenturiesin South Asia hasbeenvastandextremelyper-vasive.Numeroushistories of the"Britishperiod"testifytothis,anditisaninfluencereferredtointheIntroductiontothis volume. Spacedoesnotpermitevenabriefreview of theadministrative,legal,religious,educational,publichealth,military,agricultural,industrial,sporting,andcommunica-tionaldevelopmentsthatoccurredduringtheperiod of Brit-ishadministration of most of thesubcontinent.Wemayinsteadhighlightthecontribution of EuropeansfromIndiatothearts.Bestknown of courseistheliterarycontribution of RudyardKipling(186 5-1 936),one of twoIndian-bomwriterstoreceivetheNobelPrizeforLiterature(theotherwasRabindranathTagore). Of numerousprofes-sionalartiststoworkinIndia,themostoutstandingwastheAnglo-GermanpainterJohnZoffany,whoworkedtherefrom1783to1790.Theartisticimpact of theBritishonIndianar-chitecturewasvast,andwelldocumented:witnessonlytheofficialbuildings of NewDelhi.Lessrecognizedduringthepresentcenturyhasbeentheimpact of thisrelativelysmallethnicgroupontheBritishfilmindustry.JulieChristie,VivienLeigh,MargaretLockwood,MerleOberon,andsev-eralotheractors,aswellasthedirectorLindsayAnderson,wereallbornandatleastpartlybroughtupinBritishIndia.Onemightwonderwhethertheubiquity of schoolplaysandamateurdramaticsocietiesinthaterahadsomethingtodowiththesecareers.SeealsoAnglo-Indian;French of India;IndianChristianBibliographyBallhatchet,Kenneth(1980).Race,SexandClassundertheRaj:ImperialAttitudesandPoliciesandTheirCritics,179 3- 1905.NewYork:St.Martin'sPress.Barr,Pat(1976).TheMemsahibs:TheWomen of VictorianIndia.London:Secker&Warburg.Hervey,H.J.A.(1913).TheEuropeaninIndia.London:StanleyPaul&Co.Hockings,Paul(1989).'BritishSocietyintheCompany,Crown,andCongressEras."BlueMountains:TheEthnogra-phyandBiogeography of a South IndianRegion,editedbyPaulEdwardHockings,33 4-3 59.NewDelhi:OxfordUniversityPress.Kincaid,Dennis(1938).BritishSocialLifeinIndia,160 8- 1937.London:GeorgeRoutledge&Sons.Moorhouse,Geoffrey(1983).IndiaBritannica.NewYork:Harper&Row.French of IndiaETHNONYMS:FrenchTamils,Pondicheriens,Pondicherry(name of townandterritory)Therewere12,864FrenchnationalsresidinginIndiain1988.NearlyallareintheUnionTerritory of PondicherryinsoutheasternIndia(11,726in1988),withmuchsmallernumbersinKaraikal(695individuals),Mahe(50),Yanam(46),and342elsewhereinIndia.(Thesewerecoastalpock-etsbelongingtotheformerFrenchEmpire.)Whilelegallystillcitizens of FranceandresidentaliensinIndia,theyareethnicallyIndian,about90percentbeingethnicTamils.Al-mostunaccountably,theyvoteintheFrenchconstituency of Nice.Theyformasmallminority,accountingforlessthan3percent of thepresentpopulation of Pondicherry.TheFrenchinIndiaareanartifact of theFrenchpres-encethere,whichbeganin1673withtheestablishment of FrenchIndiaandcontinueduntil1962whentheFrenchter-ritorywasformallytransferredtoIndia.TheFrenchpresencewasalwayssmallandminorcomparedwiththeBritishpres-enceandtheFrenchinIndiaweregenerallyignored.Today,themajority of theseFrenchareHindusorChristians of localormixedfamilyorigin,andlessthan50percent of themspeakFrench.Atthesametime,however,FrenchistaughtinschoolsattendedbyFrenchIndianchildrenandadultFrenchclassesarewellattended,reflectinganinterestinmaintainingtiesandanallegiancetoFranceorinfindingjobswithFrenchcompanies.TheFrenchIndiansarethewealthiestgroupinPondicherry(asidefromthoserunningtheAurobindoAshram),derivingmuch of theirincomefrompension(some20percentareretirees),socialsecurity,welfare,andotherprogramsoftheFrenchgovernment.TheyarealsoentitledtoemigratetoFrance,althoughfewdosoandtheFrenchgov-ernmentdoesnotencouragethepractice.SeealsoEuropeansin South Asia; TamilBibliographyGlachant,Roger(1965).Histoirede l& apos;IndedesFranqais.Paris:LibrairiePlon.Miles,WilliamF.S.(1990)."CitizenswithoutSoil:TheFrench of India(Pondicherry)."EthnicandRacialStudies13:25 2-2 73.Ramasamy,A.(1987).History of Pondicherry.NewDelhi:SterlingPublishers.Scholberg,Henry,andEmmanuelDivien(1973).Biblio-graphiedesFrangaisdans l& apos;Inde.Pondicherry:HistoricalSoci-ety of Pondicherry.Nilsson,Sten(1968).EuropeanArchitectureinIndia,175 0- 1850.London:FaberandFaber.Trevelyan,Raleigh(1987).TheGoldenOriole.NewYork:Vi-kingPenguin.PAULHOCKINGSDivehi75DardETHNONYMS:noneAlthoughthisnameappearsintheanthropologicalliter-ature,itseemsthatthereisnodiscreteculturalgroupidentifi-ableasDards.ItistruethatPlinyandPtolemyinancienttimesbothreferredtosuchapeopleinhabitingatract of theupperIndusValleyinwhatistodayPakistan,andinthatareapeoplelivingontheleftbank of theInduswerecalledDards.TheDards,basedondescriptions of theGilgitareaaround1870,aredescribedasahunting,herding,andfarmingpeoplewith:large,extendedfamiliesandsomepolygyny;sometrans-humance;noextensivecerealagriculture;villages of from400to1,000inhabitants;patrilocalpostmaritalresidence;andnolocalizedclansbutlineagesorsibsspreadingbeyondasinglecommunity.Whileall of thismayhavebeentrueforthein-habitants of Gilgit,thereisstillsomequestionastowhetherthoselabeledDardsare,infact,adistinctculturalentity.Itismoreappropriatetospeak of the'Dardicbranch,"atermusedbylinguiststodesignateasmallgroup of languages of theIndo-AryanSubfamilyspokeninandnearthenorth of Pakistan. Of these,Kashmiriisthemostimportant.ThereisalsoaterritorythereknownasDardistan,whichincludesGilgitValley,Hunza,Chitral,Yasin,Nagar,Panyal,Kohis-tan,theAstoreValley,andpart of theupperIndusValleybe-tweenBunjiandBatera.SeealsoKashmiri;KohistaniBibliographyBiddulph,John(1880).Tribes of theHindooKoosh.Calcutta:Superintendent of GovernmentPrinting.Leitner,GotliebWilliam(1877).TheLanguagesandRaces of Dardistan.Lahore:GovernmentCentralBookDepot.PAULHOCKINGSDivehiETHNONYMS:Divehin,Dives,MaldiviansOrientationIdentification.DivehisarethosewhospeakDivehi,thelanguage of theRepublic of theMaldives.TheyoccupyalltheMaldivesandalsotheisland of Maliku(Minicoyonthemaps)tothenorth,whichbelongstoIndia.ThepeoplecallthemselvesDivehi(fromdive-si,meaning"island-er"),andtheircountryisDivehiRAjje(kingdom).Thename'Mal-dives"isprobablyfrommdild-dfv("garland-islands"inIndianlanguages),referringtothedoublechain of atollsthatap-pearslikeagarlandornecklace.ThewordatolisDivehi,origi-nallyspelledwithone1.Thecountrywasanexus of IndianOceanshipping,andithasremainedmostlyindependentsinceancienttimes.Location.TheMaldivesstretchfrom002'Sto7°0'N,withMinicoyat8°2'.Longitudeisabout730E.Thereareabout1,200islands, of which201arepermanentlyinhabited.Theislandsarelowandflat,mostlylessthanakilometerlongwithonly9aslongas2kilometers,ringingcoralatolls.Totallandareaisonlyabout280squarekilometers,andnowhereisthelandmorethan2metersabovesealevel.TheMaldivesextendfor867kilometersnorthto south andclaimthesur-roundingoceanasnationalterritory.Malikuisthelargestis-land,16.5kilometerslongandlying140kilometersnorth of theMaldivesproper,butitispoliticallycutofffromotherparts of thearchipelago.Demography.As of 1991therewere228,000Divehis-220,000Maldiviansandroughly8,000onMaliku.Thefirstcensuswasin1911aspart of theCeyloncensus,anditshowed72,237Divehison217inhabitedislands.Populationwaspreviouslykeptincheckbyepidemics,faminebecause of stormsthatinterruptedimports of food,andcerebralmalaria,butduringrecentdecadesthepopulationhasbeenshootinguprapidly.The1990censusshowedacrudebirthrate of 43per1,000andagrowthrate of 3.5percentayear.Thegovern-menthastakenlittleinitiativeonfamilyplanningbecause of themomentum of Islamictradition.Malehas57,000people,aquarter of allDivehis,thoughitisonly1.6kilometerslongandthethingroundwaterlenshasbecomepolluted,sothegovernmenttriestocurbmigrationthere.Lifeexpectancyisabout62yearsformalesand60forfemales.LinguisticAffiliation.DivehiisderivedfromtheoldSinhala of SriLanka,andsoitisclassifiableasanIndo-Aryanlanguage,althoughattheveryend of ... oldcultureiscomprised of threemainlayers:theTamil-Malayalamsubstratumwithitsmanysubtleroots;oldSinhalacultureandlanguage,whichisthedominantelement;andthephase of Arabicin-fluence.ButtheMaldivesweretouchedbyeveryculturalwindthatpassedovertheIndianOcean.SinceindependencetherehasagainbeeninfluencefromSriLanka,throughitsteachersbroughtovertosetupmodemeducationwithteach-ing of English.UnusuallyrapidchangehasoccurredinDivehicultureinthepasttwenty-fiveyears.SettlementsThe201inhabitedislandsarethelargerorbestfishingis-lands.Housesaremade of localvegetationandthatchorcoralstones,sometimeswithimportedironortileroofs.Peo-pledesirepleasanthouses,andtheyoftenarrangethemonstreetswiththeplotsmarkedbystickfences.Theislandisthesocialandadministrativeunit.Everybodyhasofficialregistra-tiononhisorherislandandcannotchangeittoanotheris-landwithouttwelveyears'residence.Eachislandcomprisesaninsularsocialcommunity,inwhichitsland,people,andproductsarepreferredtothose of otherislands.Theislandsaregroupedintonineteenadministrativeatolls.Maleistheonlycity,withsomemultistoriedbuildings of coralstoneneatlywhitewashedandmostlybuiltalongthestraightsandystreets.Ithasapiousair,withthirty-fivemosquesandmanytombs.Nearbyistheairportisland of Hulule,witharunwayextendingonthereef.Some60"uninhabited"islandsarenowbuiltupasprofitabletouristresorts,whichespeciallyat-tractEuropeansinwinter,butthegovernmenttriestomini-mizetheirculturalinfluence.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Themaintradi-tionaleconomicactivitiesaretradingandfishing.Bonitosandlargertunaareamainstay of theeconomy,caughtbypole-and-lineortrolling-linefromsailboatsormotorizedwoodenboats.ThefamousMaldivesfishispreparedbyboil-ing,drying,andsmoking.Amanmaximizeswealthbyacquir-ingfishingboatsbecausetheownergetsalargershare of fishthanthefishingcrew.Aboatownermightalsoobtaintherightfromthestatetoleaseuninhabitedislands,mainlyforcollectingcoconuts.Therearethreekinds of milletsgrownandtarointhe south. Somehomeshavebreadfruit,mango,papaya,andbananatrees,butfewvegetablesareeaten.Seatradehasalwaysbeenavitalsource of income,andnowthereisamodemshippingindustry;profitsfromitandtourismac-cruemostlytoafewprominentfamiliesinMale.Incomepercapitafromforeignaidisrelativelyhigh.IndustrialArts.Themoststrikingtraditionalcraftisbuildingwoodenboats,bothsmallandlargeoneswithlateensails,whichcanfishinthedeepseaandcarrygoodstothecontinents.Sailinglongdistanceswithoutbenefit of mapsandchartsisaremarkabletraditionalskill.Maldivesropetwistedfromcoconutcoirwasalwaysindemandbyforeignnavies.Theislandersalsomakefineproductssuchasmatswovenfromlocalreedsandlacquerworkonturnedwood.Cottonweaving,silverwork,stonecutting,andbrassworkhavemostlydiedout.Trade.FormanycenturiestheMaldiveswerefamousasthemainsource of cowrieshells,usedasmoneyinBengalandAfrica.Divehisareskilledinrapidcounting,necessaryforhandlingcowries,coconuts,orfish.Thetraditionalmethodwastocountbytwosto96andmarkeachunit of 192bylaying2coconutsontheside;theytherebycouldcountrap-idlytomanythousands.Thebasenumberwas12,whichClarenceMaloneyfindssignificantinMaldiveshistory.WhatismorepeculiaristhatIndo-Aryanwordsfor25,50,75,100,and1,000areappliedrespectivelyto24,48,72,96,and960,asthedecimalsystemhasbeenreplacingtheduodecimal.Weightsandmeasuresarebasedonmultiples of 4and12.Themainimportshavebeenrice,wheatflour,cottontextiles,kerosene,metalproducts,tobacco,salt,andcondiments.Nowthewholecountryisaduty-freeentrepot,contrastingwiththecontrolledeconomies of other South Asiancoun-tries,andthereismodembanking.Division of Labor.Menfish,whilewomenprepareanddrythefish.Mengrowmillets,whilewomencultivaterootcrops.Menconductinterislandandoverseastrade,climbcoconuttrees,andaretheartisansincotton,silver,lacquer,andstonework,whilewomenweavematsanddoembroidery.Womendothetediousjob of twistingcoirintosmallropes,whichmenthentwistintothickropesfortheirboats.How-ever,thesesexrolesarenotabsolutelyfixed;therearecases of theseactivitiesbeingdonebytheothersex.Womendomost of thehouseworkandchildcare,butmenmayalsodoit.Boatcrewsandleaders of Islamicritualandlaw,however,areallmales.LandTenure.Alllandbelongstothestate,whichleasesuninhabitedislandsorparts of islandstoprominentpeopleforcollection of produce,aspart of itssystem of control.AllhouseholdsintheMaldives,exceptonMale,canclaimtherighttoaplot of landforahouseandgardenintheirisland of registration.InFueMulakuinthe south, residentshavetherighttocultivateasmuchtarolandastheywish.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.TheDivehikinshipsysteminoriginisacombination of DravidianandArabwithelements of NorthIndiankinshipderivedfromSriLanka.Althoughthesethreesystemsaresharplyatvariance,theyareresolvedinDivehiculture.TheDravidiansystemisbasedonpreferredcross-cousinmarriage,andamaleclassifiesallfemalesasei-thersister(unmarriageable)orfemalecrosscousin(marriage-able).Thematrilinealvariant of theDravidiansystemoccursEuropeansin South Asia 79Maloney,Clarence(1984).-Divehi."InMuslimPeoples:A World EthnographicSurvey,Vol.1,23 2-2 36.Rev.ed.,editedbyRichardWeekes.Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress.Maloney,Clarence(1980).People of theMaldiveIslands.Ma-dras:OrientLongman.Ottovar,Annagrethe,andNilsFinnMunch-Petersen(1980).Maldiverneoet0samfundidetIndiskeOcean(TheMaldivianIslandcommunityintheIndianOcean).Copen-hagen:Kunstindustrimuseet.CLARENCEMALONEYANDNILSFINNMUNCH-PETERSENMunch-Petersen,NilsFinn(1982).'Maldives:History,DailyLife,andArtHandicraft."BulletinduC.E.M.O.I.(Brussels).1:7 4-1 03.Europeansin South Asia ETHNONYMS:Ferangi(fromMemsahib;child:ChhotaSahib"Franks"),Sahib(fem.:Whiletheimpact of Europeonthe South Asiansubcon-tinenthasbeenimmeasurableanddatesbacklongbeforeVascodaGama'sexploratoryvisitin1498,thenumber of Eu-ropeansresidentintheareanowismerelyafewtens of thou-sands.(Theymoveaboutsomuchthatacloseestimateisdif-ficult.)Butevenintheheyday of Britishimperialismtherewereonlyabout167,000Europeansinall of South Asia (1931census).LeavingasidefromthisdiscussiontheAnglo-IndiansandLuso-Indians of the South Asianmainland,andtheBurghers of SriLanka,whoareallinfactlocalpeople of part-Europeanancestry,wecanidentifythefollowingcategories of Europeansasbeingresidentin South Asia today.(1)Diplomatsandjournalists.Foundonlyinthecapitalcitiesandotherconsularposts.(2)Developmentworkers,etc.Technicalspecialistsfromthe World HealthOrganization,otherUnitedNationsagen-cies,theU.S.PeaceCorps,etc.areregularlyencounteredinmost South Asiancountries.Students of anthropology,lin-guistics,andsomeothersubjectsmaybefoundalmostany-where,thoughneveringreatnumbers.SometeaandcoffeeplantationsinIndiastillhaveEuropeanmanagersandindeedareownedbyBritishcompanies.(3)RetiredBritishresidents.Asmallnumber of veryeld-erlypeoplewhoretiredinIndiaorSriLankaataboutthetime of independencearestillthere.(Most,however,leftthesub-continenttoretireinBritain,theChannelIslands,Cyprus,orAustralia.)(4)Christianmissionaries.Whilethe South Asianchurchesareessentiallyself-governing,severalhundredEuro-peanandAmericanmissionariesandCatholicpriestsandnunsmaystillbeencounteredintheregion.Theyarestill of someimportanceineducation,aswellasinfunnelingWest-emaidtotheirparishioners.(5)Religiousseekers.Atanygiventimetherearesomethousands of Australian,European,orAmericanpeople,usu-allyfairlyyoung,whoarewanderingaroundIndia,Nepal,andelsewhereinsearch of religiousenlightenmentwithinthebroadtradition of Hinduspirituality.Some of thesepeoplehavebeenlooselyclassedas"hippies."Frenchpeoplearepar-ticularlyattractedtoPondicherryandthenearbyreligiouscenter of Auroville,whileothershavebeenespeciallyat-tractedtospecificashrams,toRishikeshandotherHima-layansites,ortotheTheosophicalCenterinMadrasCity.(6)Tourists.Theregionhasanenormoustouristpoten-tial,whichhasbeenslowlydevelopedsinceindependence,andin1991India,SriLanka,Nepal,andtheMaldiveshaveathrivingtouristindustry.Unlikethereligiousseekersmen-tionedabove,whomaystayformanymonths,ordinaryWest-erntouristsusuallyvisitforjusttwoorthreeweeks.Thegreatmajority of thesetouristsarefromwesternEuropeandAustralasia.(Many of India'stourists,ontheotherhand,arenon-Europeansfromother South Asiancountries.)80Europeansin South Asia TheBritishImpactTheculturalandpoliticalimpact of theBritishoverthepasttwocenturiesin South Asia hasbeenvastandextremelyper-vasive.Numeroushistories of the"Britishperiod"testifytothis,anditisaninfluencereferredtointheIntroductiontothis volume. Spacedoesnotpermitevenabriefreview of theadministrative,legal,religious,educational,publichealth,military,agricultural,industrial,sporting,andcommunica-tionaldevelopmentsthatoccurredduringtheperiod of Brit-ishadministration of most of thesubcontinent.Wemayinsteadhighlightthecontribution of EuropeansfromIndiatothearts.Bestknown of courseistheliterarycontribution of RudyardKipling(186 5-1 936),one of twoIndian-bomwriterstoreceivetheNobelPrizeforLiterature(theotherwasRabindranathTagore). Of numerousprofes-sionalartiststoworkinIndia,themostoutstandingwastheAnglo-GermanpainterJohnZoffany,whoworkedtherefrom1783to1790.Theartisticimpact of theBritishonIndianar-chitecturewasvast,andwelldocumented:witnessonlytheofficialbuildings of NewDelhi.Lessrecognizedduringthepresentcenturyhasbeentheimpact of thisrelativelysmallethnicgroupontheBritishfilmindustry.JulieChristie,VivienLeigh,MargaretLockwood,MerleOberon,andsev-eralotheractors,aswellasthedirectorLindsayAnderson,wereallbornandatleastpartlybroughtupinBritishIndia.Onemightwonderwhethertheubiquity of schoolplaysandamateurdramaticsocietiesinthaterahadsomethingtodowiththesecareers.SeealsoAnglo-Indian;French of India;IndianChristianBibliographyBallhatchet,Kenneth(1980).Race,SexandClassundertheRaj:ImperialAttitudesandPoliciesandTheirCritics,179 3- 1905.NewYork:St.Martin'sPress.Barr,Pat(1976).TheMemsahibs:TheWomen of VictorianIndia.London:Secker&Warburg.Hervey,H.J.A.(1913).TheEuropeaninIndia.London:StanleyPaul&Co.Hockings,Paul(1989).'BritishSocietyintheCompany,Crown,andCongressEras."BlueMountains:TheEthnogra-phyandBiogeography of a South IndianRegion,editedbyPaulEdwardHockings,33 4-3 59.NewDelhi:OxfordUniversityPress.Kincaid,Dennis(1938).BritishSocialLifeinIndia,160 8- 1937.London:GeorgeRoutledge&Sons.Moorhouse,Geoffrey(1983).IndiaBritannica.NewYork:Harper&Row.French of IndiaETHNONYMS:FrenchTamils,Pondicheriens,Pondicherry(name of townandterritory)Therewere12,864FrenchnationalsresidinginIndiain1988.NearlyallareintheUnionTerritory of PondicherryinsoutheasternIndia(11,726in1988),withmuchsmallernumbersinKaraikal(695individuals),Mahe(50),Yanam(46),and342elsewhereinIndia.(Thesewerecoastalpock-etsbelongingtotheformerFrenchEmpire.)Whilelegallystillcitizens of FranceandresidentaliensinIndia,theyareethnicallyIndian,about90percentbeingethnicTamils.Al-mostunaccountably,theyvoteintheFrenchconstituency of Nice.Theyformasmallminority,accountingforlessthan3percent of thepresentpopulation of Pondicherry.TheFrenchinIndiaareanartifact of theFrenchpres-encethere,whichbeganin1673withtheestablishment of FrenchIndiaandcontinueduntil1962whentheFrenchter-ritorywasformallytransferredtoIndia.TheFrenchpresencewasalwayssmallandminorcomparedwiththeBritishpres-enceandtheFrenchinIndiaweregenerallyignored.Today,themajority of theseFrenchareHindusorChristians of localormixedfamilyorigin,andlessthan50percent of themspeakFrench.Atthesametime,however,FrenchistaughtinschoolsattendedbyFrenchIndianchildrenandadultFrenchclassesarewellattended,reflectinganinterestinmaintainingtiesandanallegiancetoFranceorinfindingjobswithFrenchcompanies.TheFrenchIndiansarethewealthiestgroupinPondicherry(asidefromthoserunningtheAurobindoAshram),derivingmuch of theirincomefrompension(some20percentareretirees),socialsecurity,welfare,andotherprogramsoftheFrenchgovernment.TheyarealsoentitledtoemigratetoFrance,althoughfewdosoandtheFrenchgov-ernmentdoesnotencouragethepractice.SeealsoEuropeansin South Asia; TamilBibliographyGlachant,Roger(1965).Histoirede l& apos;IndedesFranqais.Paris:LibrairiePlon.Miles,WilliamF.S.(1990)."CitizenswithoutSoil:TheFrench of India(Pondicherry)."EthnicandRacialStudies13:25 2-2 73.Ramasamy,A.(1987).History of Pondicherry.NewDelhi:SterlingPublishers.Scholberg,Henry,andEmmanuelDivien(1973).Biblio-graphiedesFrangaisdans l& apos;Inde.Pondicherry:HistoricalSoci-ety of Pondicherry.Nilsson,Sten(1968).EuropeanArchitectureinIndia,175 0- 1850.London:FaberandFaber.Trevelyan,Raleigh(1987).TheGoldenOriole.NewYork:Vi-kingPenguin.PAULHOCKINGSDivehi75DardETHNONYMS:noneAlthoughthisnameappearsintheanthropologicalliter-ature,itseemsthatthereisnodiscreteculturalgroupidentifi-ableasDards.ItistruethatPlinyandPtolemyinancienttimesbothreferredtosuchapeopleinhabitingatract of theupperIndusValleyinwhatistodayPakistan,andinthatareapeoplelivingontheleftbank of theInduswerecalledDards.TheDards,basedondescriptions of theGilgitareaaround1870,aredescribedasahunting,herding,andfarmingpeoplewith:large,extendedfamiliesandsomepolygyny;sometrans-humance;noextensivecerealagriculture;villages of from400to1,000inhabitants;patrilocalpostmaritalresidence;andnolocalizedclansbutlineagesorsibsspreadingbeyondasinglecommunity.Whileall of thismayhavebeentrueforthein-habitants of Gilgit,thereisstillsomequestionastowhetherthoselabeledDardsare,infact,adistinctculturalentity.Itismoreappropriatetospeak of the'Dardicbranch,"atermusedbylinguiststodesignateasmallgroup of languages of theIndo-AryanSubfamilyspokeninandnearthenorth of Pakistan. Of these,Kashmiriisthemostimportant.ThereisalsoaterritorythereknownasDardistan,whichincludesGilgitValley,Hunza,Chitral,Yasin,Nagar,Panyal,Kohis-tan,theAstoreValley,andpart of theupperIndusValleybe-tweenBunjiandBatera.SeealsoKashmiri;KohistaniBibliographyBiddulph,John(1880).Tribes of theHindooKoosh.Calcutta:Superintendent of GovernmentPrinting.Leitner,GotliebWilliam(1877).TheLanguagesandRaces of Dardistan.Lahore:GovernmentCentralBookDepot.PAULHOCKINGSDivehiETHNONYMS:Divehin,Dives,MaldiviansOrientationIdentification.DivehisarethosewhospeakDivehi,thelanguage of theRepublic of theMaldives.TheyoccupyalltheMaldivesandalsotheisland of Maliku(Minicoyonthemaps)tothenorth,whichbelongstoIndia.ThepeoplecallthemselvesDivehi(fromdive-si,meaning"island-er"),andtheircountryisDivehiRAjje(kingdom).Thename'Mal-dives"isprobablyfrommdild-dfv("garland-islands"inIndianlanguages),referringtothedoublechain of atollsthatap-pearslikeagarlandornecklace.ThewordatolisDivehi,origi-nallyspelledwithone1.Thecountrywasanexus of IndianOceanshipping,andithasremainedmostlyindependentsinceancienttimes.Location.TheMaldivesstretchfrom002'Sto7°0'N,withMinicoyat8°2'.Longitudeisabout730E.Thereareabout1,200islands, of which201arepermanentlyinhabited.Theislandsarelowandflat,mostlylessthanakilometerlongwithonly9aslongas2kilometers,ringingcoralatolls.Totallandareaisonlyabout280squarekilometers,andnowhereisthelandmorethan2metersabovesealevel.TheMaldivesextendfor867kilometersnorthto south andclaimthesur-roundingoceanasnationalterritory.Malikuisthelargestis-land,16.5kilometerslongandlying140kilometersnorth of theMaldivesproper,butitispoliticallycutofffromotherparts of thearchipelago.Demography.As of 1991therewere228,000Divehis-220,000Maldiviansandroughly8,000onMaliku.Thefirstcensuswasin1911aspart of theCeyloncensus,anditshowed72,237Divehison217inhabitedislands.Populationwaspreviouslykeptincheckbyepidemics,faminebecause of stormsthatinterruptedimports of food,andcerebralmalaria,butduringrecentdecadesthepopulationhasbeenshootinguprapidly.The1990censusshowedacrudebirthrate of 43per1,000andagrowthrate of 3.5percentayear.Thegovern-menthastakenlittleinitiativeonfamilyplanningbecause of themomentum of Islamictradition.Malehas57,000people,aquarter of allDivehis,thoughitisonly1.6kilometerslongandthethingroundwaterlenshasbecomepolluted,sothegovernmenttriestocurbmigrationthere.Lifeexpectancyisabout62yearsformalesand60forfemales.LinguisticAffiliation.DivehiisderivedfromtheoldSinhala of SriLanka,andsoitisclassifiableasanIndo-Aryanlanguage,althoughattheveryend of ... oldcultureiscomprised of threemainlayers:theTamil-Malayalamsubstratumwithitsmanysubtleroots;oldSinhalacultureandlanguage,whichisthedominantelement;andthephase of Arabicin-fluence.ButtheMaldivesweretouchedbyeveryculturalwindthatpassedovertheIndianOcean.SinceindependencetherehasagainbeeninfluencefromSriLanka,throughitsteachersbroughtovertosetupmodemeducationwithteach-ing of English.UnusuallyrapidchangehasoccurredinDivehicultureinthepasttwenty-fiveyears.SettlementsThe201inhabitedislandsarethelargerorbestfishingis-lands.Housesaremade of localvegetationandthatchorcoralstones,sometimeswithimportedironortileroofs.Peo-pledesirepleasanthouses,andtheyoftenarrangethemonstreetswiththeplotsmarkedbystickfences.Theislandisthesocialandadministrativeunit.Everybodyhasofficialregistra-tiononhisorherislandandcannotchangeittoanotheris-landwithouttwelveyears'residence.Eachislandcomprisesaninsularsocialcommunity,inwhichitsland,people,andproductsarepreferredtothose of otherislands.Theislandsaregroupedintonineteenadministrativeatolls.Maleistheonlycity,withsomemultistoriedbuildings of coralstoneneatlywhitewashedandmostlybuiltalongthestraightsandystreets.Ithasapiousair,withthirty-fivemosquesandmanytombs.Nearbyistheairportisland of Hulule,witharunwayextendingonthereef.Some60"uninhabited"islandsarenowbuiltupasprofitabletouristresorts,whichespeciallyat-tractEuropeansinwinter,butthegovernmenttriestomini-mizetheirculturalinfluence.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Themaintradi-tionaleconomicactivitiesaretradingandfishing.Bonitosandlargertunaareamainstay of theeconomy,caughtbypole-and-lineortrolling-linefromsailboatsormotorizedwoodenboats.ThefamousMaldivesfishispreparedbyboil-ing,drying,andsmoking.Amanmaximizeswealthbyacquir-ingfishingboatsbecausetheownergetsalargershare of fishthanthefishingcrew.Aboatownermightalsoobtaintherightfromthestatetoleaseuninhabitedislands,mainlyforcollectingcoconuts.Therearethreekinds of milletsgrownandtarointhe south. Somehomeshavebreadfruit,mango,papaya,andbananatrees,butfewvegetablesareeaten.Seatradehasalwaysbeenavitalsource of income,andnowthereisamodemshippingindustry;profitsfromitandtourismac-cruemostlytoafewprominentfamiliesinMale.Incomepercapitafromforeignaidisrelativelyhigh.IndustrialArts.Themoststrikingtraditionalcraftisbuildingwoodenboats,bothsmallandlargeoneswithlateensails,whichcanfishinthedeepseaandcarrygoodstothecontinents.Sailinglongdistanceswithoutbenefit of mapsandchartsisaremarkabletraditionalskill.Maldivesropetwistedfromcoconutcoirwasalwaysindemandbyforeignnavies.Theislandersalsomakefineproductssuchasmatswovenfromlocalreedsandlacquerworkonturnedwood.Cottonweaving,silverwork,stonecutting,andbrassworkhavemostlydiedout.Trade.FormanycenturiestheMaldiveswerefamousasthemainsource of cowrieshells,usedasmoneyinBengalandAfrica.Divehisareskilledinrapidcounting,necessaryforhandlingcowries,coconuts,orfish.Thetraditionalmethodwastocountbytwosto96andmarkeachunit of 192bylaying2coconutsontheside;theytherebycouldcountrap-idlytomanythousands.Thebasenumberwas12,whichClarenceMaloneyfindssignificantinMaldiveshistory.WhatismorepeculiaristhatIndo-Aryanwordsfor25,50,75,100,and1,000areappliedrespectivelyto24,48,72,96,and960,asthedecimalsystemhasbeenreplacingtheduodecimal.Weightsandmeasuresarebasedonmultiples of 4and12.Themainimportshavebeenrice,wheatflour,cottontextiles,kerosene,metalproducts,tobacco,salt,andcondiments.Nowthewholecountryisaduty-freeentrepot,contrastingwiththecontrolledeconomies of other South Asiancoun-tries,andthereismodembanking.Division of Labor.Menfish,whilewomenprepareanddrythefish.Mengrowmillets,whilewomencultivaterootcrops.Menconductinterislandandoverseastrade,climbcoconuttrees,andaretheartisansincotton,silver,lacquer,andstonework,whilewomenweavematsanddoembroidery.Womendothetediousjob of twistingcoirintosmallropes,whichmenthentwistintothickropesfortheirboats.How-ever,thesesexrolesarenotabsolutelyfixed;therearecases of theseactivitiesbeingdonebytheothersex.Womendomost of thehouseworkandchildcare,butmenmayalsodoit.Boatcrewsandleaders of Islamicritualandlaw,however,areallmales.LandTenure.Alllandbelongstothestate,whichleasesuninhabitedislandsorparts of islandstoprominentpeopleforcollection of produce,aspart of itssystem of control.AllhouseholdsintheMaldives,exceptonMale,canclaimtherighttoaplot of landforahouseandgardenintheirisland of registration.InFueMulakuinthe south, residentshavetherighttocultivateasmuchtarolandastheywish.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.TheDivehikinshipsysteminoriginisacombination of DravidianandArabwithelements of NorthIndiankinshipderivedfromSriLanka.Althoughthesethreesystemsaresharplyatvariance,theyareresolvedinDivehiculture.TheDravidiansystemisbasedonpreferredcross-cousinmarriage,andamaleclassifiesallfemalesasei-thersister(unmarriageable)orfemalecrosscousin(marriage-able).Thematrilinealvariant of theDravidiansystemoccursEuropeansin South Asia 79Maloney,Clarence(1984).-Divehi."InMuslimPeoples:A World EthnographicSurvey,Vol.1,23 2-2 36.Rev.ed.,editedbyRichardWeekes.Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress.Maloney,Clarence(1980).People of theMaldiveIslands.Ma-dras:OrientLongman.Ottovar,Annagrethe,andNilsFinnMunch-Petersen(1980).Maldiverneoet0samfundidetIndiskeOcean(TheMaldivianIslandcommunityintheIndianOcean).Copen-hagen:Kunstindustrimuseet.CLARENCEMALONEYANDNILSFINNMUNCH-PETERSENMunch-Petersen,NilsFinn(1982).'Maldives:History,DailyLife,andArtHandicraft."BulletinduC.E.M.O.I.(Brussels).1:7 4-1 03.Europeansin South Asia ETHNONYMS:Ferangi(fromMemsahib;child:ChhotaSahib"Franks"),Sahib(fem.:Whiletheimpact of Europeonthe South Asiansubcon-tinenthasbeenimmeasurableanddatesbacklongbeforeVascodaGama'sexploratoryvisitin1498,thenumber of Eu-ropeansresidentintheareanowismerelyafewtens of thou-sands.(Theymoveaboutsomuchthatacloseestimateisdif-ficult.)Butevenintheheyday of Britishimperialismtherewereonlyabout167,000Europeansinall of South Asia (1931census).LeavingasidefromthisdiscussiontheAnglo-IndiansandLuso-Indians of the South Asianmainland,andtheBurghers of SriLanka,whoareallinfactlocalpeople of part-Europeanancestry,wecanidentifythefollowingcategories of Europeansasbeingresidentin South Asia today.(1)Diplomatsandjournalists.Foundonlyinthecapitalcitiesandotherconsularposts.(2)Developmentworkers,etc.Technicalspecialistsfromthe World HealthOrganization,otherUnitedNationsagen-cies,theU.S.PeaceCorps,etc.areregularlyencounteredinmost South Asiancountries.Students of anthropology,lin-guistics,andsomeothersubjectsmaybefoundalmostany-where,thoughneveringreatnumbers.SometeaandcoffeeplantationsinIndiastillhaveEuropeanmanagersandindeedareownedbyBritishcompanies.(3)RetiredBritishresidents.Asmallnumber of veryeld-erlypeoplewhoretiredinIndiaorSriLankaataboutthetime of independencearestillthere.(Most,however,leftthesub-continenttoretireinBritain,theChannelIslands,Cyprus,orAustralia.)(4)Christianmissionaries.Whilethe South Asianchurchesareessentiallyself-governing,severalhundredEuro-peanandAmericanmissionariesandCatholicpriestsandnunsmaystillbeencounteredintheregion.Theyarestill of someimportanceineducation,aswellasinfunnelingWest-emaidtotheirparishioners.(5)Religiousseekers.Atanygiventimetherearesomethousands of Australian,European,orAmericanpeople,usu-allyfairlyyoung,whoarewanderingaroundIndia,Nepal,andelsewhereinsearch of religiousenlightenmentwithinthebroadtradition of Hinduspirituality.Some of thesepeoplehavebeenlooselyclassedas"hippies."Frenchpeoplearepar-ticularlyattractedtoPondicherryandthenearbyreligiouscenter of Auroville,whileothershavebeenespeciallyat-tractedtospecificashrams,toRishikeshandotherHima-layansites,ortotheTheosophicalCenterinMadrasCity.(6)Tourists.Theregionhasanenormoustouristpoten-tial,whichhasbeenslowlydevelopedsinceindependence,andin1991India,SriLanka,Nepal,andtheMaldiveshaveathrivingtouristindustry.Unlikethereligiousseekersmen-tionedabove,whomaystayformanymonths,ordinaryWest-erntouristsusuallyvisitforjusttwoorthreeweeks.Thegreatmajority of thesetouristsarefromwesternEuropeandAustralasia.(Many of India'stourists,ontheotherhand,arenon-Europeansfromother South Asiancountries.)80Europeansin South Asia TheBritishImpactTheculturalandpoliticalimpact of theBritishoverthepasttwocenturiesin South Asia hasbeenvastandextremelyper-vasive.Numeroushistories of the"Britishperiod"testifytothis,anditisaninfluencereferredtointheIntroductiontothis volume. Spacedoesnotpermitevenabriefreview of theadministrative,legal,religious,educational,publichealth,military,agricultural,industrial,sporting,andcommunica-tionaldevelopmentsthatoccurredduringtheperiod of Brit-ishadministration of most of thesubcontinent.Wemayinsteadhighlightthecontribution of EuropeansfromIndiatothearts.Bestknown of courseistheliterarycontribution of RudyardKipling(186 5-1 936),one of twoIndian-bomwriterstoreceivetheNobelPrizeforLiterature(theotherwasRabindranathTagore). Of numerousprofes-sionalartiststoworkinIndia,themostoutstandingwastheAnglo-GermanpainterJohnZoffany,whoworkedtherefrom1783to1790.Theartisticimpact of theBritishonIndianar-chitecturewasvast,andwelldocumented:witnessonlytheofficialbuildings of NewDelhi.Lessrecognizedduringthepresentcenturyhasbeentheimpact of thisrelativelysmallethnicgroupontheBritishfilmindustry.JulieChristie,VivienLeigh,MargaretLockwood,MerleOberon,andsev-eralotheractors,aswellasthedirectorLindsayAnderson,wereallbornandatleastpartlybroughtupinBritishIndia.Onemightwonderwhethertheubiquity of schoolplaysandamateurdramaticsocietiesinthaterahadsomethingtodowiththesecareers.SeealsoAnglo-Indian;French of India;IndianChristianBibliographyBallhatchet,Kenneth(1980).Race,SexandClassundertheRaj:ImperialAttitudesandPoliciesandTheirCritics,179 3- 1905.NewYork:St.Martin'sPress.Barr,Pat(1976).TheMemsahibs:TheWomen of VictorianIndia.London:Secker&Warburg.Hervey,H.J.A.(1913).TheEuropeaninIndia.London:StanleyPaul&Co.Hockings,Paul(1989).'BritishSocietyintheCompany,Crown,andCongressEras."BlueMountains:TheEthnogra-phyandBiogeography of a South IndianRegion,editedbyPaulEdwardHockings,33 4-3 59.NewDelhi:OxfordUniversityPress.Kincaid,Dennis(1938).BritishSocialLifeinIndia,160 8- 1937.London:GeorgeRoutledge&Sons.Moorhouse,Geoffrey(1983).IndiaBritannica.NewYork:Harper&Row.French of IndiaETHNONYMS:FrenchTamils,Pondicheriens,Pondicherry(name of townandterritory)Therewere12,864FrenchnationalsresidinginIndiain1988.NearlyallareintheUnionTerritory of PondicherryinsoutheasternIndia(11,726in1988),withmuchsmallernumbersinKaraikal(695individuals),Mahe(50),Yanam(46),and342elsewhereinIndia.(Thesewerecoastalpock-etsbelongingtotheformerFrenchEmpire.)Whilelegallystillcitizens of FranceandresidentaliensinIndia,theyareethnicallyIndian,about90percentbeingethnicTamils.Al-mostunaccountably,theyvoteintheFrenchconstituency of Nice.Theyformasmallminority,accountingforlessthan3percent of thepresentpopulation of Pondicherry.TheFrenchinIndiaareanartifact of theFrenchpres-encethere,whichbeganin1673withtheestablishment of FrenchIndiaandcontinueduntil1962whentheFrenchter-ritorywasformallytransferredtoIndia.TheFrenchpresencewasalwayssmallandminorcomparedwiththeBritishpres-enceandtheFrenchinIndiaweregenerallyignored.Today,themajority of theseFrenchareHindusorChristians of localormixedfamilyorigin,andlessthan50percent of themspeakFrench.Atthesametime,however,FrenchistaughtinschoolsattendedbyFrenchIndianchildrenandadultFrenchclassesarewellattended,reflectinganinterestinmaintainingtiesandanallegiancetoFranceorinfindingjobswithFrenchcompanies.TheFrenchIndiansarethewealthiestgroupinPondicherry(asidefromthoserunningtheAurobindoAshram),derivingmuch of theirincomefrompension(some20percentareretirees),socialsecurity,welfare,andotherprogramsoftheFrenchgovernment.TheyarealsoentitledtoemigratetoFrance,althoughfewdosoandtheFrenchgov-ernmentdoesnotencouragethepractice.SeealsoEuropeansin South Asia; TamilBibliographyGlachant,Roger(1965).Histoirede l& apos;IndedesFranqais.Paris:LibrairiePlon.Miles,WilliamF.S.(1990)."CitizenswithoutSoil:TheFrench of India(Pondicherry)."EthnicandRacialStudies13:25 2-2 73.Ramasamy,A.(1987).History of Pondicherry.NewDelhi:SterlingPublishers.Scholberg,Henry,andEmmanuelDivien(1973).Biblio-graphiedesFrangaisdans l& apos;Inde.Pondicherry:HistoricalSoci-ety of Pondicherry.Nilsson,Sten(1968).EuropeanArchitectureinIndia,175 0- 1850.London:FaberandFaber.Trevelyan,Raleigh(1987).TheGoldenOriole.NewYork:Vi-kingPenguin.PAULHOCKINGSDivehi75DardETHNONYMS:noneAlthoughthisnameappearsintheanthropologicalliter-ature,itseemsthatthereisnodiscreteculturalgroupidentifi-ableasDards.ItistruethatPlinyandPtolemyinancienttimesbothreferredtosuchapeopleinhabitingatract of theupperIndusValleyinwhatistodayPakistan,andinthatareapeoplelivingontheleftbank of theInduswerecalledDards.TheDards,basedondescriptions of theGilgitareaaround1870,aredescribedasahunting,herding,andfarmingpeoplewith:large,extendedfamiliesandsomepolygyny;sometrans-humance;noextensivecerealagriculture;villages of from400to1,000inhabitants;patrilocalpostmaritalresidence;andnolocalizedclansbutlineagesorsibsspreadingbeyondasinglecommunity.Whileall of thismayhavebeentrueforthein-habitants of Gilgit,thereisstillsomequestionastowhetherthoselabeledDardsare,infact,adistinctculturalentity.Itismoreappropriatetospeak of the'Dardicbranch,"atermusedbylinguiststodesignateasmallgroup of languages of theIndo-AryanSubfamilyspokeninandnearthenorth of Pakistan. Of these,Kashmiriisthemostimportant.ThereisalsoaterritorythereknownasDardistan,whichincludesGilgitValley,Hunza,Chitral,Yasin,Nagar,Panyal,Kohis-tan,theAstoreValley,andpart of theupperIndusValleybe-tweenBunjiandBatera.SeealsoKashmiri;KohistaniBibliographyBiddulph,John(1880).Tribes of theHindooKoosh.Calcutta:Superintendent of GovernmentPrinting.Leitner,GotliebWilliam(1877).TheLanguagesandRaces of Dardistan.Lahore:GovernmentCentralBookDepot.PAULHOCKINGSDivehiETHNONYMS:Divehin,Dives,MaldiviansOrientationIdentification.DivehisarethosewhospeakDivehi,thelanguage of theRepublic of theMaldives.TheyoccupyalltheMaldivesandalsotheisland of Maliku(Minicoyonthemaps)tothenorth,whichbelongstoIndia.ThepeoplecallthemselvesDivehi(fromdive-si,meaning"island-er"),andtheircountryisDivehiRAjje(kingdom).Thename'Mal-dives"isprobablyfrommdild-dfv("garland-islands"inIndianlanguages),referringtothedoublechain of atollsthatap-pearslikeagarlandornecklace.ThewordatolisDivehi,origi-nallyspelledwithone1.Thecountrywasanexus of IndianOceanshipping,andithasremainedmostlyindependentsinceancienttimes.Location.TheMaldivesstretchfrom002'Sto7°0'N,withMinicoyat8°2'.Longitudeisabout730E.Thereareabout1,200islands, of which201arepermanentlyinhabited.Theislandsarelowandflat,mostlylessthanakilometerlongwithonly9aslongas2kilometers,ringingcoralatolls.Totallandareaisonlyabout280squarekilometers,andnowhereisthelandmorethan2metersabovesealevel.TheMaldivesextendfor867kilometersnorthto south andclaimthesur-roundingoceanasnationalterritory.Malikuisthelargestis-land,16.5kilometerslongandlying140kilometersnorth of theMaldivesproper,butitispoliticallycutofffromotherparts of thearchipelago.Demography.As of 1991therewere228,000Divehis-220,000Maldiviansandroughly8,000onMaliku.Thefirstcensuswasin1911aspart of theCeyloncensus,anditshowed72,237Divehison217inhabitedislands.Populationwaspreviouslykeptincheckbyepidemics,faminebecause of stormsthatinterruptedimports of food,andcerebralmalaria,butduringrecentdecadesthepopulationhasbeenshootinguprapidly.The1990censusshowedacrudebirthrate of 43per1,000andagrowthrate of 3.5percentayear.Thegovern-menthastakenlittleinitiativeonfamilyplanningbecause of themomentum of Islamictradition.Malehas57,000people,aquarter of allDivehis,thoughitisonly1.6kilometerslongandthethingroundwaterlenshasbecomepolluted,sothegovernmenttriestocurbmigrationthere.Lifeexpectancyisabout62yearsformalesand60forfemales.LinguisticAffiliation.DivehiisderivedfromtheoldSinhala of SriLanka,andsoitisclassifiableasanIndo-Aryanlanguage,althoughattheveryendof...

... isgovernedbyrepre-sentativeselectedbyuniversaladultfranchisewhoconstituteavidhansabha(legislativeassembly).Amajoritypartyformsthegovernment.Thehead of thestateisthegovernor,ap-pointedbythepresident of India.Thestategovernmenthasverywidepowersformaintaininglawandorder,levyingtaxes,andcarryingoutdevelopmentwork.Italsosharesresourceswiththeuniongovernment.Gandhinagaristhecapitalcity of thestate.Thestateisdividedinto19districts,whicharefurthersubdividedinto184talukas.Localself-governmentbyelectedrepresentativesfunctionsatvillage,taluka,anddis-trictlevelandalsointownsandcities.Thelocalgovernmentperformsfunctionsrelatedtopublicamenities,education,anddevelopment.Itraisesresourcesbylevyingtaxesandin.comefrompropertyandalsoreceivesaidgrantsfromthestategovernment.Industrialinvestmentisstronglyencouraged.SocialControl.Gujarattodayhastheusualinstitutions of astatepoliceforceandahierarchy of lawcourts,rangingfromthesubmagistrate'scourttothestatesupremecourt.InallcourtsthecentralwritistheIndianPenalCode.Butinaddi-tiontotheseinstitutions,whichwerefirstdevelopedundertheBritishadministration of theoldBombayPresidency,thereisalsoanindigenoussystem of casteandvillagecoun-cils.Thecastecouncilisfoundinanyvillageorsmalltownwherethenumbers of anyonecasteorcasteblocaresuffi-cienttowarrantit.Thiscouncilconsists of themaleheads of themostprominentfamiliesinthecaste,anditsfunctionistomaintainequanimitywithothercastesbyseeingthattradi-tionalpatterns of behavior(thecaste'sdharma)arefollowed.Finesandminorphysicalpunishmentmaybehandeddowntothosewhooffendagainstthesepatterns.Publichumilia-tion,suchasabeatingwithsandals,isausualpunishment.Thereisalsoavillagecouncil(grampanchayat)whichisGurung93greatestpercentage of theirpopulation of allthegroups),Magar,Tamang,Sunwar,Limbu,andRai.Gurkhasclaimde-scentfromthewarlikeRajputs of Chittaur,inRajasthan,say-ingtheyweredriventhencetotheNepalesehillsbytheMus-liminvasions.TheGurkhamilitarytraditioncanbetracedbacktothesixteenthcenturywhenthekingdom of Gorkhawasconqueredbythefirstkings of theShahThakuridynasty.Bytheend of theeighteenthcenturytheGurkhaKingdom,asitwasthenknown,hadexpandedcontrolovermuch of whatisnowNepalandhadbegunpushingnorthintoChinaandTibet.Expansion south intoIndiawasresistedbytheBrit-ish(whowereexpandingnorthward),butin1815theNepa-leseweredefeated.TheBritishwereimpressedbytheGurkhasandobtainedpermissiontorecruitthemfortheBritish-IndianArmy.Therecruitswereorganizedintoethnicregimentsandparticipatedwithdistinction(onthegovernmentside)intheIndianMutiny of 185 7-5 8,theSecondAfghanWar(187 8- 1880),andtheBoxerRebellion(1900).By1908the12,000GurkhaswereorganizedintotenregimentsastheGurkhaBrigade.During World WarIand World WarIIthenumber of Nepalesemilitaryvolunteersincreasedtomorethan200,000andadditionalunitswereformed.In1947theGurkhaBrigadewasdisbandedandsincethenvariousGurkhaunitshaveservedwiththeBritisharmy,theIndianarmy,theNepalarmy,andtheUnitedNationspeacekeepingforces.Today,theyaremainlyusedintheCrownColony of HongKong(whichwillreverttoChinain1997).WithBrit-ain'sintegrationintoEurope,Gurkhasarebeingphasedout of theBritisharmy.GurkhaveteransplayasignificantsocialandeconomicroleinNepalesesociety.Theyenjoyhighstatusandareoftenelectedcommunityleaders,andtheincomefromtheirpen-sionsprovidesasteadysource of cashfortheirfamiliesandcommunities.NepaleseworkinginIndiaaswatchmenarealsosometimesreferredtoasGurkha.SeealsoGurung;Limbu;Magar,Nepali;Rai;Sunwar;TamangBibliographyVansittart,Eden,andB.V.Nicolay(1915).Gurkhds.Calcutta:Superintendent of GovernmentPrinting.Reprint.1985.NewDelhi:B.R.PublishingCorp.GurungETHNONYMS:noneOrientationIdentification.TheGurungsareapeopleinhabitingthefoothills of theHimalayasincentralNepal.Theiroriginsareuncertain,thoughlinguisticevidencesuggeststhattheiran-cestorsmayhavemigratedfromTibetabout2,000yearsago.Location.Themajority of Gurungvillagesarelocatedonmountainslopesatelevationsbetween1,050and2,100me-tersinthefoothills of theAnnapurnaandLamjungHimalayaandHimalchuliinNepalat28°0'to28°30'Nand83°30'to84°30'E.TowardtheHimalayanrange,therearewidegorgeswithtallcraggyridgesrisingabovethem.Thesearedottedwithvillages,sethighonthemountainsides.Oftentherewillbejungleaboveavillageandbelowitacascade of terracedfields.Wintersarecoldanddry,thoughitseldomfreezes.Monsoonrainscomefromthe south insummer.Tempera-turesrangefromabout0°to32°C."Gurungcountry"issitu-atedbetweentwodistinctecologicalzones,thealpinemoun-tainhighlandsandthelowsubtropicalvalleys.Likewiseitexistsbetweentwogreatculturalandsocialtraditions,Ti.betanBuddhismtothenorthandIndianHinduismtothe south. Demography.The1981Nepalcensusreported174,464GurungspeakersinNepal,makingup1.2percent of thecountry'stotalpopulation.Thesefiguresreflectasmallernumber of Gurungsthanactuallyexist,sincetheyindicateonlythosewhonamedGurungastheirmothertongueandnotallGurungsspeakthelanguage.ThecensusshowsGurungstobemostnumerousinthedistricts of Lamjung,Syangja,Kaski,Gorkha,Tanahu,Parbat,andMananginGandakiZone,centralNepal.LinguisticAffiliation.GurungbelongstotheTibeto-BurmanLanguageFamilyandresemblesotherlanguages of peoples of themiddlehills of Nepal,suchasThakaliandTamang.Ithasatonalstructureandnowrittenform.MostGurungsarebilingualandtendtobefluentfromchildhoodinNepali,theSanskriticlanguagethatisthelinguafranca of thenation.HistoryandCulturalRelationsGurunglegendsdescribea"GhaleRaja,"akingwhoruledtheGurungsinancienttimes.HewasoverthrownbytheNepaliraja of aneighboringprincipalityaboutthefifteenthcenturyAD.Bythesixteenthcentury,Khasakings of theShahfamilyhadconqueredmost of theprincipalitiesthatmakeuppres-ent-dayNepal.GurungsactedasmercenariesinKhasaar-mies,includingthose of PrithviNarayanShah,theancestor of thepresentking of Nepal,whocompletedunification of thekingdom of NepalwhenheconqueredtheKathmanduValleyin1769.Because of theirservice,Gurungsenjoyedrel-ativelyhighstatusinthenewkingdom.Theycontinuedtoactasmercenaries,andinthenineteenthcenturytheNepalesegovernmentsignedatreatyallowingtheBritisharmytore-cruitthemandotherhillpeoplesintotheGurkharegiments,inwhichtheycontinuetoserve.Beyondancientlegendanddocumentedrelationswiththenation-state(suchasmilitaryservice),littleisknownaboutthehistory of Gurungs.TheGurungsareneithergeographicallyisolatedfromothergroupsnorunaware of thesocialconventionsandcul-turalvalues of thepeoplesaroundthem.Theyareinvolvedintradingrelationswithmembers of neighboringethnicgroups,includingThakalisandTibetans,andhigh-casteHindumer-chantswhotravelthroughthevillagessellinghouseholdgoods.Gurungsalsohaveongoingpatron-clientrelationshipswithmembers of blacksmithandtailorservicecasteswholiveinhamletsattachedtoGurungvillages.Althoughinterethnic88GrasiatohavecomefromMewarmanycenturiesago,"andastheystillhavetheirinternal'Gots'orcircles of affinity(suchasParmars,Chouhan,Rathoi,etc.)uponthemodel of aregularclan,wemayperhapsassumethattheyarethedescendants of RajputsbyBhilwomen,"accordingtoP.C.Dave.InMaharashtraStatetheGrasiasareonthelist of ScheduledTribesas"Dungri-Grasias."TheGrasiasspeakadialect of theirownthatisclosetoBhili,withBhilibeingcloselyrelatedtoGujarati.SettlementsGrasiahousesarefoundontheslopes of hillswiththeirfieldsextendingoutinfront.Thehousesusuallyeachhaveoneroomandanopenverandawithwalls of mudorsplitbambooplasteredwithmud.TheroofsarecoveredwithhandmadeflattilesmadebytheGrasiasthemselves.Sometimes,though,thehouses of thepoormayhavegrassthatchingcoveringtheroofs.Aspecialshedforthecattleisoftenconstructedontheside of oroppositetothehouse,andoftenfodderisstoredontheroofs of thesesheds.Toshelterguests,aspecialshedwithatiledroofisbuiltoppositethehouse of theheadman.EconomyGrasiasaregenerallyvegetarianbuthavebeenknownocca-sionallytoenjoynonvegetarianfoods.Maizeisthefoodsta-ple,whichisgrownbyeveryGrasiawhohaslandforcultiva-tion.Itispreparedbycookingthecoarsemaizeflourwithbuttermilkandaddingsomesalttoit.Sometimesbreads of maizeflourarealsoprepared.WhenlittlewheatandmaizeareavailabletheGrasiasuseinferiorgrainlikekuro(Italianmil-let?)asasubstitute,andwhennecessaryjunglerootsandtu-bersareused.Menprimarilydotheworkthatrequiresthemostphysi-calstrength,suchasplowingandotheragriculturalwork,pre-paringfencesforthefields,construction of houses,felling of trees,andsomehouseholdworksuchaschurning of thecurdsforbutter.Womendothecooking,tendtothecattleandmilkthecows,buffalo,andgoats,bringdrinkingwater,grindgrain,etc.,andlookafterthechildren.Therearenoso-cialstigmasattachedtoeithermen'sorwomen'swork.Womenveiltheirfacesinthepresence of eldermalerelations of theirhusbands,buttheyaregenerallyfreetomoveaboutinsocietylikemenandarenotconsideredinferiortomen.Girlsshareasimilarfreedomwithboys.Oncetheyaregrownuptheyhavethefreedomtochoosetheirownhusbands.Thelargestsign of femalesocialoppressionisthatwomenaren'tallowedtoownpropertyontheirown,notevenifitwaslefttothembytheirfather.Kinship,MarriageandFamilyOnlyextremecircumstancessuchasabjectpoverty,debilitat-ingdisease,etc.keepGrasiamenandwomenfrommarrying,astheGrasiasbelievemarriageisanecessityforall.Boysmarrybetweentheages of 18and24,andgirlsbetween14and18.Theselection of amateusuallyiswithoutritualandinvolvesselectingaspouseandthenlivingtogetherwithoutanymarriageceremony.Thisarrangementmayvaryinsomeareasbecause of Hinduinfluence.Theonlyrestrictionsarethatthebride-pricemustbepaidandthatthemarriagecan-notbebetweencousins.Divorceoftenoccursiftheboydoesnotlikethegirl.Itiseasyandfreelypermitted.Thetermsnatra,ornata,refertowidowremarriage,whichisquitecommonandwhichinvolvesthehandingout of breadandjaggerytorelatives,andthemanmakingapay-ment of moneytothewidow'sfatherandprovidingtheneces-sarymarriageclothestothewidow.Polygynyoccursbutpolyandryisunknown,althoughmostGrasiamenmarryonlyonce.Because of thesocialstructurethatexistsit ... acrop(duringagriculturalseasons)fromdamagebywildanimals,thepeoplebuildtemporarywatchtowers(borang)intreesinthefield.Men'sdormitoriesexistinsomevillages.Theyactasplacesformeetingandrec-reationforthebachelors.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Traditionally,theGaroslivinginthehillssubsistbyslash-and-bumcultiva-tion.Theironhoe,chopper,andwoodendiggingstickarees-sentialappliances.Humanhandscontinuetobetheprincipaltool.Veryofteninsomeareasaplotallottedtoafamilyre.mainsunderusedbecause of aninsufficientnumber of work-ersandthelowlevel of technology.Tosurvivetheerraticna-ture of themonsoons,mixedcrops-bothwetanddryvarieties-areplanted.Ashiftingcultivatorplantsawideas-sortment of cropsconsisting of rice(mainlydryvarieties),millet,maize,andmanyrootcrops,vegetables,etc.Inaddi-tiontothesecotton,ginger,andchilipeppersarecommonlyraisedascashcrops.AllcropsareharvestedinOctober.Atpresenttheavailablestrips of lowandflatlandlyingbetweenthehillocksorhillsareusedforpermanentwetcultivation.Thevariety of cropscultivatedislikethat of theneighboringplainspeoples.Suchlandsareownedindividually.Additionalproductionfromsuchplotsplacesthevillagersinabettereconomiccondition.Theexpansion of themodemeconomyandthesteadyincrease of populationarecausingconstantpressureontraditionallyownedplots.Thesameplotisusedalmostcontinuouslyinsomeareas,thusleadingtoadeclineinannualproduction.Thistrendisevidentfromthe1981censusreport,whichestimatedthatabout50percent of theGaropeoplearenowsolelydependentonshiftingcultivationandtherestuseapart of ajhumplotpermanentlyforgrowingarecanuts,oranges,tea(onasmallscale),pineapples,etc.Inthischangingsituationaproducermaynotalwaysbeacon-sumer;andreciprocityandcooperationdonotexistasdomi-nantforcesinthesocioeconomiclife of thispopulation.IndustrialArts.Eachfamilyinatraditionalcontextactsasaself-containedeconomicunit.Modernizationhasbroughtsomechangesinthesocioeconomicsphere of thispopulation.TheGarosresidinginthehillsdidnotweaveclothafewdecadesback;theyusedtoprocurethickclothknownaskanchafromtheplainsGaros.Nowthattheloomhasbeenintroducedinthehillareas,theyweavedokmande(akind of cloth)forcommercialpurposesaswellasfortheirper-sonaluse.Previouslyeachfamilyusedtomakepotteryforitsowndomesticuse,butnowadaystheartisconfinedtoafewfamiliesonlywhoeithersellitorbarterit.Trade.AfewcenturiesagotheGaroswerefamousforheadhunting.Thatpracticeconstrainedtheneighboringpop-ulation of theplainsfromenteringthehills.Butpeoplemustexchangetheirproducetomeettheirrequirements,andbothhillandplainsGarosneededsuchtrade.Hencesometradestartedatborderpointsonaverylimitedscale.Overtime,thesecontactsgrewintoorganizedhutta(weeklymarkets)undertheinitiative of theZamindars,whoweresubjects of theMuslimruler.Initiallycottonwassoldoutrightorex-changedforpigs,cattle,goats,tobacco,andmetallictools.In94Gurungmarriageisstronglydisapproved of, friendlysocialintercoursewithmembers of otherethnicgroupsisusual,andbonds of ritualfriendship(nyel)areforgedbetweenGurungsandmembers of equal-statusethnicgroups.SettlementsGurungvillagesarebuilthighonridgesandconsist of closelyclusteredgroups of whitewashedhouseswithslateroofs.Houses of lineagememberstendtobebuiltalongsideonean-other.WhilemostGurungsremaininruralvillages,sincethemid-1970smanymoreprosperousGurungfamilieshavecho-sentomovetoPokhara,thenearesturbancenter,because of thegreatercomfort of urbanlivingandimprovedaccesstoeducationalfacilitiesandmedicalcare.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Themainoccu-pation of Gurungsissubsistenceagriculture.Millet,wheat,barley,maize,potatoes,soybeans,andricearegrown.Somehouseholdsalsomaintainvegetablegardens.Goats,chick-ens,waterbuffalo,andoxenarekeptwithinthevillages.Sheepandwaterbuffaloarestillgrazedonhigh-altitudepas-tures,butdeforestationhascausedareduction of fodderandthusinthelastfiftyyearspastoralismhasbecomealesssig-nificanteconomicactivity.TheruggedterrainonwhichGurungsfarmdoesnotallowmuchagriculturalsurplus.Themostimportantsource of cashincomeforGurungsisserviceintheGurkharegiments of theBritishandIndianarmies.IndustrialArts.Weavingisacommonactivityduringtheslackagriculturalseason.Womenweavecarryingclothsandwoolenblankets,andmenweavecarryingbaskets,winnowingbaskets,andstoragebaskets.Trade.Beginninginthelatenineteenthcentury,GurungsplayedanimportantpartinthesalttradewithTibet.Thisre-lationshipwasdiscontinuedforpoliticalreasonsinthemid-twentiethcentury.Atpresent,someurbanGurungsengageintradewithIndiaandothersareprominentincontractingandtransportationbusinessesaroundPokhara.Division of Labor.Thereislittleformaldivision of laboramongGurungs.Menmaynotweaveclothandwomenmaynotweavebambooorplow.Womengenerallylookafterthehouse,cook,andcareforthephysicalneeds of children.Menandwomenengageinmostagriculturalactivities,aswellaschoppingwoodforfuelandgatheringfodderforlivestock.Livestockinhigh-altitudepasturesismostoftentendedbymen.Metalwork,tailoring,andcarpentryareperformedbynon-GurungservicecasteswholiveinhamletsattachedtoGurungvillages.LandTenure.Whileforestandgrazinglandarecommu-nallyowned,agriculturallandisheldprivately.Rightstolandareequallydistributedamongsons.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.LineagesinGurungsocietyin-volvelocalizedagnaticgroupslinkedbyaknownancestor.Eachlineageispart of aclan.Clanaffiliationcutsacrosslo-calityandacts ... isgovernedbyrepre-sentativeselectedbyuniversaladultfranchisewhoconstituteavidhansabha(legislativeassembly).Amajoritypartyformsthegovernment.Thehead of thestateisthegovernor,ap-pointedbythepresident of India.Thestategovernmenthasverywidepowersformaintaininglawandorder,levyingtaxes,andcarryingoutdevelopmentwork.Italsosharesresourceswiththeuniongovernment.Gandhinagaristhecapitalcity of thestate.Thestateisdividedinto19districts,whicharefurthersubdividedinto184talukas.Localself-governmentbyelectedrepresentativesfunctionsatvillage,taluka,anddis-trictlevelandalsointownsandcities.Thelocalgovernmentperformsfunctionsrelatedtopublicamenities,education,anddevelopment.Itraisesresourcesbylevyingtaxesandin.comefrompropertyandalsoreceivesaidgrantsfromthestategovernment.Industrialinvestmentisstronglyencouraged.SocialControl.Gujarattodayhastheusualinstitutions of astatepoliceforceandahierarchy of lawcourts,rangingfromthesubmagistrate'scourttothestatesupremecourt.InallcourtsthecentralwritistheIndianPenalCode.Butinaddi-tiontotheseinstitutions,whichwerefirstdevelopedundertheBritishadministration of theoldBombayPresidency,thereisalsoanindigenoussystem of casteandvillagecoun-cils.Thecastecouncilisfoundinanyvillageorsmalltownwherethenumbers of anyonecasteorcasteblocaresuffi-cienttowarrantit.Thiscouncilconsists of themaleheads of themostprominentfamiliesinthecaste,anditsfunctionistomaintainequanimitywithothercastesbyseeingthattradi-tionalpatterns of behavior(thecaste'sdharma)arefollowed.Finesandminorphysicalpunishmentmaybehandeddowntothosewhooffendagainstthesepatterns.Publichumilia-tion,suchasabeatingwithsandals,isausualpunishment.Thereisalsoavillagecouncil(grampanchayat)whichisGurung93greatestpercentage of theirpopulation of allthegroups),Magar,Tamang,Sunwar,Limbu,andRai.Gurkhasclaimde-scentfromthewarlikeRajputs of Chittaur,inRajasthan,say-ingtheyweredriventhencetotheNepalesehillsbytheMus-liminvasions.TheGurkhamilitarytraditioncanbetracedbacktothesixteenthcenturywhenthekingdom of Gorkhawasconqueredbythefirstkings of theShahThakuridynasty.Bytheend of theeighteenthcenturytheGurkhaKingdom,asitwasthenknown,hadexpandedcontrolovermuch of whatisnowNepalandhadbegunpushingnorthintoChinaandTibet.Expansion south intoIndiawasresistedbytheBrit-ish(whowereexpandingnorthward),butin1815theNepa-leseweredefeated.TheBritishwereimpressedbytheGurkhasandobtainedpermissiontorecruitthemfortheBritish-IndianArmy.Therecruitswereorganizedintoethnicregimentsandparticipatedwithdistinction(onthegovernmentside)intheIndianMutiny of 185 7-5 8,theSecondAfghanWar(187 8- 1880),andtheBoxerRebellion(1900).By1908the12,000GurkhaswereorganizedintotenregimentsastheGurkhaBrigade.During World WarIand World WarIIthenumber of Nepalesemilitaryvolunteersincreasedtomorethan200,000andadditionalunitswereformed.In1947theGurkhaBrigadewasdisbandedandsincethenvariousGurkhaunitshaveservedwiththeBritisharmy,theIndianarmy,theNepalarmy,andtheUnitedNationspeacekeepingforces.Today,theyaremainlyusedintheCrownColony of HongKong(whichwillreverttoChinain1997).WithBrit-ain'sintegrationintoEurope,Gurkhasarebeingphasedout of theBritisharmy.GurkhaveteransplayasignificantsocialandeconomicroleinNepalesesociety.Theyenjoyhighstatusandareoftenelectedcommunityleaders,andtheincomefromtheirpen-sionsprovidesasteadysource of cashfortheirfamiliesandcommunities.NepaleseworkinginIndiaaswatchmenarealsosometimesreferredtoasGurkha.SeealsoGurung;Limbu;Magar,Nepali;Rai;Sunwar;TamangBibliographyVansittart,Eden,andB.V.Nicolay(1915).Gurkhds.Calcutta:Superintendent of GovernmentPrinting.Reprint.1985.NewDelhi:B.R.PublishingCorp.GurungETHNONYMS:noneOrientationIdentification.TheGurungsareapeopleinhabitingthefoothills of theHimalayasincentralNepal.Theiroriginsareuncertain,thoughlinguisticevidencesuggeststhattheiran-cestorsmayhavemigratedfromTibetabout2,000yearsago.Location.Themajority of Gurungvillagesarelocatedonmountainslopesatelevationsbetween1,050and2,100me-tersinthefoothills of theAnnapurnaandLamjungHimalayaandHimalchuliinNepalat28°0'to28°30'Nand83°30'to84°30'E.TowardtheHimalayanrange,therearewidegorgeswithtallcraggyridgesrisingabovethem.Thesearedottedwithvillages,sethighonthemountainsides.Oftentherewillbejungleaboveavillageandbelowitacascade of terracedfields.Wintersarecoldanddry,thoughitseldomfreezes.Monsoonrainscomefromthe south insummer.Tempera-turesrangefromabout0°to32°C."Gurungcountry"issitu-atedbetweentwodistinctecologicalzones,thealpinemoun-tainhighlandsandthelowsubtropicalvalleys.Likewiseitexistsbetweentwogreatculturalandsocialtraditions,Ti.betanBuddhismtothenorthandIndianHinduismtothe south. Demography.The1981Nepalcensusreported174,464GurungspeakersinNepal,makingup1.2percent of thecountry'stotalpopulation.Thesefiguresreflectasmallernumber of Gurungsthanactuallyexist,sincetheyindicateonlythosewhonamedGurungastheirmothertongueandnotallGurungsspeakthelanguage.ThecensusshowsGurungstobemostnumerousinthedistricts of Lamjung,Syangja,Kaski,Gorkha,Tanahu,Parbat,andMananginGandakiZone,centralNepal.LinguisticAffiliation.GurungbelongstotheTibeto-BurmanLanguageFamilyandresemblesotherlanguages of peoples of themiddlehills of Nepal,suchasThakaliandTamang.Ithasatonalstructureandnowrittenform.MostGurungsarebilingualandtendtobefluentfromchildhoodinNepali,theSanskriticlanguagethatisthelinguafranca of thenation.HistoryandCulturalRelationsGurunglegendsdescribea"GhaleRaja,"akingwhoruledtheGurungsinancienttimes.HewasoverthrownbytheNepaliraja of aneighboringprincipalityaboutthefifteenthcenturyAD.Bythesixteenthcentury,Khasakings of theShahfamilyhadconqueredmost of theprincipalitiesthatmakeuppres-ent-dayNepal.GurungsactedasmercenariesinKhasaar-mies,includingthose of PrithviNarayanShah,theancestor of thepresentking of Nepal,whocompletedunification of thekingdom of NepalwhenheconqueredtheKathmanduValleyin1769.Because of theirservice,Gurungsenjoyedrel-ativelyhighstatusinthenewkingdom.Theycontinuedtoactasmercenaries,andinthenineteenthcenturytheNepalesegovernmentsignedatreatyallowingtheBritisharmytore-cruitthemandotherhillpeoplesintotheGurkharegiments,inwhichtheycontinuetoserve.Beyondancientlegendanddocumentedrelationswiththenation-state(suchasmilitaryservice),littleisknownaboutthehistory of Gurungs.TheGurungsareneithergeographicallyisolatedfromothergroupsnorunaware of thesocialconventionsandcul-turalvalues of thepeoplesaroundthem.Theyareinvolvedintradingrelationswithmembers of neighboringethnicgroups,includingThakalisandTibetans,andhigh-casteHindumer-chantswhotravelthroughthevillagessellinghouseholdgoods.Gurungsalsohaveongoingpatron-clientrelationshipswithmembers of blacksmithandtailorservicecasteswholiveinhamletsattachedtoGurungvillages.Althoughinterethnic88GrasiatohavecomefromMewarmanycenturiesago,"andastheystillhavetheirinternal'Gots'orcircles of affinity(suchasParmars,Chouhan,Rathoi,etc.)uponthemodel of aregularclan,wemayperhapsassumethattheyarethedescendants of RajputsbyBhilwomen,"accordingtoP.C.Dave.InMaharashtraStatetheGrasiasareonthelist of ScheduledTribesas"Dungri-Grasias."TheGrasiasspeakadialect of theirownthatisclosetoBhili,withBhilibeingcloselyrelatedtoGujarati.SettlementsGrasiahousesarefoundontheslopes of hillswiththeirfieldsextendingoutinfront.Thehousesusuallyeachhaveoneroomandanopenverandawithwalls of mudorsplitbambooplasteredwithmud.TheroofsarecoveredwithhandmadeflattilesmadebytheGrasiasthemselves.Sometimes,though,thehouses of thepoormayhavegrassthatchingcoveringtheroofs.Aspecialshedforthecattleisoftenconstructedontheside of oroppositetothehouse,andoftenfodderisstoredontheroofs of thesesheds.Toshelterguests,aspecialshedwithatiledroofisbuiltoppositethehouse of theheadman.EconomyGrasiasaregenerallyvegetarianbuthavebeenknownocca-sionallytoenjoynonvegetarianfoods.Maizeisthefoodsta-ple,whichisgrownbyeveryGrasiawhohaslandforcultiva-tion.Itispreparedbycookingthecoarsemaizeflourwithbuttermilkandaddingsomesalttoit.Sometimesbreads of maizeflourarealsoprepared.WhenlittlewheatandmaizeareavailabletheGrasiasuseinferiorgrainlikekuro(Italianmil-let?)asasubstitute,andwhennecessaryjunglerootsandtu-bersareused.Menprimarilydotheworkthatrequiresthemostphysi-calstrength,suchasplowingandotheragriculturalwork,pre-paringfencesforthefields,construction of houses,felling of trees,andsomehouseholdworksuchaschurning of thecurdsforbutter.Womendothecooking,tendtothecattleandmilkthecows,buffalo,andgoats,bringdrinkingwater,grindgrain,etc.,andlookafterthechildren.Therearenoso-cialstigmasattachedtoeithermen'sorwomen'swork.Womenveiltheirfacesinthepresence of eldermalerelations of theirhusbands,buttheyaregenerallyfreetomoveaboutinsocietylikemenandarenotconsideredinferiortomen.Girlsshareasimilarfreedomwithboys.Oncetheyaregrownuptheyhavethefreedomtochoosetheirownhusbands.Thelargestsign of femalesocialoppressionisthatwomenaren'tallowedtoownpropertyontheirown,notevenifitwaslefttothembytheirfather.Kinship,MarriageandFamilyOnlyextremecircumstancessuchasabjectpoverty,debilitat-ingdisease,etc.keepGrasiamenandwomenfrommarrying,astheGrasiasbelievemarriageisanecessityforall.Boysmarrybetweentheages of 18and24,andgirlsbetween14and18.Theselection of amateusuallyiswithoutritualandinvolvesselectingaspouseandthenlivingtogetherwithoutanymarriageceremony.Thisarrangementmayvaryinsomeareasbecause of Hinduinfluence.Theonlyrestrictionsarethatthebride-pricemustbepaidandthatthemarriagecan-notbebetweencousins.Divorceoftenoccursiftheboydoesnotlikethegirl.Itiseasyandfreelypermitted.Thetermsnatra,ornata,refertowidowremarriage,whichisquitecommonandwhichinvolvesthehandingout of breadandjaggerytorelatives,andthemanmakingapay-ment of moneytothewidow'sfatherandprovidingtheneces-sarymarriageclothestothewidow.Polygynyoccursbutpolyandryisunknown,althoughmostGrasiamenmarryonlyonce.Because of thesocialstructurethatexistsit...

... foundashouseholdservantsandcooks,andinsomecitiesinIndiatheyrunpublicbathhouses.HijrascomplainthatincontemporaryIndiatheiropportunitytoearnalivingbytherespectablemeans of performingatmarriagesandbirthshasdeclined,duetosmallerfamilies,lesselaboratelife-cycleceremonies,andageneraldeclineintherespectfortraditionalritualspecialists.Hijrashaveeffectivelymaintainedeconomicpredominance,ifnottotalmonopoly,overtheirritualrole.Definedbythelargersocietyasemasculatedmen,theyhaveclearlyseenthatitisintheirinteresttopreservethisdefinition of theirrole.Theydothisbymakingloudandpublicgesturestodenouncethe"frauds"and"fakes"whoimitatethem.Theythusreinforceinthepublicmindtheirownsolerighttotheirtraditionaloccu-pations.Whenhijrasfindotherfemaleimpersonatorsattempt-ingtoperformwhereitistheirrighttodoso,theychasethemaway,usingphysicalforceifnecessary.Hijraclaimstoexclusiveentitlementtoperformatlife-cyclerituals,tocollectalmsincertainterritories,andeventoownlandcommunallyreceivehistoricalsupportintheedicts of someIndianstatesthatoffi-ciallygrantedthemtheserights.Hijrashavealsobeensuccessfulincontrollingtheiraudi-encesintheirowneconomicinterest.Hijrasidentifywithre-nouncers(sannyasis)and,likethem,hijrashaveabandonedtheirfamilyandcasteidentitiesinordertojointheirreligiouscommunity.Likesannyasis,then,hijrastranscendnetworks of socialobligation.Theyoccupythelowestend of theIndiansocialhierarchyand,havingnoordinarysocialpositiontomaintainwithinthathierarchy,hijrasarefreedfromthere-straints of ordinarybehavior.Theyknowthattheirshame-lessnessmakesordinarypeoplereluctanttoprovokethemortoresisttheirdemandsformoneyandhencetheytradeonthefearandanxietypeoplehaveaboutthemtocoercecom-96HijraHijra100HillPandaraminusage.Apartfromconjugaltiesandclose"affinal"relation-ships(whichincontrasttothe"kin"linkshavewarmthandintimacy),kinshiptiesarenot"load"-bearinginthesense of implyingstructuredroleobligations.MarriageandFamilyMarriage.Bothpolyandrousandpolygynousmarriageshavebeenrecorded,butmostmarriagesaremonogamous.Cross-cousinmarriageisthenormandmarriagesemergeal-mostspontaneouslyfrompreexistingkinshippatterns,ascampaggregatescenteronaffinallyrelatedmen.Thereislit-tleornomarriageceremonyandthereisnoformalarrange-ment of marriagepartners,althoughyoungmentendtoes-tablishpriortieswithprospectiveparents-in-law.MarriagesarebrittleandmostolderHillPandaramhaveexperiencedaseries of conjugalpartnershipsduringtheirlifetime.Acohab.itingcoupleformsanindependenthouseholdonmarriage,butthecouplemaycontinueasaunitinthecampaggregate of eitherset of parents.DomesticUnit.Theconjugalfamilyisthebasiceconomicunit.Members of afamilymayliveinseparateleafshelters(thoughspousessharethesameleafshelter)andmayformforagingpartieswithothermembers of acampaggregate,butallfoodgatheredbyanindividualbelongstohisorherownimmediatefamily,whoshareasimplehearth.Onlymeat,to-bacco,andtheproceeds of honey-gatheringexpeditionsaresharedbetweenthefamiliesconstitutingacampaggregate.Inheritance.AstheHillPandarampossessnolandandhavefewmaterialpossessions,littleemphasisisplacedoninheritance.Socialization.TheHillPandaramputanormativestressonindividualautonomyandself-sufficiency,andfromtheirearliestyearschildrenareexpectedtoassertindependence.Childrencollectforestproducefortradeandwilloftenspendlongperiodsawayfromtheirparents.SociopoliticalOrganizationSocialOrganization.Organizedasaforagingcommunity,livinginsmallcampaggregates of twotothreefamiliesscat-teredoverawidearea,theHillPandaramexhibitnowiderstructures of sociopoliticalorganization.Therearenoritualcongregations,microcastes,noranyothercommunalassocia-tionsorcorporategroupingsabovethelevel of theconjugalfamily.Alack of widerformalorganizationiscoupledwithapervasivestressonegalitarianism,self-sufficiency,andtheautonomy of theindividual.Someindividualsinthesettle-mentsarerecognizedasmuttukani(headmen)buttheirroleisnotinstitutionalized,fortheyareessentiallyapart of thesystem of controlintroducedbyadministrativeagencies of theForestryandWelfareDepartmentstofacilitateefficientcommunicationwiththecommunity.SocialControl.TheHillPandaramhavenoformalinsti-tutionsforthesettlement of disputes,thoughindividualmenandwomenoftenactasinformalmediatorsorconciliators.Socialcontrolismaintainedtoanimportantdegreebyavaluesystemthatputsapremiumontheavoidance of aggres-sionandconflict;likeotherforagers,theHillPandaramtendtoavoidconflictbyseparationandbyflight.ReligionandExpressiveCultureAlthoughnominallyHindu,HillPandaramreligionisdis-tinctfromthat of theneighboringagriculturalistsinbeingun-iconic(i.e.,veneratingnotimages of deities,butthecrests of mountains)andfocusedonthecontact,throughpossessionrites, of localizedmaladevi(hillspirits).HillPan-darammayoccasionallymakeritualofferingsatvillagetem-ples,particularlythoseassociatedwiththegodsAiyappanandMuruganatthetime of theOnamfestival(December)oratlocalshrinesestablishedinforestareasbyTamillaborers;butotherwisetheyhavelittlecontactwiththeformalrituals of Hinduism.ReligiousBeliefs.ThespiritualagenciesrecognizedbytheHillPandaramfallintotwocategories:theancestralghostsorshades(chavu)andthehillspirits(maladevi).Thehillspiritsaresupernaturalsassociatedwithparticularhillorrockpreci-pices,andinthecommunityasawholethesespiritsarelegion,withahilldeityforaboutevery8squarekilometers of forest.Althoughlocalizedspirits,thehillspiritsarenot'familyspir-its"fortheymayhavedevoteeslivingsomedistancefromtheparticularlocality.Theancestralshades,ontheotherhand,arelinkedtoparticularfamilies,butlikethehillspiritstheirin-fluenceismainlybeneficent,givingprotectionagainstmisfor-tuneandprofferingadviceintimes of need.Oneclass of spir-its,however,isessentiallymalevolent.Thesearethearukula,thespirits of personswhohavediedaccidentallythroughfall-ingfromatreeorbeingkilledbyawildanimal.ReligiousPractitioners.Certainmenandwomenhavetheabilitytoinduceatrancelikestateandinthiswaytocontactthespirits.Theyareknownastullukara(possessiondancers,fromtullu,"tojump"),andattimes of misfortunetheyarecalleduponbyrelativesorfriendstogivehelpandsupport.Ceremonies.TheHillPandaramhavenotemplesorshrinesandthusmakenoformalritualofferingstothespirits,leadinglocalvillagerstosuggestthattheyhavenoreligion.Nordotheyritualizethelife-cycleevents of birth,puberty,anddeathtoanygreatdegree.Theimportantreligiouscere-monyisthepossessionseance,inwhichthetullukaragoesintoatrancestateinducedbyrhythmicdrummingandsing-ingandincarnatesoneormore of thehillspiritsoranances-tralshade.Duringtheseancethecause of themisfortuneisascertained(usuallythebreaking of atabooassociatedwiththemenstrualperiod)andthehelp of thesupernaturalissoughttoalleviatethesicknessormisfortune.Arts.IncontrastwithotherIndiancommunitiestheHillPandaramhavefewartforms.Nevertheless,theirsingingishighlydeveloped,andtheirsongsarevariedandelaborateandincludehistoricalthemes.Medicine.Allminorailmentsaredealtwiththroughher-balremedies,sincetheHillPandaramhaveadeepthoughunstructuredknowledge of medicinalplants.Moreseriouscomplaintsarehandledthroughthepossessionrites.BibliographyFirer-Haimendorf,Christophvon(1970)."NotesontheMalapantaram of Travancore."Bulletin of theInternationalCommitteeforUrgentAnthropologicalandEthnologicalRe-search3:4 4-5 1.HillPandaram99withtheirneighborsandcameunderthepoliticaljurisdiction of theearlyTamilkingdomsorlocalpettychieftains,whotaxedforestproductssuchascardamom,bamboo,ivory,honey,andwax.Theimportance of thistradeatthebegin-ning of thenineteenthcenturyishighlightedinthewritings of theAbbeDuboisandintheeconomicsurvey of theformerTravancoreStatemadeatthattimebytwoBritishofficials,WardandConner.ForesttradestillservestolinktheHillPandaramtothewiderHindusociety.SettlementsTheHillPandaramhavetwotypes of residentialgrouping-settlementsandforestcamps-althoughabout25percent of HillPandaramfamiliesliveacompletelynomadicexistenceandarenotassociatedwithanysettlement.Atypicalsettle-mentconsists of abouttenhuts,widelyseparatedfromeachother,eachhousingafamilywholivethereonasemiper-manentbasis.Thehutsaresimple,rectangularconstructionswithsplit-bambooscreensandgrass-thatchedroofs;manyarelittlemorethanroofedshelters.Aroundthehutsitesfruit-bearingtreessuchasmangoandtamarind,cassavaandsmallcultivationsmaybefound.Thesettlementsareoftensomedistancefromvillagecommunities(withtheirmulticastepopulations)andhavenocommunalfocuslikereligiousshrines.Settlementsareinhabitedonlyonanintermittentbasis.Thesecondtype of residentialgroupingistheforestcamp,consisting of twotosixtemporaryleafshelters,eachmadefromaframework of bamboothatissupportedonasin-gleuprightpoleandcoveredbypalmleaves.Theseleafshel-tershaveaconicalappearanceandareformedoverafireplaceconsisting of threestonesthatwerefoundonthesite.Rec-tangularlean-tosmayalsobeconstructedusingtwouprightpoles.Settlementsarescatteredthroughouttheforestrangesexceptintheinteriorforest,whichislargelyuninhabitedapartfromnomadiccamps of theHillPandaram.Themajor-ity of theHillPandaramarenomadicandtheusuallength of stayataparticularcampingsite(orarockshelter,whichisfrequentlyused)isfromtwotosixteendays,withsevenoreightdaysbeingtheaverage,althoughspecificfamiliesmayresideinaparticularlocalityforaboutsixtoeightweeks.No-madicmovements,inthesense of shiftingcamp,usuallyvaryoverdistancesfromahalf-kilometerto6kilometers,thoughindailyforagingactivitiestheHillPandarammayrangeoverseveralkilometers.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.AlthoughtheHillPandaramoccasionallyengageinpaidlaborforthefor-estdepartment,andasmallminority of familiesaresettledagriculturalistsontheforestperimeter,themajorityareno-madichunter-gatherers,whocombinefoodgatheringwiththecollection of minorforestproduce.Themainstaplecon-sists of variouskinds of yamcollectedbymeans of diggingsticks,togetherwiththenuts of aforestcycad,kalinga(Cycascincinalis).Suchstaplesaresupplementedwithpalmflour,andcassavaandriceareobtainedthroughtrade.Thehunting of smallanimals,particularlymonkeys,squirrels,andmonitorlizards,isimportant.Theseanimalsareob-tainedeitherduringforagingactivitiesorinahuntingpartyconsisting of twomenoramanandayoungboy,usingoldmuzzle-loadingguns.Dogs,anaidtohunting,aretheonlydomesticanimals.Trade.Thecollection of minorforestproduceisanimpor-tantaspect of economiclifeandtheprincipalitemstradedarehoney,wax,dammar(aresin),turmeric,ginger,cardamom,inchabark(Acaciaintsia,onevariety of whichisasoapsub-stitute,theotherafishpoison),variousmedicinalplants,oil-bearingseeds,andbarkmaterialsusedfortanningpurposes.Thetrade of theseproductsisorganizedthroughacontrac-tualmercantilesystem,aparticularforestrangebeingleasedbytheForestDepartmenttoacontractor,whoisnormallyawealthymerchantlivingintheplainsarea,oftenaMuslimorahigh-casteHindu.ThroughthecontractortheHillPan-daramobtaintheirbasicsubsistencerequirements:salt,con-diments,cloth,cookingpots,andtinsforcollectinghoney.Allthematerialpossessions of thecommunityareobtainedthroughsuchtrade-eventhetwoitemsthatarecrucialtotheircollectingeconomy,billhooksandaxes.Asthecontrac-tualsystemexploitedtheHillPandaram,whorarelygotthefullmarketvaluefortheforestcommoditiestheycollected,moveshavebeenmadeinrecentyearstoreplaceitbyaforestcooperativesystemadministeredbyforestryofficialsundertheauspices of thegovernment'sTribalWelfareDepartment.Division of Labor.Althoughwomenaretheprincipalgatherers of yams,whilethehunting of thelargermammalsandthecollection of honeyaretheprerogatives of men,thedivision of laborisnotarigidone.Menmaycookandcareforchildren,whilewomenfrequentlygohuntingforsmallerani-mals,anactivitythattendstobeacollectiveenterprisein-volvingafamilyaidedbyadog.Collection of forestproducetendstobedonebybothsexes.LandTenure.EachHillPandaramfamily(orindividual)isassociatedwithaparticularforesttract,butthereislittleornoassertion of territorialrightsorrightsoverparticularforestproductseitherbyindividualsorfamilies.Theforestisheldtobethecommonproperty of thewholecommunity.Nocom-plaintisexpressedattheincreasingencroachmentonthefor-estbylow-countrymenwhogatherdammarorotherforestproducts,oratincreasingincidences of poachingbythem.KinshipKinGroupsandDescent.Unlikethecastecommunities of Kerala,theHillPandaramhavenounilinealdescentsys-temorideologyandtherearenorecognizedcorporategroup-ingsabovethelevel of thefamily.Thesettlementsare ... of therain.Rainfallisvariable,averagingbetween125and200centimetersannually,precip-itationbeinghighathigherelevationsaroundSabarimalaandDevarmala.Theforesttyperangesfromtropicalever-greentomoistdeciduous.Thefoothills of theGhatsandthevalleys of themajorriversystems-Achencoil,Pamba,andAzbutta-arecultivatedandheavilypopulatedbycastecom-munitieswhomovedintotheGhatsduringthepastcentury.Demography.Asmallcommunity,theHillPandaramnumbered1,569individualsin1971,andhadapopulationdensity of 1to2personspersquarekilometer.LinguisticAffiliation.Livinginthehillsthatseparatethestates of KeralaandTamilNadu,theHillPandaramalsoliebetweentwomainlanguagegroups of south India-TamilandMalayalam.Theyspeakadialect of oneortheother of theselanguages,anddivergencesfromstandardTamilorMa-layalamseemtobemainlymatters of intonationandarticula-tion.Theirdialectgenerallyisnotunderstoodbypeoplefromtheplains,andalthoughthereisnoevidenceavailableitispossiblethattheirlanguagemaystillcontainelements of aproto-Dravidianlanguage.FewHillPandaramareliterate.HistoryandCulturalRelationsAlthoughtheHillPandaramlivewithintheforestenviron-mentandhavelittleday-to-daycontactwithothercommuni-ties,theydohavealonghistory of contactwithwiderIndiansociety.Aswiththeotherforestcommunities of south India,suchasthePaliyan,Kadar,Kannikar,andMalaUlladan,theHillPandaramhaveneverbeenanisolatedcommunity;fromearliesttimestheyappeartohavehadregularandimportanttradecontactswiththeneighboringagriculturalists,eitherthroughsilentbarteror,sincetheend of theeighteenthcen-tury,throughmercantiletrade.EarlyTamilpoetsindicatethattribalcommunitiesinhabitedtheforests of theWesternGhatsduringtheSangamperiod(aroundthesecondcenturyB.C.);andthesecommunitieshadimportanttradecontacts ... of therain.Rainfallisvariable,averagingbetween125and200centimetersannually,precip-itationbeinghighathigherelevationsaroundSabarimalaandDevarmala.Theforesttyperangesfromtropicalever-greentomoistdeciduous.Thefoothills of theGhatsandthevalleys of themajorriversystems-Achencoil,Pamba,andAzbutta-arecultivatedandheavilypopulatedbycastecom-munitieswhomovedintotheGhatsduringthepastcentury.Demography.Asmallcommunity,theHillPandaramnumbered1,569individualsin1971,andhadapopulationdensity of 1to2personspersquarekilometer.LinguisticAffiliation.Livinginthehillsthatseparatethestates of KeralaandTamilNadu,theHillPandaramalsoliebetweentwomainlanguagegroups of south India-TamilandMalayalam.Theyspeakadialect of oneortheother of theselanguages,anddivergencesfromstandardTamilorMa-layalamseemtobemainlymatters of intonationandarticula-tion.Theirdialectgenerallyisnotunderstoodbypeoplefromtheplains,andalthoughthereisnoevidenceavailableitispossiblethattheirlanguagemaystillcontainelements of aproto-Dravidianlanguage.FewHillPandaramareliterate.HistoryandCulturalRelationsAlthoughtheHillPandaramlivewithintheforestenviron-mentandhavelittleday-to-daycontactwithothercommuni-ties,theydohavealonghistory of contactwithwiderIndiansociety.Aswiththeotherforestcommunities of south India,suchasthePaliyan,Kadar,Kannikar,andMalaUlladan,theHillPandaramhaveneverbeenanisolatedcommunity;fromearliesttimestheyappeartohavehadregularandimportanttradecontactswiththeneighboringagriculturalists,eitherthroughsilentbarteror,sincetheend of theeighteenthcen-tury,throughmercantiletrade.EarlyTamilpoetsindicatethattribalcommunitiesinhabitedtheforests of theWesternGhatsduringtheSangamperiod(aroundthesecondcenturyB.C.);andthesecommunitieshadimportanttradecontacts...

... Indianpriests,andalsobroughtinlargenumbers of EuropeanJesuitsinasu-pervisorycapacity.Theyear1947markedalandmarkinProtestantchurchhistory,notjustbecausethiswastheyear of independenceforbothIndiaandPakistanbutalsobecauseitwastheyearwhentheChurch of South Indiacameintobeing-thefirstunifiedProtestantchurchanywhere.It of courseabsorbedtheformerAnglican,Methodist,andseveralothersectarianinstitutions.In1970therefollowedaunifiedProtestantChurch of NorthIndiaandaProtestantChurch of Pakistan.Thesechurches,bothProtestantandCatholic,arenowentirelyinthehands of South Asianbishopsandarchbish-ops,withveryfew of theformerEuropeanmissionariesre-maining.InSriLankaand south India,thegreatestgrowthshaverecentlybeenseenamongtheRomanCatholics,notprimarilybecause of newconversionsbutratherbecause of acalculatedavoidance of familyplanning.InNepalChristianandMuslimmissionaryactivityisprohibitedbylaw.Thehistory of Christianityin South Asia hasindeedbeenacheckeredone,butithasbeenanimportantinstru-ment of Westernization.ThefirstprintingpressesandthefirstmodemcollegeswereintroducedbyEuropeanmissionar-ies.Bythemiddle of thenineteenthcenturythesepeopleweremakingimportantcontributionstothegeneralsocialuplift of thecountry(andnotonlyforChristianconverts)bytheirpromotion of ruralandurbanschooling,adultliteracy,femaleeducation,colleges,hospitalsandclinics,andmodemurbancareers.AsaresulttheChristianpopulationhaswieldedadisproportionateinfluenceinmodemIndianandSriLankanlife.Littleconversionisstilltakingplace.IndianChristianstodaytendtobeurban,arealwaysmo-nogamous,andformnuclearfamiliesuponmarriage(whichtakesplaceinachurch).TheyusuallyfollowWesternizedprofessions,becomingteachers,nurses,bankclerks,andcivilservants.SeealsoEuropeansin South Asia; SyrianChristian of KeralaBibliographyCoutinho,Fortunato(1958).Leregimeparoissialdesdiocesesderitelatinde l& apos;Indedesorigines(XVIesiecleanosjours).Paris:EditionsBiatrice-Nauwelaerts.Gibbs,MildredE.(1972).TheAnglicanChurchinIndia,160 0-1 970.Delhi:IndianSocietyforPromotingChristianKnowledge.Nanjundayya,H.V.,and L. K.AnanthakrishnaIyer(1930)."IndianChristian."InTheMysoreTribesandCastes,editedbyH.V.Nanjundayyaand L. K.AnanthakrishnaIyer.Vol.3, 1-7 6.Mysore:MysoreUniversity.Neill,Stephen(1984).AHistory of ChristianityinIndia.2vols.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.Thomas,AbrahamV.(1974).ChristiansinSecularIndia.Rutherford:FairleighDickinsonUniversity.PAULHOCKINGSIrula105gosa)andtamarindareoftenpresentwithinlowlandsettle-ments.ThelowlandIrulawhoherdcattleforothers,typicallyindrierareaswiththornforest,areassociatedwithadistinc-tivesettlementpatterninwhichalargecattleenclosureissur-roundedbyathornywall of piledbranches.TheIrulaalsohaveburialgroundswithancestraltemples,calledkoppamanais,inwhichstonesassociatedwiththedepartedspirits of thedeadarehoused.Eachpatricianhasaburialplaceandakoppamanai,butthetwoarenotnecessarilytogether(forexample,whileSambanpeopleareonlyburiedatKallampa-layam,thereareSambankoppamanaisatHallimoyarandKunjappanai).Althoughaburialgroundisusuallyclosetoasettlement,itcanbefartheraway.Asinmanyotherparts of Asia andintothePacificBasin,thesacredness of aburialgroundisoftenassociatedwiththepagodatree(thePolyne-sianfrangipani).Largelybecausemany of theIrulaarelandlesslaborers,most of themliveinone-roomedhouses.Nevertheless,IrulaplantationlaborersinhabitingtheNilgirislopesstilloccupybipartitehouseswiththesacredcookingareaformallyseparated(typicallynotwithawallbutwithashallowearthenplatform)fromthelivingandsleepingareas.TheKasabatothenorth of theNilgirimassif,whoherdcattleforothers(Badagasincluded),occupytripartitestructureswithlivingquartersforhumanstooneside of aroomwithanopenfront,andacalfroomtotheotherside.Theopenfront of thecenterroomfacilitatesthewatching of theenclosedcattleatnight,anditismostusefulwhenpredatorsorwildel-ephantscomenear.WhiletraditionalIrulahousesaremade of wattleanddaub,withthatchedroofs(orinsomeinstancesbananasheathsforwallingandroofing),moreIrulaarelivinginhouseswithwalls of stoneorbrickandroofswithtiles,es-peciallyifthegovernmenthasprovidedfinancialassistance.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Theearliestre-portsindicatethatthehoe-usingIrula of theeasternNilgirislopesobtainedonecrop of milletinayearfromshiftedplots,involvingagrowingperiodthatcoincidedwiththewesterlymonsoon.Theythendependedupongardenproduce,gath-erededibles,andhuntingforsurvivaloncetheharvestedgrainhadbeenconsumed.ThattheseIrulawereprobablynamedafterayamspeciesisindicative of howimportantyamsweretothemwhentheyturnedtogathering.Severalwildyamspecieswereavailable.Irulaarestillwellknownforthegatheringandsupply of honeytotheirneighbors.Despitesculpturedrepresentations of bowsandarrowsinsomeNilgiridolmensathigherelevation,itisnoteworthythattheIrulaseemalwaystohaveusednetsandspearswhentheyhunted.Ourrecord of atleasteightyspecies of plantsgrowinginIrulagardenstestifiestothepastandcontinuingsignificance of gardenstoalltheIrula.Thatatleasttwenty-five of theidenti-fiedplantshadaNew World originalsoprovesthewilling-ness of theIrulatoincorporateintroducedspeciesintotheireconomy.Thecontinuedcultivation of fingermillet(Eleusinecorocana),Italianmillet(Setariaitalica),andlittlemillet(Panicumsumatrense)andnodryricebytheIrulaonthehigherslopesmayinitselfrepresentaNeolithicsurvival,be-causethecultivation of dryricehasinSoutheast Asia widelyreplacedtheearliercultivation of theItalianandlittlemilletsfromChina.TheIrulastillcommonlygrowthesetwospecies of millettogetherandthenharvesttheItalianmilletwhenthelittlemilletisfarfrommaturation.Verysmallsicklesareusedforharvestingindividualgrainheads.Whenfingermillet(grownapartfromtheothertwo)istobeharvested,theplantsarevisitedperiodicallytopermittheremoval of grainasitripens.Anothereconomicpursuitthatmayhavecontin-uedfromNeolithictimes,duringwhichcattlerearingwaswidespreadinsouthernIndia,isthemannerbywhichlow-landIrulainforestedareaskeepcattlefortheirneighbors(Kuruvasincluded).ThefewIrulawhostillmanagetoprac-ticeshiftingagriculturesetfireinAprilorMaytothevegeta-tiontheyhavecut,sothecultivation of milletwillthentakeplaceduringthewesterlymonsoon.Thebarnyardmillet(Echinochloa),bullrushmillet(Pennisetum),commonmillet(Panicummiliaceum)andsorghummillet(Sorghum),all of thelowland,renownedfortheirdroughtresistance,andthustypicallygrownondryfields,arecultivatedwiththeaid of plowsandmainlyintheseason of thewesterlymonsoon.Nowwiththecooperation of theForestDepartment,theIrulagatherforestproduce(includingmedicinalplants)forsale.SincemostIrula of theNilgirislopescurrentlyworkasplantationlaborers,plantationmanagementsstartingwiththoseinthetime of theBritishRajhadtoprovideperiodicre-leasetimeforthoseIrulawhoneededtoperformtheirownagriculturalchores.TheGandhianquesttoimprovethelives of members of theScheduledTribesisdemonstratedbythemannerinwhichthegovernmenthasenabledIrula of theeasternNilgirislopestoestablishcoffeeandteagardens of theirown,andatKunjappanaitheSilkBoard of thegovern-ment of TamilNaduisnowprovidingfinancialassistancetoenablesilkwormfarmingamongtheIrula.From1974thegovernmentgavesmallplotstoIrulaontheeasternslopes,andtheCooperativeLandDevelopmentBank(anagency of theTamilNadugovernment)atthenearesttown(Kotagiri)wasby1979helpingtofinancethegrowing of coffeeandteainnurseries,sothattheIrulacouldhavetheirowncommer-cializedgardens.WhileafewIrulawhowiselymanagedtheirgrantedlandsandloansprospered,manydidnotmanagetheirendeavorswellandthereturnpaymentonloansatalowratewaseventuallyendedinmanyinstancesbyaspecialbillpassedinMadrasbytheTamilNadugovernment.Itispri-marilythecooperation of thegovernment,withtheForestDepartment of TamilNaduplayinganimportantrole,thathasenabledmorelowlandIrulatobecomeinvolvedinthean-nualcultivation of irrigatedrice.Hallimoyar,Kallampalayam,andThengumarahada(withitsCooperativeSociety),inwhichtheIrulaliveclosetothemembers of severalcastes,haveirrigationnetworks.OnericecropstartedinMarchisharvestedinJune,andthesecondcropstartedinJulyisreadyinDecember.In1978anewlyconstructedricemillbecameoperationalatThengumarahada.Irulalivingtothe south of theNilgirimassifare ... acouncilisconsideredtobebinding(kattumanam)onanindividualorfamily.Eachfriendshippatricianinahamletorvillageisheadedbyafacilitator(jatti)whoplaysthevitalrole of organizinganycooperativeeffort.Alocalpriest(pujari)isalsopresenttotakecare of religiousmatters.Lastly,aKurumbahelpsduringceremonialocca-sions. South of theNilgirimassif,suchanindividual(aPaluKurumba)alsoservestoprotecttheIrulafromMudugasorcery.PoliticalOrganization.Intheperiod of theBritishRaj,thelowestpoliticaldivisionwasavillageunitwithoneormorevillagesandseveralhamlets.Alongwithseveralap-pointedofficials,suchasthemaniagarwhowastherepresen-tativetotheCrownandthetahsildarwhokeptthelandrec-ords(andthereforethebasisfortaxation),therewasaformalgroup of maleswhoformedthevillagepanchayat.Themem-bers of thepanchayatthenmanagedtheaffairs of thevillage.Afterindependence,thevillageunitswerekeptandthepanchayatwasenvisionedasthegrass-rootsorganizationthatwouldguaranteerepresentationbythepeople.Itsmembersweretobeelected.Unfortunately,primarilybecausetheIrulaaresolackingineducation,theyarepoorlyrepresentedinthelargerpanchayats.AlsoenvisionedintheIndianconstitutionwastheestablishment of landunitscalledblocks,eachwithablockdevelopmentofficer,inwhicheconomicdevelopmentwouldbepromotedwithgovernmentalassistance.AlthoughsomeIrula-lowlandIrulainparticular-havebenefited,in-cludingthoselivinginHallimoyar,Kallampalayam,andThengumarahada,thegenerallack of Irularepresentationamongblockdevelopmentofficershastoofrequentlypre-cludedIrulafromobtainingthetype of aidthatwoulden-hancethemeconomically.SocialControl.TheIrulaastribalsplaceapremiumupontheavoidance of conflict.Theyareinmanywaysrigidlycon-trolledbytheircasteandpatricianstanding.Thepossibility of beingmadeanoutcasteforunacceptablebehaviornor-mally ... Indianpriests,andalsobroughtinlargenumbers of EuropeanJesuitsinasu-pervisorycapacity.Theyear1947markedalandmarkinProtestantchurchhistory,notjustbecausethiswastheyear of independenceforbothIndiaandPakistanbutalsobecauseitwastheyearwhentheChurch of South Indiacameintobeing-thefirstunifiedProtestantchurchanywhere.It of courseabsorbedtheformerAnglican,Methodist,andseveralothersectarianinstitutions.In1970therefollowedaunifiedProtestantChurch of NorthIndiaandaProtestantChurch of Pakistan.Thesechurches,bothProtestantandCatholic,arenowentirelyinthehands of South Asianbishopsandarchbish-ops,withveryfew of theformerEuropeanmissionariesre-maining.InSriLankaand south India,thegreatestgrowthshaverecentlybeenseenamongtheRomanCatholics,notprimarilybecause of newconversionsbutratherbecause of acalculatedavoidance of familyplanning.InNepalChristianandMuslimmissionaryactivityisprohibitedbylaw.Thehistory of Christianityin South Asia hasindeedbeenacheckeredone,butithasbeenanimportantinstru-ment of Westernization.ThefirstprintingpressesandthefirstmodemcollegeswereintroducedbyEuropeanmissionar-ies.Bythemiddle of thenineteenthcenturythesepeopleweremakingimportantcontributionstothegeneralsocialuplift of thecountry(andnotonlyforChristianconverts)bytheirpromotion of ruralandurbanschooling,adultliteracy,femaleeducation,colleges,hospitalsandclinics,andmodemurbancareers.AsaresulttheChristianpopulationhaswieldedadisproportionateinfluenceinmodemIndianandSriLankanlife.Littleconversionisstilltakingplace.IndianChristianstodaytendtobeurban,arealwaysmo-nogamous,andformnuclearfamiliesuponmarriage(whichtakesplaceinachurch).TheyusuallyfollowWesternizedprofessions,becomingteachers,nurses,bankclerks,andcivilservants.SeealsoEuropeansin South Asia; SyrianChristian of KeralaBibliographyCoutinho,Fortunato(1958).Leregimeparoissialdesdiocesesderitelatinde l& apos;Indedesorigines(XVIesiecleanosjours).Paris:EditionsBiatrice-Nauwelaerts.Gibbs,MildredE.(1972).TheAnglicanChurchinIndia,160 0-1 970.Delhi:IndianSocietyforPromotingChristianKnowledge.Nanjundayya,H.V.,and L. K.AnanthakrishnaIyer(1930)."IndianChristian."InTheMysoreTribesandCastes,editedbyH.V.Nanjundayyaand L. K.AnanthakrishnaIyer.Vol.3, 1-7 6.Mysore:MysoreUniversity.Neill,Stephen(1984).AHistory of ChristianityinIndia.2vols.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress.Thomas,AbrahamV.(1974).ChristiansinSecularIndia.Rutherford:FairleighDickinsonUniversity.PAULHOCKINGSIrula105gosa)andtamarindareoftenpresentwithinlowlandsettle-ments.ThelowlandIrulawhoherdcattleforothers,typicallyindrierareaswiththornforest,areassociatedwithadistinc-tivesettlementpatterninwhichalargecattleenclosureissur-roundedbyathornywall of piledbranches.TheIrulaalsohaveburialgroundswithancestraltemples,calledkoppamanais,inwhichstonesassociatedwiththedepartedspirits of thedeadarehoused.Eachpatricianhasaburialplaceandakoppamanai,butthetwoarenotnecessarilytogether(forexample,whileSambanpeopleareonlyburiedatKallampa-layam,thereareSambankoppamanaisatHallimoyarandKunjappanai).Althoughaburialgroundisusuallyclosetoasettlement,itcanbefartheraway.Asinmanyotherparts of Asia andintothePacificBasin,thesacredness of aburialgroundisoftenassociatedwiththepagodatree(thePolyne-sianfrangipani).Largelybecausemany of theIrulaarelandlesslaborers,most of themliveinone-roomedhouses.Nevertheless,IrulaplantationlaborersinhabitingtheNilgirislopesstilloccupybipartitehouseswiththesacredcookingareaformallyseparated(typicallynotwithawallbutwithashallowearthenplatform)fromthelivingandsleepingareas.TheKasabatothenorth of theNilgirimassif,whoherdcattleforothers(Badagasincluded),occupytripartitestructureswithlivingquartersforhumanstooneside of aroomwithanopenfront,andacalfroomtotheotherside.Theopenfront of thecenterroomfacilitatesthewatching of theenclosedcattleatnight,anditismostusefulwhenpredatorsorwildel-ephantscomenear.WhiletraditionalIrulahousesaremade of wattleanddaub,withthatchedroofs(orinsomeinstancesbananasheathsforwallingandroofing),moreIrulaarelivinginhouseswithwalls of stoneorbrickandroofswithtiles,es-peciallyifthegovernmenthasprovidedfinancialassistance.EconomySubsistenceandCommercialActivities.Theearliestre-portsindicatethatthehoe-usingIrula of theeasternNilgirislopesobtainedonecrop of milletinayearfromshiftedplots,involvingagrowingperiodthatcoincidedwiththewesterlymonsoon.Theythendependedupongardenproduce,gath-erededibles,andhuntingforsurvivaloncetheharvestedgrainhadbeenconsumed.ThattheseIrulawereprobablynamedafterayamspeciesisindicative of howimportantyamsweretothemwhentheyturnedtogathering.Severalwildyamspecieswereavailable.Irulaarestillwellknownforthegatheringandsupply of honeytotheirneighbors.Despitesculpturedrepresentations of bowsandarrowsinsomeNilgiridolmensathigherelevation,itisnoteworthythattheIrulaseemalwaystohaveusednetsandspearswhentheyhunted.Ourrecord of atleasteightyspecies of plantsgrowinginIrulagardenstestifiestothepastandcontinuingsignificance of gardenstoalltheIrula.Thatatleasttwenty-five of theidenti-fiedplantshadaNew World originalsoprovesthewilling-ness of theIrulatoincorporateintroducedspeciesintotheireconomy.Thecontinuedcultivation of fingermillet(Eleusinecorocana),Italianmillet(Setariaitalica),andlittlemillet(Panicumsumatrense)andnodryricebytheIrulaonthehigherslopesmayinitselfrepresentaNeolithicsurvival,be-causethecultivation of dryricehasinSoutheast Asia widelyreplacedtheearliercultivation of theItalianandlittlemilletsfromChina.TheIrulastillcommonlygrowthesetwospecies of millettogetherandthenharvesttheItalianmilletwhenthelittlemilletisfarfrommaturation.Verysmallsicklesareusedforharvestingindividualgrainheads.Whenfingermillet(grownapartfromtheothertwo)istobeharvested,theplantsarevisitedperiodicallytopermittheremoval of grainasitripens.Anothereconomicpursuitthatmayhavecontin-uedfromNeolithictimes,duringwhichcattlerearingwaswidespreadinsouthernIndia,isthemannerbywhichlow-landIrulainforestedareaskeepcattlefortheirneighbors(Kuruvasincluded).ThefewIrulawhostillmanagetoprac-ticeshiftingagriculturesetfireinAprilorMaytothevegeta-tiontheyhavecut,sothecultivation of milletwillthentakeplaceduringthewesterlymonsoon.Thebarnyardmillet(Echinochloa),bullrushmillet(Pennisetum),commonmillet(Panicummiliaceum)andsorghummillet(Sorghum),all of thelowland,renownedfortheirdroughtresistance,andthustypicallygrownondryfields,arecultivatedwiththeaid of plowsandmainlyintheseason of thewesterlymonsoon.Nowwiththecooperation of theForestDepartment,theIrulagatherforestproduce(includingmedicinalplants)forsale.SincemostIrula of theNilgirislopescurrentlyworkasplantationlaborers,plantationmanagementsstartingwiththoseinthetime of theBritishRajhadtoprovideperiodicre-leasetimeforthoseIrulawhoneededtoperformtheirownagriculturalchores.TheGandhianquesttoimprovethelives of members of theScheduledTribesisdemonstratedbythemannerinwhichthegovernmenthasenabledIrula of theeasternNilgirislopestoestablishcoffeeandteagardens of theirown,andatKunjappanaitheSilkBoard of thegovern-ment of TamilNaduisnowprovidingfinancialassistancetoenablesilkwormfarmingamongtheIrula.From1974thegovernmentgavesmallplotstoIrulaontheeasternslopes,andtheCooperativeLandDevelopmentBank(anagency of theTamilNadugovernment)atthenearesttown(Kotagiri)wasby1979helpingtofinancethegrowing of coffeeandteainnurseries,sothattheIrulacouldhavetheirowncommer-cializedgardens.WhileafewIrulawhowiselymanagedtheirgrantedlandsandloansprospered,manydidnotmanagetheirendeavorswellandthereturnpaymentonloansatalowratewaseventuallyendedinmanyinstancesbyaspecialbillpassedinMadrasbytheTamilNadugovernment.Itispri-marilythecooperation of thegovernment,withtheForestDepartment of TamilNaduplayinganimportantrole,thathasenabledmorelowlandIrulatobecomeinvolvedinthean-nualcultivation of irrigatedrice.Hallimoyar,Kallampalayam,andThengumarahada(withitsCooperativeSociety),inwhichtheIrulaliveclosetothemembers of severalcastes,haveirrigationnetworks.OnericecropstartedinMarchisharvestedinJune,andthesecondcropstartedinJulyisreadyinDecember.In1978anewlyconstructedricemillbecameoperationalatThengumarahada.Irulalivingtothe south of theNilgirimassifare...

... of thevillage,butwithinthevillageeachindividualhead of householdhasdiscreterightswithinthevariouslineagesegments.Generally,alllandownersinavillagearedescendedfromacommonancestorwhofoundedthevillage;hisownership of allthevillagelandsisneverfor-gotten,andbythistokenallindividuatedrightsaresuccessiverestrictions of moregeneralrights,applicableatalllevels of genealogicalsegmentation.Commonlandisthatwhichhasnotbeenbroughtundercultivation.Kinship,Marriage,andFamilyKinGroupsandDescent.AllJataredividedintoseverallarge,usuallydispersedclans,whoselocalizedsegmentsareoftengeographicallycompact,butamongpeasantstheyaresometimesequallydispersed,duetothepopulationpressureonland.Mostclansaredefactomaximallineages,whicharefurthersegmented;amongJatpeasantsthissegmentationtakesplaceatfourbroadlevels.Theminimallineageiscom-posed of agroup of households,whichhadformedasinglehouseholdtwoorthreegenerationspreviously;theymaystillshareacommoncourtyardandhavejointrightstoawell.Marriage.WhileamongMuslimJatthepractice of ex-changemarriagetakesplaceatvariouslevels of lineageorgan-ization,amongHinduandSikhJatnosuchexchangemar-riagesareallowed,andtherule of exogamyissuchthatamanmaynotmarryawomanwhohasany of ... 112Jatwhilethewomenareentirelyresponsibleforthehousehold.Inrecenttimesmoreprosperousfamilieshirenon-Jat,pri-marilylandlesslaborfromotherregions,asfarmhands,partlyasfull-timeworkersbutespeciallyaspart-timeworkersinpeakseasons.Amongthebuffalo-breedingnomads,themengrazeandmilktheiranimals,andtheyselltheseanimalsandtheirbutterfat.Theirwomenpreparemilkproductsanddoallthehousework-cooking,cleaning,fetchingwaterandfuel,rearingthechildren,sewingandembroideringalltextilesforhouseholduse,andweavingthereedmatsfortheirhuts.Amongthecamelbreedersallworkconnectedwiththeani-malsiscarriedoutbythemen-grazingtheherds,milking,shearing,spinningandweavingthecamel'swoolintocoarseblanketsandbags,andsellinganimals.Householdworkisdinebythewomen,andencompassesthesametasksasamongthebuffalobreeders.Nofoodproductsaremadefromcamel'smilk,andinthemonthswhenthemilkisplentifulenoughtoprovidesolesubsistence,littleornocookingisdone.LandTenure.Thelandowners of avillagestandcollec-tivelyfortheentireland of thevillage,butwithinthevillageeachindividualhead of householdhasdiscreterightswithinthevariouslineagesegments.Generally,alllandownersinavillagearedescendedfromacommonancestorwhofoundedthevillage;hisownership of allthevillagelandsisneverfor-gotten,andbythistokenallindividuatedrightsaresuccessiverestrictions of moregeneralrights,applicableatalllevels of genealogicalsegmentation.Commonlandisthatwhichhasnotbeenbroughtundercultivation.Kinship,Marriage,andFamilyKinGroupsandDescent.AllJataredividedintoseverallarge,usuallydispersedclans,whoselocalizedsegmentsareoftengeographicallycompact,butamongpeasantstheyaresometimesequallydispersed,duetothepopulationpressureonland.Mostclansaredefactomaximallineages,whicharefurthersegmented;amongJatpeasantsthissegmentationtakesplaceatfourbroadlevels.Theminimallineageiscom-posed of agroup of households,whichhadformedasinglehouseholdtwoorthreegenerationspreviously;theymaystillshareacommoncourtyardandhavejointrightstoawell.Marriage.WhileamongMuslimJatthepractice of ex-changemarriagetakesplaceatvariouslevels of lineageorgan-ization,amongHinduandSikhJatnosuchexchangemar-riagesareallowed,andtherule of exogamyissuchthatamanmaynotmarryawomanwhohasany of ... herfourgrandpar-entalclansincommonwithhis.Polygynyisallowedthoughnotcommon,andthecustom of adelphicpolyandry,orthesexualaccessbyanunmarriedmantohisbrother'swife-whichwasoftenpracticedbyatleastnon-MuslimpeasantJat,inordertopreventfurtherfragmentation of land-hasde-clinedinrecentdecades.AmongallJat,widowremarriageispermitted;eitherlevirateisrequiredorawidowisnotallowedtoremarryoutsidethemaximallineage,especiallywhenshehaschildrenbyherlatehusband.Thepractice of femalein-fanticide,alsoknownamongthepeasants,hasdroppedsharply.Awoman'srelationshipwithherhusband'skinisor-ganizedaccordingtoabasicpattern of avoidancewithseniorsand of jokingwiththoseyoungerthanthehusband.Brothersshareacommondutytowardtheirsistersandtheirchildren.DomesticUnit.MostJatpeasanthouseholdsconsist of linealjointfamilies,withtheparentsandonemarriedson;manyunitsarenuclearandsomearecollateral-joint,withtwomarriedbrothersandtheiroffspringlivingtogether.AmongnomadicJatthenuclearfamilyandthelinealjointfamilyarethemostcommondomesticunits.Inheritance.Amongthosewithland,allsonsinheritequalsharesinterms of bothquantityandquality.Formerly,aman'swivessharedequallyonbehalf of theirsons,irrespec-tive of thenumber of sonseachhad.Althoughintheoryin-heritance of landfollowsastrictlyagnaticprincipleanddaughtersandsistersdonotinherit,daughters'sonshavebeenobserveddefactotobeamongtheinheritorsinmanycases.SociopoliticalOrganizationSocialandPoliticalOrganization.AllJataredividedintopatricians;amongthesedentarycommunities,each of thesehasahereditaryheadman.Byandlarge,thevillagesinwhichJatfarmerslive,togetherwithnon-Jat,areunderthejurisdic-tion of aclancouncil,andthiscouncil, of whicheveryclanheadmanisamember,isthedecision-makingunitatthecommunitylevel.TraditionallyinthesevillagesJatfarmerswereintegratedaspatronsintothepatron-clientsystemprev-alentinthearea.Theirclientsweremembers of variousserv-icecastes;however,thissystemhaslargelybrokendowntoday.WealthyJatlandownershaveenteredlocal,regional,andevennationalpoliticssincethebeginning of thiscentury,andinmanyareastheyarestillactiveasinfluentialrepresen-tatives of farmersandruralfolkingeneral.Amongthepasto-ralJat of theIndusDelta,theclansareorganizedonthehier-archicalprinciple of age,withtheoldestman of theoldestlineagebeingatthehead of thepyramid,followedbytheeldestmen of theyoungerlineages.Institutionalizedauthor-ityoverthisentiregrouprestsnotwithaJatbutwithaKarmati-Baluch.Conflict.Afrequentsource of conflictwithintheminimallineageisland;suchconflictsoftentakeplacebetweenag-naticcollaterals,sincetheirlandsusuallybordereachother.Factionalconflictisfairlycommonatabroaderlevel.ReligionandExpressiveCultureReligiousBeliefsandCeremonies.AJatcanbeHindu,Muslim,orSikh,andin1931over50percent of theentireSikhpopulationwasconstitutedbyJat.Manyceremonies,es-peciallythoseaccompanyingtherites of passage,arecommontoallJat,irrespective of religiousdenomination.AmongHinduJatthereareinadditionnumerouslocalormorewidelyprevalentreligiousbeliefsandobservances.Thesein-cludeknowledge of certainbutbynomeansallmajormytho-logicalfigures(godsandgoddesses) of theSanskritctradi-tionandthecelebration of severalfestivals,bothseasonalandannual,both of theall-IndianHinduGreatTraditionand of thelocalizedLittleTradition.TheMuslimJatpopula-tionshaveastrongtradition of veneratingalargenumber of localsaints(pir).AlthoughmostareofficiallySunni,theyhavealargenumber of Shiatraditions,andonegroup of JatareIsmaelis.TillrecentlySikhJat,thoughveryconscious of theirdistinctreligiousidentity,werenotverymeticulousintheirobservance of theprecepts of Sikhism.Most of them110Jainlivesbutseekingtoadheretotheprinciple of ahimsain...