Villa density, from Hingley

Một phần của tài liệu Architecture, Economics, And Identity In Romano-British ‘Small Towns’ (Trang 100 - 104)

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Clearly it appears that the origins o f a settlem ent were not a determ ining factor in the developm ent o f a stone tradition or the continuation o f tim ber. This should not be terribly surprising since stone buildings did not surpass tim ber in the percentage o f buildings

constructed until the late second and early third centuries. D uring that tim e the econom y o f the province transform ed significantly and w ithin the province regional sub-econom ies developed for which origins m ay have been but one o f m any factors. Those sites w ith an Iron Age

religious site may have fared slightly better than other sites with a military origin, but the evidence is still inconclusive at best.

B. Governmental Influences

The influence o f the central government was a major economic factor. Clearly the long­

standing garrisons o f the highland frontier zone and possibly port towns improved the flow o f money and goods through the province that helped spur economic development and stability.

The garrisons o f the northern frontier required large quantities of materials and supplies and affected the entire province’s economy (Fulford 2002, 44). In the early stages until the frontier stabilized and the provincial infrastructure developed, supplies needed to be imported (Fulford 2002, 53; Frere 1989, 281). Later, the frontier became a region o f relative economic stability (with the exception o f periodic raids from across the border) and helped the development o f settlements through the expenditures o f the nearby garrisons and taxation on trade through Hadrian’s Wall (Fulford 2002, 59; Frere 1989, 286).

It is not surprising therefore that the small towns in the northern highland zone had long standing masonry traditions. Corbridge and Catterick, far north o f the vast majority o f small towns, had very strong masonry traditions. O f all the buildings excavated in Corbridge, 96 percent were stone. For Catterick, stone buildings comprise 76 percent o f all buildings

excavated to date. However, it is important to note that it was not until late second-century that these sites became fully developed. Only seven o f Catterick’s building samples were built before the mid-second century, and none o f Corbridge’s civilian buildings were constructed before that time (see Appendix B). However, at Catterick there was also great variety between buildings built near the military fort, which were predominantly timber, and those built farther away, which were predominantly stone (see Chap. 5). Thus, while the area to the south o f these settlements developed economically, stone was only slowly becoming more common.

These northern towns, however, grew slower economically but stone reached their height sooner. The importance o f the proximity o f permanent military garrisons and the networks to supply them greatly influenced the development o f towns in the north. It would seem likely that the physical proximity to the Roman military would have affected both the ability to construct stone buildings given the input o f military spending as well as the identities o f the inhabitants of the towns since they had personal and economic relationships with the soldiers. Therefore, it is not surprising that they adopted some elements o f Romanitas.

Carlisle, however, remains more enigmatic among settlements near garrisons. The town had many more building samples datable before the mid-second century (14 samples), but stone dominated (7 of the 10 building samples) after that date (see Appendix B). It appears that Carlisle had a development starkly contrasting to that o f Corbridge and Catterick. Only Carlisle has produced any building samples in the invasion period, though they were o f timber

construction. This might suggest Carlisle’s early importance, or simply that the wooden structures have been better preserved than other sites. Once the frontier stabilized after the completion o f Hadrian’s Wall, Carlisle followed a similar pattern to Catterick with almost 70 percent o f the buildings after the mid-second century being constructed in stone. However, it must be kept in mind that Carlisle has less than half as many samples from which to elicit a pattern as that o f either Catterick or Corbridge.

In the southeastern part o f Britain the government was similarly influential at the port town o f Richborough. During the invasion period composite buildings were prominent (3 o f 4 samples or 75%. See Appendix 1). After the beginning o f the second-century and lasting until the mid-fourth century, stone masonry become predominant and remains so through the mid­

fourth century (12 o f 15 or 80%). The influence o f the military supply base may have influenced Richborough in a similar way that the military compounds at Corbridge or the garrisons at Catterick did. Sea Mills may have had a similar base (Frere 1987, 69). If so, it

could have been a factor in the evolution o f that town’s architecture. At Sea Mills, 12 o f the 15 (80%) building samples were constructed o f stone. However, all twelve were built after the mid- second century. The fact that Richborough remained the major port until London superseded it might account for Richborough’s earlier adaptation o f masonry construction.

The government outposts o f the cursus publicus do not alone seem to have had much of an impact on the adaptation o f masonry construction (compare Maps 3.6-3.10 with 3.19). It is possible that these were o f minor economic influence in and o f themselves and should be taken as part o f the overall economic development of a town (see "Economic Growth" below).

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