100 ;oo
T — * .H k r ~ E £
The occupations and identities o f the inhabitants in the early history are difficult to determine due to the meager artifact record. Coin loss patterns indicate at least modest
economic activity (see Fig. 6.8). By most accounts it appears that the site was relatively minor until the mid-second century. The use of brooches, however, shows an atypical pattern
compared to most other sites in this study and is similar to another case study in this category, Alcester (compare Figs. 6.11 and 6.14). The use of brooches began slowly and reached its height in the late third and early fourth-centuries; long after the inhabitants at most other sites in this study had stopped wearing them. In addition, the variety o f brooches is much smaller than other sites examined so far despite their longer use. However, their continued use may indicate some conservatism. The use o f samian ware also displays a unique pattern that may reinforce this conclusion. Its use was slight until the second century and reached its peak in the late second and early third centuries, when most other sites had a decreased amount o f samian usage (see Fig. 6.12). The late adoption o f this typical Roman form further suggests a conservative outlook of the inhabitants. Taken together with the preponderance o f timber structures, Millett and Graham (1986, 159) reached a similar conclusion.
□ Dolphin
■ Hull Types
□ Plate
□ Hod Hill
■ Nauheim Derivative
□ Misc.
8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
0
AD 47-100 AD 100-150 AD 150-250 AD 250-350 AD 350-450
Fig. 6.11: Neatham brooches
160 140 120 100 80
AD 47-100 AD 100-150 AD 150-250 AD 250-350 AD 350-450
Fig. 6.12: Neatham samian sherd count
□ Area D
□ Area C
■ Area B
□ Area A
In the mid to late second century economic activity both within the settlement and the surrounding area point toward strong economic growth. The number of buildings increased and artifacts indicate that the town may have had an active marketing role in local agricultural goods and Alice Holt and Famham pottery, and also supported small scale craft production in bone, copper, and bronze (Millett and Graham 1986, 157). The town in fact shows a certain amount of sophistication and planning. The southern part of the settlement expanded with regular property boundaries, and suggesting some internal organization (Millett and Graham 1986, 157). One of only two stone buildings, a small bath house, was constructed in the late third century. The small size suggests private use, but it nonetheless indicates some level of affluence (Millett and Gilbert 1986, 151). At its height, Millett and Graham (1986, 153)
estimate the population between 2270 and 3972 people on a site that covered 7-14 ha. Thus, the settlement shows numerous signs o f economic diversity. These would be the ideal conditions for the inhabitants of the town to have the ability, both economically and psychologically, for investment in stone architecture. However, they generally did not. What exactly prevented them from such investment must be explained in ways other than pure economics.
In the later third century approximately 2.5 ha o f the settlement were enclosed by an earthen rampart. The fact that so small an area, approximately the size o f Margidunum, was enclosed suggests that this enclosure had some special function once again, perhaps related to the cursus publicus. Artifacts found there, such as tesserae and hypocaust tiles, are rare in the rest of the settlement. The existence o f high status masonry buildings, perhaps set within an official enclave, suggest that they fulfilled some administrative function (Millett and Graham
1986, 153, 157-8). However, even though Neatham had more villas and “other substantial buildings” nearby than the other sites in this chapter, the overall number is quite small
compared with sites that had higher administrative status, such as Ilchester in Chapter 5 (Millett
and Graham 1986, 156; Millett 1990,192). Therefore, doubt must be cast on the possible administrative role of the town.
The individual identities o f the inhabitants seem to be predominantly o f an indigenous character. The pattern of artifacts is generally rural and similar to other small towns without walls and of non-military origin (Millett and Graham 1986, 159). Artistic evidence from the town is slight; however a clay drawing tile that depicts a face that is Celtic in style as are two other pipeclay figurines (Millett and Graham 1986, 159). The religious indicators are also slight, though a few votive deposits are clearly indicative o f native culture (Millett and Graham 986, 159).
Only two of the 24 known buildings were constructed in stone despite the burst of economic activity in the late third and early fourth-centuries, suggesting the choice of architecture may reveal several things about the identity o f the inhabitants o f the town. The villas in the surrounding countryside have a higher quantity of Romanized features than are present in the town. This may suggest that the country estates were occupied by more affluent individuals with a higher attachment to a Roman identity than the townsmen. If that were the case, we see almost the opposite pattern to that o f Carlisle (Chapter 4), where Roman identity had more saliency in the town than the immediate countryside. Thus, the choice o f architectural styles in Neatham may have been reflective o f indigenous identity and a conservative outlook (Millett and Graham 1986, 159). Given that the other cultural indicators point to a strong indigenous identity, this explanation may be the most plausible. Thus, despite a possible governmental presence, the saliency o f the Roman identity may not have been very strong.
The end of Romano-British Neatham, like many o f these sites, is not well understood.
Pottery suggests continued occupation into the fifth century. Linguistic analysis o f the name Neatham indicates that the site likely became a cattle market during the Anglo-Saxon period.
The Domesday Book also lists the site as one o f four markets in Hampshire which may indicate
that Neatham did have a Roman administrative or market function that carried over into the medieval period. However, the core o f the settlement was abandoned, and the villas likely became the hubs for a predominantly agricultural existence (Millett and Graham 1986, 160).
C. Alcester: A Local Center without Building Stone
Romano-British Alcester, generally accepted as Alauna on the Ravenna Cosmography, was located at the junction of several communication routes. It was at the confluence o f the Rivers Alne and Arrow and the junction o f Ryknild Street and another Roman road. The only local stone was mercia mudstone which is not suitable for building (Booth 1994, 1). Like
Margidunum, this raises the question o f how the local resources may have affected the choice of
architecture. The excavations in Alcester provide a glimpse o f a town where the Roman identity was relatively strong despite being on the edge o f the “Romanized” landscape o f the south (Cracknell 1996, 127). In addition, more excavations have been done outside o f the defenses than within it, where the medieval and modem town developed. As with all the towns in this study, much is yet to be discovered with further excavation (Booth 1994, 162).
However, given the current state o f knowledge the picture that develops is that the saliency of Roman identity was quite strong for at least some o f Alcester’s inhabitants and that a growing trend toward stone architecture occurred but was never fully realized, perhaps due to the cost of importing building stone. Thus, given a better location Alcester would have been placed with the sites with a transitional architectural tradition in Chapter 4. However, Alcester appears to support the hypothesis that the saliency of Roman identity needed to correspond with an economic feasibility for a town to achieve a masonry building tradition.
There is some evidence o f a concentrated Iron Age settlement but is far from conclusive (Booth 1994, 164; Cracknell 1994, 257; Britannia 27 1996, 418; Britannia 31 2000, 406-7).
Booth (1994, 164-5) hypothesized that at least one and possibly two military posts in the first
century spurred the growth o f the civilian settlement. In addition to the military stimulus, the town may have further developed as a market center for an area o f prime agricultural land and being an equal distance from the major civitas capitals (Burnham and Wacher 1990, 96). The road junctions, like Neatham, proved to be an important aspect in the later development o f the site and aided the survival o f the town after the military withdrawal (Booth 1980, 7; Cracknell
1994, 257, 258-9).
2 0 0 m
u b b e t
"-mora
R. A rro w
KEY certain p ro b a b le
Ml M o sa ic H H ypocaust
C e m e te r y
M arsh
B o u n d a ry d itc h O c c u p ie d area
R o m a n r o a d s
• ■ * D efen ces c 2 0 0 AD A d d ition to circuit 4 t h C