Baldock was located in modem day Herfordshire in a prime location for human settlement as it was located by several springs and an Iron Age communication route (Bumham and Wacher
1990, 282). There is evidence o f Neolithic and Bronze Age sites, but the settlement’s origins date from the mid-first century BC (Stead and Rigby, 1986, 83-4). Italian imports and pre- Roman coins indicate that the Iron Age settlement appears to have been relatively wealthy (Stead and Rigby 1986, 127; Burleigh 1982, 8-9). However, no buildings have been found that pre-date the Roman era, which limits our understanding o f pre-conquest Baldock (Bumham and Wacher 1990, 282).
Ic k n ie ld W a y
Map 4.1: Baldock, from Stead and Rigby (1986). Sites A-K excavated 1968-1972; Site L (Brewery Field) excavated 1968; M (Romano-Celtic temple) seen on aerial photographs; N-S Roman burials and cemeteries;
T (South Road and Convent site)
A T e n e burial
F-K
C e m e te r y G rave
F e a tu r e s e x c a v a t e d or p lo tte d •T
from m a g n e to m e te r su rv ey
F e a tu r e s p lo tted from air p h o to g r a p h s
100 0 100 200
n i m e tr e s
The Roman era began as enigm atically as the late Iron Age period. There is no evidence o f a m ilitary presence, but in the later first-century new roads were laid out. The m ajor Rom an
131
road skirted the settlement, and it is not clear whether or not this was related to a Roman influence (Bumham and Wacher 1990, 282; 283-4; Stead and Rigby 1986, 85). Despite a problematic lack o f buildings, during the first century under Roman rule there appears to have been a continuation o f native architectural tradition. Two buildings were round houses, a common Iron Age architectural style; one at Site A and at least one and possibly two at Site B (Stead and Rigby 1986 38-39; Hingley 1989, 31).
The first hundred years o f the Roman period also shows both great economic vitality as well as severe hardship. The wealthiest burials date from the Flavian Era but the only indication o f industry seems like a rather small-scale craft industry (Frere 1989; Stead and Rigby 1986, 86, 122-3, 143). Small quarrying sites were found at Sites A and B but these were small not likely to be commercial in nature (Stead and Rigby 1986, 47-50). Horticulture is well attested to as well, and a slaughter of a sheep herd was found dating to around AD 60. The cause o f this is unclear as signs o f butchery indicate they were consumed rather than slaughtered because o f disease. It is possible that the cause was a religious festival or troop movements possibly associated in the Boudiccan Revolt (Stead and Rigby 1986, 86).
It appears that the early second-century was a period o f general decline in the settlement.
The number o f buildings in the excavated areas fell dramatically (see Figure 4.1). Artifact finds give little evidence for other economic production. The amount and variety o f pottery was also dramatically reduced, including British and continental imports and samian ware (See Figures 4. 6 and 4.7). However, starting around AD 70 the pottery style changed dramatically with more hand-made wares and less wheel thrown wares present (Stead and Rigby 1986, 85).
Ditches were allowed to silt (Stead and Rigby 1986, 85). There was also a corresponding decline in the number o f votive artifacts (see Figure 4.8) and brooches (see Figure 4.9) found at the settlement.
□ Unknown
□ Unknown Import
■ Central Gaul
■ North Gaul
□ Unspecified British
■ Dorset
□ Nene Valley
■ Verulamium
□ Northants.
□ LPRIA Tradeware
■ Local
□ Local LPRIA
300
2 5 0
Fig. 4.6: Stratified pottery from Baldock o
AD 4 3 - 1 0 0 AD 1 0 0 -1 5 0 A D 1 5 0 - 2 5 0 AD 2 5 0 - 3 5 0 A D 3 5 0 - 4 5 0
4 0 3 5 3 0 2 5
20
15 10
5
0
A D 4 3 - 1 0 0 A D 1 0 0 -1 5 0 A D 1 5 0 - 2 5 0 A D 2 5 0 - 3 5 0 A D 3 5 0 - 4 5 0
Fig. 4.7: Samain Ware from Baldock
■ S. Gaul
■ Cent. Gaul
□ Arrogone
□ Vichy
■ Montans.
□ L.M.V.
□ Lezoux
□ La Groufesnque
S p e a r h e a d s C a s t O b je c t
□ W r a p p e d F erru le
□ A c o rn m o u ld in g H ea v y B o s s H eart s h a p e d b o x
□ Mirror S train er
□ Strip p la q u e
□ O r n a m en t p la q u e
□ F lo w e r P la q u e R attle
□ A x e AD 4 3 -1 0 0 AD 1 0 0 -1 5 0 AD 1 5 0 - 2 5 0 AD 2 5 0 - 3 5 0 AD 3 5 0 - 4 5 0
Fig. 4.8: Ritual objects from Baldock
□ Penannular
■ Hinged Plate
■ Other Hinged
□ Hod Hill
■ Hod Hill A
□ Aucissa
■ Langton Down
□ C olchester
□ poor man's
■ 1 p ie ce, flat
□ 2 coil external
0
AD 5 0 - 9 0 AD 9 0 - 1 5 0 A D 1 5 0 - 2 2 0 AD 2 2 0 - 4 0 0 +
Fig. 4.9: Brooches from Baldock
Overall, in the first-century o f the Rom an period we see prosperity after the initial R om an conquest followed by econom ic decline. If the slaughter o f the sheep herd w as in fact due to the Bodiccan R evolt (see above), B aldock’s role is uncertain. It is not unreasonable to
suspect that the town, with its strong Iron Age traditions, may have sided with the rebels instead o f the Romans. If that were the case, some punitive measures by Rome on settlements loyal to the rebels would naturally be expected, possibly causing the decline. The revolt may have simply caused widespread devastation in the region that required recovery time. Lastly, the decline may have been related to completely unrelated forces and indicate a period of
adjustment as the Britons became accustomed to a new economic and social reality imposed by Rome. The initial conquest with troops in the southern part o f the island would have produced an economic boom and brought in new imported goods such as the attested pottery. However, as the army advanced north, the economic situation changed, causing a slight decline. Some of the indigenous population may also have moved in search o f new and better opportunities elsewhere.
Regardless, indigenous traditions remained strong. Pottery assemblages indicate that Iron Age wares and ceramic styles remained in use until the end o f the first-century, and the round houses, obviously important to this study, give a strong indication o f the self-identity o f the settlement (see below). Building VII at Site B is intriguing in that it was a circular hut that also contained eight infant burials. The meaning o f this is not clear, but because the building was constructed during a period o f economic decline, we may postulate several different theories. First, if the economic situation was so severe that infant mortality rose, we might expect to see more such burials in other buildings. However, eight in one building seems extreme. Second, since Baldock is located near springs that may have had a religious
connotation, the building may have had a religious function similar to the temples at Springhead where votive infant burials were found in abundance (Harker 1980, 288). A third hypothesis would be that this was a continuation o f Iron Age traditions or perhaps a small local “nativistic”
revival like the one postulated by Scott (1989, 1990) that occurred in fourth-century villas.
There seem some strong parallels with Scott’s hypothesis. She described the revival in
foundation burials, possibly even involving infanticide, occurring at a time when there was great economic and social stress on the society in Roman Britain as the empire struggled with severe systemic and external problems (Scott 1990, 120). Since Baldock, by many different measures, was suffering an economic decline in the early second-century, it is not unreasonable to expect some o f its inhabitants to turn to traditional ways to help them. If this is correct, it would be indicative of the saliency o f pre-Roman identities into the second-century.
Starting in the mid-second century, the town saw an economic recovery and a shift in personal and civic identity. Whatever the cause of the economic decline o f the early second- century, the rebound was substantial. The number o f buildings increased and the character of them changed. Indigenous traditions continued with at least one round house, but the other buildings took on new and more complex characteristics. At mid-century, half o f the buildings were constructed in stone, and by the later third and early fourth-century stone buildings made up two-thirds of the settlement. Pottery from around Britain and the continent increased, though “local wares” still remained the dominant form for the period (see Figure 4.5). Yet it should be noted that the pottery was less diverse than before the decline o f the early second- century. The occurrence o f Samian ware continued a general decline, to negligible amounts by the mid-third century (see Figure 4.7), a trend common across Britain (Millett 1990, 160, 166).
The pottery not only shows the changing economics o f the settlement but also indicates that the self-identity o f the town’s inhabitants was also changing.
The town also seems to have found a strong identity with the god Mars or at least a Romano-Celtic manifestation o f him. Aerial photographs indicate at least one Romano-Celtic temple (Site M) at Baldock, and associated finds indicate a later second-century origin (Stead and Rigby 1986, 86). The votive objects found had a distinctly martial flavor including 44 third-century spearheads. An intaglio at the site also bears a likeness o f the god (Stead and Rigby 1986, 190). A partial pipe-clay figurine o f Venus and a larger than usual clay theater
mask, though enigmatic, further indicate toleration of or least a reconciliation with classical culture (Stead and Rigby 1986, 167-9). A recent discovery o f a gold and silver hoard revealed a previously unknown goddess Senua interpreted with the Roman Minvera (Jackson 2003, 7).
Taken with the decline in the variety and use of brooches, Baldock’s character and identity was changing. No longer were there strong Iron Age traditions displayed as they had been. We should generalize only with caution on how they identified themselves based on the individual choices they made. However, these choices compounded each other, and the settlements took on a distinctly different appearance which in turn would undoubtedly have affected how the inhabitants viewed the settlement, and in turn their neighbors and themselves.
Baldock was always a town in transition, and starting in the fourth-century, a decline took place that led to the abandonment o f the town. Sites A and B were all but abandoned.
Some wells in these areas were filled with unceremonious human burials, and wildlife became trapped in the unused well (Stead and Rigby 1986, 86-7). The ultimate decline was, however, not that straightforward. It was during the fourth-century that two substantial masonry
buildings on Site A and G, the earlier with painted wall plaster, also appeared (Stead and Rigby 1986, 34-6, 42, 86-7). However, the site was abandoned by the fifth century and only
reoccupied in the Middle Ages by the Knights Templar.
ii) Dragonby
Dragonby, Lincolnshire, shows similar but also different influences. Dragonby was located on a sharp westward bend in the Jurrasic Ridge. Our knowledge o f the settlement is based on two areas excavated on the western edge o f the settlement (see Map 4.2). A well- established Iron Age settlement pre-dated the Roman settlement with 11 ceramic horizons before the definitive Roman era (May 1996, 624). The economic life of the Iron Age settlement centered on the growing use of agriculture which radically altered the landscape in the fourth-
century BC (May 1996, 627). The settlement may also have had metal working, textile production, and possibly a small scale pottery industry (May 1996, 422; 637; 330-7). Imports were modest but indicate connections to the continent (May 1996, 629). Within the site there was at least one area that exhibited a higher quality and quanitity of Iron Age artifacts
suggesting status differentiation (May 1996, 68-9). No defenses, either Iron Age or Roman, have been found creating some debate as to whether it should be considered an oppidum (Millett 1990, 25; May 1996, 630-1).
!ll-d e fin e d cro p m a rks
Ill-d e fin e d cro p m a rks
S i t e 1
Q u a rrie d
S i t e 2
M ap 4.2: Dragonby, from M ay (1996). The only two areas excavated are labeled Site 1 and Site 2.
Exactly how and when the Romans established direct or indirect control over Dragonby is unclear. A number o f spearheads and two ballista bolts found just outside o f the settlement provides very slight circumstantial evidence for some military action against the town (May
1996, 630; 637). If indeed the Romans were forced to take action against Dragonby, it could explain the economic decline visible in the material record in the later first-century and early second centuries (see below). Regardless of the actual circumstances, the advent o f the Roman period seemingly brought a period o f great distress on the settlement as it struggled to find its place in the new Roman reality.
Shortly after the establishment o f Roman rule in the region, the character o f Dragonby underwent a transformation. Occupation became much less intensive as reflected in both features and artifacts. Part o f the site appears to have been all but abandoned until the third century (May 1996, 68-9). In other places, eve drips o f Iron Age round houses began to silt-up, indicating possible abandonment o f the structures, and the amount o f pottery declined
dramatically (May 1996, 631). Beetle remains further reinforce evidence of population decline (May 1996, 165-171). This decline continued into the second-century as indicated by
structural evidence, coin loss (Figures 4.2 and 4.5) and pottery evidence (Figure 4.10). The variety o f pottery also changed with the introduction o f a few Romano-British wares, though most of the pottery remained indigenous in style. This contrasts with nearby Lincoln which had almost completely abandoned Iron Age styles by that time in favor o f Romano-British fashions (May 1996, 515). During the Claudio-Neronian period, samian wares were present but
suddenly declined in the Flavian period and continue to be virtually absent until the Antonine period (May 1996, 517). By all accounts, artifacts indicate a mostly subsistence existence by the people of Dragonby that lasted for at least three decades (May 1996, 633). However, curiously enough, a pottery kiln entered into production during this time, though none o f its
wares found their way into the tow n itself. This kiln may have been producing w ares exclusively for the m ilitary m arket, though the production does not appear to have had an immediate economic impact on the settlem ent (May 1996, 575).
4 0 0 3 5 0 3 0 0 2 5 0
200
1 5 0
100
0 - P ^ -
A D 4 1 - 1 0 0 A D 1 0 0 - 1 5 0 A D 1 5 0 - 2 0 0 A D 2 0 0 - 3 0 0
Fig. 4.10: Dragonby pottery sherd total
Like Baldock, the post-conquest period brought econom ic and social distress, possibly reinforcing Iron Age traditions and identities. O f the ten excavated structures from the mid-first to the m id-second century, fully h a lf (Round Gullies 1-5) were round houses in the Iron Age tradition (May 1996, 101-103). One o f the rectilinear buildings (Building 2), despite being in a more “Rom anized” fashion, had foundation burials o f two infants and a small piglet (M ay 1996, 80-1). There was a dramatic decline in the num ber o f brooches in the second century (see Figure 4.11). The variety o f brooches also declined from the immediate post conquest period and all but disappeared by third-century. All this would seem to indicate that either there was a general population decline or that the Iron Age style o f dress was w aning and a Rom anized
style becom ing more com m on. In all, in the early phase o f the R om an era, D ragonby was faced w ith an economic dow n turn and struggled w ith its own identity. Indigenous traditions
continued to figure prom inently in the personal and civic perceptions o f the town. H ow ever, like Baldock, the recovery brought w ith it a new struggle for self and civic identity.
120 100
80 60 40 20
0
AD 4 3 -1 0 0 AD 1 0 0-150 AD 1 5 0 -2 5 0 AD 2 5 0 -3 5 0 AD 3 5 0 -4 5 0
Fig. 4.11: Dragonby brooches
□ Fowler Type D
□ Fowler Type C
□ Fowler Type B
□ Fowler Type A
□ Enamelled Plate
□ Plate Brooch
□ Bow and Fantail
■ Wroxeter
■ Half-disc
■ Trumpet
■ Head Stud
□ Sawfish
□ Polden Hill
■ Dolphin
■ Hod Hill
□ Bagendon
■ Aucissa Brooch
□ Rosette
■ Thistle Brooch
□ Langton Down
□ Colchester
■ Simple Gaul
□ Nauheim Derivative
Starting in the m id-second century, the fortunes o f D ragonby began to turn around.
There was renew ed activity w ith a new property alignm ent on part o f the site, how ever the buildings built over the old round houses were more humble. During this phase, the choice o f architecture was stone or at least stone-founded structures (see Figure 4.3). That is not to say that Iron Age traditions were com pletely absent. B uilding 1 had a significant am ount o f Iron A ge pottery but very few R om ano-B ritish exam ples (M ay 1996, 77-80). B uilding 2 was
rectilinear with the corners substantially rounded (M ay 1996, 80-83), a possible hybridization o f styles.
The economic life o f the town changed dramatically. Three more pottery kilns entered production, apparently producing strictly military wares (May 1996, 576). Buildings 5, 6, and 8 may also have had economic activity (May 1996, 518). A fair amount o f metal working tools, conspicuously absent from earlier phases, is datable to this period as well (May 1996, 293).
The town appears to have begun to fill an “industrial” niche in the Roman-British economy and signs o f prosperity become evident in the amounts and types o f imports. The amount o f samian ware increased quite suddenly but then decreased by the third-century, similar to civilian sites throughout Britain (May 1996, 517). The spine o f a Nile Catfish is particularly intriguing.
Whether it was a talisman or simply an epicurean curio, it reveals the relative prosperity o f the period (May 1996, 164). Pollen analysis indicates that more land was cleared, and agricultural production increased (May 1996, 210; 627). Overall, the impression o f the settlement was one o f a thriving small town that had come to terms with the new Roman reality.
The inhabitants o f the town also began to express their self-identity in different ways.
Already seen above, the use o f brooches declined dramatically, seemingly indicating that Iron Age identities, as revealed through personal dress, became less important. Religiously a few artifacts indicate that Romano-British personifications o f Mars were popular during the height o f the Roman era. Two figurines, one o f Mars Gradius and the other Mars Ultor, were found as were two miniature votive shields (May 1996, 264-5; 270-1). These interpretations o f classical deities would also seem to indicate that some level o f reconciliation with classical culture was occurring.
The end o f Roman Dragonby, like that o f Baldock, is far from understood. The number o f buildings declined and most o f those that remained were built in the early fourth-century or before. The only new construction o f a later date was a potential timber building (May 1996,
114). The buildings show clear signs that their usage had changed (May 1996, 127). Pollen analysis indicates that agricultural production dropped with weeds and brush taking over the
cleared land in the late second and third centuries. By the fifth century, the site was all but abandoned.
iii) Baldock and Dragonby Compared
Taken together, Baldock and Dragonby show how at least some Iron Age settlements struggled with their identity in the post conquest period. The second-century decline suffered by both settlements is enigmatic at best. While there is some slight evidence for possible military action against them that surely would have been followed by punitive imperial measures, the real answers are likely more mundane. As the Roman presence redrew the political and economic landscape o f the island, existing settlements like Baldock and Dragonby would surely have been affected. With the new realities brought by Rome, we see shifting population. New settlements, such as the vici, civitas capitals, or even small towns such as Ilchester or Wanborough (discussed below) arose for largely economic or administrative reasons. The people inhabiting them came from somewhere, and it would seem that some may in fact have come from existing Iron Age settlements such as these. In the period o f adjusting to the new economy and imperial administration, both pull and push factors would lead to a population shift. The introduced monetary economy eventually provided new opportunities in larger towns and perhaps even some o f the smaller “new” towns, effectively pulling population away from existing settlements. Economic distress caused by the Romans putting new demands on production forced many to look for better opportunities elsewhere and pushed some o f the population out of the existing settlements. Thus, while there was some homogenization o f identities that included a significant amount o f Roman elements, the degree to which they were adopted depended upon integration into the Roman economic system. All o f these would be classical factors in operant conditioning.
Ultimately, as the economy developed and the people in settlements like Baldock and Dragonby became accustomed to these realities, they found their place in the new economies and adjusted their identities accordingly. It was only after Baldock discovered its place as a religious center and Dragonby expanded its production role that the prosperity o f the
settlements recovered. It was with this recovery that we see a change in the identity o f the inhabitants. The established Iron Age patterns remained strong from the conquest through the post-conquest decline at both settlements. Yet when the recovery materialized, the acceptance o f Roman-style goods and techniques became clear. In terms o f architecture, only after the economic recovery occurred were most inhabitants able to construct buildings in stone. This corresponds with the decline o f many Iron Age symbols o f identity. The use o f brooches and Iron Age pottery styles waned and the inhabitants were willing to use more Roman styles, including architecture. It appears, therefore, that the strengths and meaning o f a Roman identity increased as the settlements became integrated into the Romano-British economy.