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A comprehensive study of the nexus between democratization and security in the Mediterranean, which are seen as essentially complementary yet threatened by political trends witnessed since the September 2001 attacks. Contributors from a variety of European and Mediterranean countries address the impact of a restructured security system, Europes effort to establish an autonomous security and defence policy, and attempts among the Mediterranean Partner Countries (MPCs) to build regional security regimes.

Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Euro-Mediterranean Relations After September 11 Of Related Interest Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 JEWS, CHRISTIANS AND MUSLIMS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD AFTER 1492 edited by Alisha Meyuhas Ginio NORTH AFRICA, ISLAM AND THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD From the Almoravids to the Algerian War edited by Julia Clancy-Smith GREEN CRESCENT OVER NAZARETH by Raphael Israeli DEMOCRACY AND PLURALISM IN THE MUSLIM REGIONS OF THE FORMER SOVIET UNION edited by Yaacov Ro’i THE EUROPEAN UNION AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION The Case of North Africa edited by Richard Gillespie and Richard Youngs Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Euro-Mediterranean Relations After September 11 International, Regional and Domestic Dynamics Editor ANNETTE JÜNEMANN FRANK CASS LONDON • PORTLAND, OR Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 First published in 2004 in Great Britain by FRANK CASS AND COMPANY LIMITED Crown House, 47 Chase Side, Southgate, London N14 5BP, England and in the United States of America by FRANK CASS c/o International Specialized Book Services, Inc 920 NE 58th Avenue, Suite 300, Portland, OR 97213–3786 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005 “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” Copyright © 2004 Frank Cass & Co Ltd British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data World Congress for Middle Eastern Studies on The Mediterranean in the New Evolving International Order— Domestic, Regional and International Interests (1st: 2002: University of Mainz) Euro-Mediterranean relations after September 11: international, regional and domestic dynamics Euro-Mediterranean Partnership—Congresses European Union—Congresses National security—Mediterranean Region—Congresses Human rights—Mediterranean Region— Congresses Mediterranean Region—Politics and government —21st century—Congresses European Union countries— Foreign relations—Mediterranean Region—Congresses Mediterranean Region—Foreign relations—European Union countries—Congresses Middle East—Foreign relations— European Union countries—Congresses European Union countries—Foreign relations—Middle East—Congresses I Title II Jünemann, Annette III Mediterranean politics 320.9’1822 ISBN 0-203-49872-0 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-58231-4 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 7146 5512 (cloth) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Euro-Mediterranean relations after September 11: international, regional, and domestic dynamics/editor, Annette Jünemann p cm ‘This group of studies first appeared in a special issue of Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 v Mediterranean politics (ISSN 1362-9395), Vol 8, Nos 2–3 (Summer-Autumn 2003) [Euro-Mediterranean relations after September 11: international, regional and domestic dynamics]’—T.p verso ISBN 0-7146-5512-0 (Print Edition)—ISBN 0-7146-8475-9 (Print Edition) Europe-Foreign relations—Mediterranean Region Mediterranean Region—Foreign relations—Europe European Union countries-Foreign relations—Mediterranean Region Mediterranean Region—Foreign relations—European Union countries September 11 Terrorist Attacks, 2001 I Jünemann, Annette, 1959–II Title JZ1570.E918 2003 327.40182’2–dc22 2003016392 This group of studies first appeared in a Special Issue of Mediterranean Politics (ISSN 1362-9395), Vol.8, Nos.2–3 (Summer—Autumn 2003) [Euro-Mediterranean Relations After September 11: International, Regional and Domestic Dynamics] All rights reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior written permission of Frank Cass and Company Limited Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Contents Acknowledgements Security-Building in the Mediterranean After September 11 Annette Jünemann viii Reshaping the Agenda? The Internal Politics of the Barcelona Process in the Aftermath of September 11 Richard Gillespie 20 Repercussions of the Emerging European Security and Defence Policy on the Civil Character of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Annette Jünemann 36 Gender and Security in the Mediterranean Cilja Harders 53 The EMP and Morocco: Diverging Political Agendas? Said Haddadi 74 A Two-Level Game: Spain and the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights in Morocco Laura Feliu 91 The External Dimension of Sub-national Governments: Dealing with Human Rights at the Barcelona and Valencia Euromed Civil Fora Eduard Soler i Lecha 114 Loss of Guiding Values and Support: September 11 and the Isolation of Human Rights Organizations in Egypt Angela Grünert 137 Democratization without Democracy? The Assistance of the European Union for Democratization Processes in Palestine Stephan Stetter 157 The EU and the Middle East Conflict: Tackling the Main Obstacle to Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Muriel Asseburg 178 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 vii Arab Regional Integration as a Prerequisite for a Successful EuroMediterranean Partnership Béchir Chourou 198 Israeli Policy Perspectives on the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership in the Context of EU Enlargement Alfred Tovias 218 Abstracts 237 Notes on Contributors 243 Index 244 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Acknowledgements This collection emerged from an international conference on ‘The Mediterranean in the New Evolving International Order: Domestic, Regional and International Interests’, which was held on the occasion of the ‘First World Congress For Middle Eastern Studies’ (WOCMES), 11–13 September 2002 at the University of Mainz Not all contributions to the conference feature in this collection because the approach of the conference was far too broad to be summarized in a single book The focus we selected for this collection is on two interrelated aspects, security-building and democratization in the Mediterranean after September 11 International, regional and domestic dynamics are discussed in this context The project is indebted to many people First of all, I want to thank Richard Gillespie who was not only co-chair of the conference, but also a permanent source of inspiration, knowledge and experience throughout the whole project, including the time-consuming phase of editing Furthermore, I want to thank all my co-authors for their contributions and for their patience in revising papers in light of our vivid discussions in Mainz These discussions benefited hugely from the input of all the participants Since the conference was organized in co-operation with the Arbeitskreis Europäische Integration/ECSA-Germany (AEI) and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES), I owe many thanks to Andrä Gärber, Hermann Bünz and Edith Tapsoba of the FES and Michèle Knodt, Meike Leube and Matthias Heddenhausen of the AEI for their fruitful and uncomplicated co-operation Further thanks go to Jörn Thielmann of the WOCMES secretariat and to Helke Dreier who helped with the editing Last but not least, I wish to thank the sponsors of the conference, the European Commission, the FES and the Centre for Research on the Arab World for their generous support Without all this assistance and support the project would never have materialized Annette Jünemann Summer 2003 Security-Building in the Mediterranean After September 11 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 ANNETTE JÜNEMANN This collection sets out to analyse the development of politics in the Mediterranean against the background of a paradigmatically changing international environment The terror attacks of 11 September 2001, the most decisive event determining international relations in recent times, have shifted the coordinates of the complex system of Euro-Mediterranean relations; they have shaken up intra-regional relations and have influenced the evolution of domestic politics within the region Most of these developments are to the disadvantage of political and socio-economic processes that had started to prosper in the aftermath of the cold war Only two years ago Fulvio Attinà and Stelios Stavridis published a book on Euro-Mediterranean relations that offered a refreshingly optimistic outlook on the future prospects of security-building in the region [Attinà and Stavridis, 2001] The book was based on the assumption that war was losing its importance as an instrument to settle conflicts, thus giving room to more innovative forms of multilateral security co-operation Unfortunately, new realities force us to reject this assumption Instead of global pacification, the reappearance of the military has to be faced, manifesting itself in the militarized fight against international terrorism, the targeting of Iraq and a new discussion on ‘preventive wars’ From an ex post facto perspective, the 1990s appear to have been a window of opportunity for the civilianization of international relations that closed in the aftermath of September 11 without having been used sufficiently Opportunities were lost, especially with regard to the Mediterranean However, since Mediterranean politics have always been determined by the relations between international, regional and domestic dynamics, other factors have to be taken into consideration too Regional developments such as the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada and the change of political elites in some of the Mediterranean partner countries (MPCs), but also the evolution of a unilateral European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) and the process of EU enlargement, have a decisive impact on the evolution of politics in the Mediterranean too In other words, September 11 has not ‘changed everything’ This notion, which has become a commonplace since that date, is not only a simplification but even a mistake: September 11 has Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 EURO-MEDITERRANEAN RELATIONS AFTER SEPTEMBER 11 235 17 For instance, the renowned author Milan Kundera is known to believe that Israel is at the heart of Europe 18 Although not the object of this study, it seems clear that, from a European perspective, membership is the only ‘real’ foreign policy instrument that the EU has nowadays, and for more than two decades it has proven to be highly effective in transforming things in the applicant countries even before membership takes place (for example, in southern and eastern Europe, as well as in Turkey) It is worth noting too that the EU has stated repeatedly that it wants to be a player, not only a payer, in the resolution of the IsraeliPalestinian conflict In the past the EU has tried to use the ‘stick’ with Israel Why not try the ‘carrot’? 19 See The Economist, Dec 2002 In the same vein, CFSP high representative Javier Solana has expressed himself in the International Herald Tribune, 7–8 Dec 2002, saying he hopes to see ‘Turkey take its place in Europe’ 20 The Economist, Dec 2002, was right in the view of this author to ask: ‘why should geography or religion dictate who might join [the European Union]? 21 Israel’s GDP and GDP per capita rose respectively by 65 per cent and 35 per cent between 1991 and 2000 Israel’s GDP is larger than that of Ireland and twice that of Hungary or the Czech Republic REFERENCES Adler, E and B.Crawford (2002), ‘Constructing a Mediterranean Region: A Cultural Approach’, paper presented at the Conference on ‘The Convergence of Civilizations? Constructing a Mediterranean Region’, Arrábida Monastery, Portugal, June Ahiram, E and A.Tovias (eds.) (1995): Whither EU-Israeli Relations? Common and Divergent Interests, Frankfurt: Peter Lang Barbé, E (1996): ‘The Barcelona Conference: Launching Pad of a Process’, Mediterranean Politics 1/1, pp.25–42 Brenton, P (1999): Trade and Investment in Europe: The Impact of the Next Enlargement, Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies Chokron L (1996): ‘The Political Background of the Negotiations toward the 1995 Association Agreement’, in M.Hirsch et al., The Future Relations Between Israel and the European Communities: Some Alternatives, Tel Aviv: Bursi Commission of the European Communities (1993): Future Relations and Cooperation between the Community and the Middle East, COM(93) 375 fin Brussels, Sept Commission of the European Communities (1994): ‘Extracts of the Conclusions of the Presidency of the Essen European Council, and 10 December 1994’, Bulletin of the European Union, Supplement 2/95 Commission of the European Communities (1995): Barcelona Declaration Adopted at the Euro-Mediterranean Conference (November 27 and 28, 1995), Barcelona, 28 Nov 1995, final version Del Sarto, R and A.Tovias (2001): ‘Caught Between Europe and the Orient: Israel and the EMP’, International Spectator 36/4, pp.61–75 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 236 ISRAELI POLICY PERSPECTIVES Euromed Report (2002), ‘Europe and the Mediterranean: Time for Action’, speech by the President of the European Commission Romano Prodi, Euromed Report 52 European Convention (2002): ‘Preliminary Draft Constitutional Treaty, Cover Note from the Presidium to the Convention’, Secretariat, CONV 369/02, Brussels, 28 Oct Hirsch, M (1996): ‘The 1995 Trade Agreement Between the European Communities and Israel: Three Unresolved Issues’, European Foreign Affairs Review 1/1, pp.87–123 Mayhew, A (1998): Recreating Europe: The European Union’s Policy toward Central and Eastern Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Mira Salama, C (2002): ‘The Political and Economic Aspects of the EuroMediterranean Partnership’, http://www.edpsg.org/dp23f.htm Oz, A (1998): All Our Hopes: Essays on the Israeli Condition, Jerusalem: Keter (in Hebrew) Sadeh, T (2002): ‘Israel and a Euro-Mediterranean Internal Market’, unpublished paper Schwok, R (2001): ‘Switzerland’s Relations with the EU after the Adoption of the Seven Bilateral Agreements’, European Foreign Affairs Review 6, pp.335–54 Shavit, Y (1988): ‘The Mediterranean World and “Mediterraneanism”: The Origins, Meaning, and Application of a Geo-Cultural Notion in Israel’, Mediterranean Historical Review 3/2, pp.96–117 Stavridis, S and J.Hutchence (2000): ‘Mediterranean Challenges to the EU’s Foreign Policy’, European Foreign Affairs Review 5/1, pp.35–62 Tovias, A (1996): ‘The EU’s Mediterranean Policies Under Pressure’, in R.Gillespie (ed.), Mediterranean Politics, Vol (yearbook), London: Pinter Tovias, A and I.Dafni (2000): ‘From 15 to 21: The Impact of the Next EU Enlargement on Mediterranean Non Member Countries’, Marseilles, FEMISE Research Programme, http:// www.femise.org/PDF/A_Tovias_1000.pdf Tovias, A (2001a): ‘On the External Relations of the EU-21: The Case of the Mediterranean Periphery’, European Foreign Affairs Review 6/3, pp.375–94 Tovias, A (2001b): ‘EU Membership and Partnership as Anchors to Economic and Political Reforms in Europe’s Periphery’, in M.Dumoulin and G.Duchene (eds.), L’Europe et la Mediterranee, Brussels: P.I.E.-Peter Lang Xenakis, D and D.Chryssochoou (2001): The Emerging Euro-Mediterranean System, Manchester: Manchester University Press Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Abstracts Security-Building in the Mediterranean After September 11 ANNETTE JÜNEMANN The collection, introduced in this first contribution, sets out to analyse the development of politics in the Mediterranean against the background of a paradigmatically changing international environment It embarks on the hypothesis that September 11 has resulted in a worrying tendency to securitize international terrorism The concept of securitization legitimizes the fight against a vital threat by recourse to all possible means, including the breaking of existing rules This is perceived as worrying because it undermines pivotal factors for security-building, such as the rule of international law, respect for human rights and democracy Empirical research verifies that since September 11, what were already weak processes of democratization in the Mediterranean have been damaged by the irresponsible depreciation of binding rules However, since Mediterranean politics have always been determined by the interrelations of international, regional and domestic dynamics, these have to be taken into consideration too The Al-Aqsa Intifada, the change of political elites in some Arab countries, the evolution of a unilateral European Security and Defence Policy and the process of EU enlargement all have their own political impact Security-building in the Mediterranean needs to be analysed in the context of these highly interrelated developments Reshaping the Agenda? The Internal Politics of the Barcelona Process in the Aftermath of September 11 RICHARD GILLESPIE The third basket of the Barcelona Declaration—which outlines plans to build a partnership in social and cultural and human affairs—is at last receiving more attention from policy-makers This is a result of three factors: an EU desire to address issues that have proved difficult to deal Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 238 EURO-MEDITERRANEAN RELATIONS AFTER SEPTEMBER 11 with in the context of the first (political/security) basket of the Barcelona Process; the growing importance of the EU’s justice and home affairs agenda; and European responses to the worsening Middle East conflict and to September 11 The Spanish Presidency of the European Council (held during the first six months of 2002) obtained approval for policy innovations in the third basket, partly by adopting a much more consultative approach than EU counterparts had adopted previously within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, thereby obtaining a degree of NorthSouth consensus However, the agenda for the third basket’s development contains considerable potential for conflict as well as co-operation In particular, efforts to reinforce dialogue between civilizations and cultural co-operation risk being overshadowed by the current preoccupation of governments with security controls Repercussions of the Emerging European Security and Defence Policy on the Civil Character of the EuroMediterranean Partnership ANNETTE JÜNEMANN The EU’s most important integration project in recent times is her pursuit of an autonomous European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) Due to divergent perceptions, interests and national security identities within the EU, however, ESDP is still lacking a coherent strategy This deficit provokes critical questions about whether ESDP will remain within the framework of a civil security culture, as developed in the theoretical concept of a European civilian power, or whether ESDP will open the way to a more ‘realistic’ approach to EU foreign policy-making This question is especially decisive for the Mediterranean Partner Countries (MPCs), since their territories are potential destinations for future ESDP missions So far, Euro-Mediterranean relations have been organized in the civil framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) To what extent will ESDP challenge the special character of the EMP? Gender and Security in the Mediterranean CILJA HARDERS This contribution explores security issues in the Mediterranean from a feminist perspective Feminists have developed a broad and dynamic understanding of security and insecurity This approach takes ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ issues as interconnected on the personal, national and international level This allows for a comprehensive perspective on the basic human need for security It is argued that EU policies that stress ‘soft’ security issues offer more sustainable and at the same time ‘realistic’ ways of establishing an ‘area of peace and stability in the Mediterranean’ [Barcelona Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 ABSTRACTS 239 Declaration, 1995] than those that stress ‘hard’ security issues After discussing feminist and developmental perspectives on comprehensive security concepts, the contribution presents some important indicators of ‘Gendered Human Security’ in EMP countries It argues that it is important to address the huge gaps in gendered human security in order to strengthen the civil and security dimension of the EMP The contribution finally explores the possible positive effects of womens’ participation in the armed forces Will these processes change militarized security cultures and help create a more comprehensive security approach? The EMP and Morocco: Diverging Political Agendas? SAID HADDADI The signing of the association agreement between the EU and Morocco in 1996 has made the promotion of democracy and human rights an integral part of their co-operation The comprehensive strategic approach proclaimed by the EU in this respect requires a degree of consultation as to the political priorities to be covered Thus, the funding of democracyrelated projects in Morocco seemed to have entailed a general agreement on the thematic areas to be prioritized This ‘tacit agreement’ has been made easier by Morocco’s will to democratize—albeit slowly—and by the EU’s soft-handed approach to democracy in the country through sidestepping sensitive issues None the less, such an agreement impedes EU funds from reaching civil society and NGOs with sensitive programmes that could have immediate consequences for democracy A Two-Level Game: Spain and the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights in Morocco LAURA FELIU Spain has declared its aim to promote democracy and human rights abroad and specifically in Morocco This goal appears very ambitious in view of the low degree of institutionalization and consolidation of Spanish human rights foreign policy mechanisms Moreover, from the outset other factors rule out the possibility of Morocco becoming an object of forceful action: it has a better human rights situation than other North African countries and is of vital importance to Spain, which fears that its own interests could be adversely affected by a resort to coercive policies Having discarded the use of negative instruments, the route of incentives and rewards for positive evolution entails fewer risks for the promoter country, and seems reasonably appropriate in the case of Morocco But circumstances such as the low profile of Spanish co-operation policy and the distrust of Spanish civil society towards Morocco have also prevented greater use of actions of a more positive nature 240 EURO-MEDITERRANEAN RELATIONS AFTER SEPTEMBER 11 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 The External Dimension of Sub-national Governments: Dealing with Human Rights at the Barcelona and Valencia Euromed Civil Fora EDUARD SOLER I LECHA Some sub-national governments of regions and cities have developed their own external relations regardless of central government foreign policies Mediterranean politics and human rights policy are two fields where we can observe the presence of active sub-national governments, often in alliance or co-operation with civil society actors Two Spanish regions, Catalonia and Valencia, are among them However, their patterns of behaviour and the extent of their involvement are quite different While the Catalan government has developed its own Mediterranean policy, the Valencian one has not At the same time, compared to the Valencian case, the Catalan administration has allowed less autonomy to the associational actors involved in the Euro-Mediterranean civil society events celebrated in conjunction with the official ministerial conference Moreover, human rights featured more prominently on the the agenda of the Valencia Conference of 2002 than on that of the Barcelona Conference of 1995 Loss of Guiding Values and Support: September 11 and the Isolation of Human Rights Organizations in Egypt ANGELA GRÜNERT Since September 11, the Egyptian government has successfully exploited the argument of international security in order to fight its domestic opponents Human rights organizations, in particular, have been accused of Islamist leanings and of supporting radical movements As a result of these accusations, international donors have suspended their support for human rights NGOs, thereby threatening their very existence While September 11 appears to have been the turning point, the origins of the campaign against the alliances between human rights organizations and international donors go back much further The key to a deeper understanding of the dramatic developments in Egypt’s civil society can be found in the complex relationships between donors, NGOs and the Egyptian government ABSTRACTS 241 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Democratization without Democracy? The Assistance of the European Union for Democratization Processes in Palestine STEPHAN STETTER The democratization of the Arab Mediterranean partner countries in general and Palestine in particular is one of the key objectives of the EuroMediterranean Partnership The European Union has accepted some responsibility in supporting these countries in this transformation process and has, following the Barcelona Conference, set up a huge financial assistance programme Out of this programme many projects are funded that directly or indirectly aim at democratization and Palestine is one of the most important recipients of EU assistance However, the actual implementation of assistance has faced many problems While some of these problems relate to domestic factors, they can also be explained by factors emanating from within the EU system of governance, namely the complex inter-institutional relationship between the Commission, which is responsible for the implementation of assistance measures, and committees dominated by member states, which scrutinize the Commission’s decisionmaking The EU and the Middle East Conflict: Tackling the Main Obstacle to Euro-M Mediterranean Partnership MURIEL ASSEBURG The Middle East conflict has proven to be one of the main stumbling blocks for the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, particularly with regard to the political and security basket of the partnership EU support for the Middle East peace process has not produced the intended results With the breakdown of the Oslo Process and the eruption of violent conflict, the EU has shifted its priorities from economic development, state- and institutionbuilding and regional stabilization to the alleviation of the humanitarian situation, prevention of the collapse of the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the reform of its institutions The EU has become more active in crisis intervention and it has assumed an ever more active diplomatic role— searching for a way out of the impasse and a political solution to the conflict However, declaratory and diplomatic achievements have not been translated into progress on the ground before the war on Iraq This can be traced back to the conduct of the parties in conflict, EU policy-making and US policies 242 EURO-MEDITERRANEAN RELATIONS AFTER SEPTEMBER 11 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Arab Regional Integration as a Prerequisite for a Successful Euro-Mediterranean Partnership BÉCHIR CHOUROU The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in its current structure is not conducive to greater welfare in the Mediterranean Partner Countries (MPCs) because of, among other reasons, its emphasis on free trade which compounds existing social, economic and financial problems in the South, and its failure to deal adequately with long-term security risks such as scarcity of food and water, desertification, pollution, rampant poverty and authoritarian rule This study highlights some of these problems through trends observed in the Arab world since the 1970s, and argues, using Tunisia as a case study, that the EMP has not tackled these problems effectively It further contends that the EMP could serve the interests of Europe and the MPCs better provided that its membership is extended to all Arab countries and that the latter achieve a high degree of economic integration to justify the creation of viable productive projects and to allow an effective participation in the globalized economy The contribution examines some of the obstacles to Arab integration and proposes measures that the Arab countries and the European Union could take in order to deal with them Israeli Policy Perspectives on the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership in the Context of EU Enlargement ALFRED TOVIAS This contribution seeks to explain why Israel is having second thoughts about its participation in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) and to explore the consequences of this reappraisal Never a major champion of the Barcelona Process, Israel has increasing reasons for being disappointed about how things have evolved Independently of this, the future EU membership of up to 13 more countries (including Turkey) from central and eastern Europe and the Mediterranean basin, each with a GDP per capita below the Israeli level, will transform the EU into an economic and political entity of 28 countries that will be much closer than now to Israel, not only geographically but also politically, culturally and economically The nature of the EMP will change through this enlargement since all the Mediterranean non-Arab countries except Israel will then be EU members The changes to the map of Europe and of the EMP call for a rethinking by Israeli policy-makers of Israel’s place in the EU’s system of external relations Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Notes on Contributors Annette Jünemann is Professor of Politics and International Relations at the University of the German Armed Forces, Hamburg Richard Gillespie is Professor of Politics at the University of Liverpool, where he is Director of the Europe in the World Centre Cilja Harders is a junior professor of Political Science and Gender Studies at the Ruhr-Universität Bochum in Germany Said Haddadi is a research fellow at the Governance Research Centre, University of Bristol Laura Feliu is a lecturer in International Relations in the Faculty of Political Science, Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB) Eduard Soler i Lecha is a Ph.D candidate in International Relations, a research fellow of the Institut Universitari d’Estudis Europeus and a member of the Observatori de Política Exterior Europea, all at the Universitat Autonòma de Barcelona Angela Grünert, journalist and author, is studying Politics and Middle Eastern Studies at the Free University of Berlin Stephan Stetter is a research associate at the Institute for Global Society Studies, Faculty of Sociology, University of Bielefeld and is currently completing his Ph.D on EU Middle East policies at the Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science Muriel Asseburg is a senior research associate in the research unit on the Middle East and Africa at the Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin Béchir Chourou teaches International Relations at the Institut Supérieur de Langues de Tunis, University of Carthage, Tunis Alfred Tovias holds a Jean Monnet Chair in the Department of International Relations, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Index Abbas, Mahmud 182, 188–9 Adib, Mustafa, Captain 101, 108n26 Agadir initiative 195, 211 Al-Aqsa Intifada 15, 180–85, 217 Algeria 46, 205, 206 Aliboni, Roberto 52n18 Amnesty International 47 Arab countries democratization 114–15, 156, 158, 171n6 economic indicators 199–200, 202 and Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) 198–202 and European defence policy 45–6 integration 203–12 Arab Human Development Report (AHDR) 199–200 , 205 Arab Maghreb Union (Union du Maghreb Arabe—UMA) 205, 208– 10, 211 Arafat, Yasser 154, 178, 182, 188 armed forces, gender issues 61–6 arms trade, Spain and Morocco 100–1, 108n25 Asseburg, M 159 Association for Human Rights to Legal Aid, Egypt 141 Attinà, Fulvio Aznar, José María 125 Baehr, P.R 90 Barak, Ehud 217 Barcelona, Euromed Civil Forum (1995) 13, 119–22 Barcelona Process civil society 112 Euro-Mediterranean Partnership formation 5, human rights 79–80, 157 and Israel 214–17, 219–20 stagnation of 194 third basket 8–9, 21–2, 24–5, 31–5, 116 see also Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) ‘Barcelona spirit’ 47 Basri, Driss 76 Brussels, Euromed Civil Forum (2001) 118, 129n18 Bush, George, W 188, 191n15 Buzan, Barry Carreiras, H 63 Catalonia, sub-national government 117, 118, 119–22 Charter for Peace and Stability 23, 24, 174, 230n10 civilian power concept 39–41 civil society Arab countries 114–15 Barcelona Declaration 112 definition 127n2 Euromed Civil Fora 13, 117–27 Morocco 80, 82 Cockburn, Cynthia 61, 66 cold war, end of 5, 37–8 Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) 21 Connell, R 67, 68n5 Cook, Robin 216 244 INDEX 245 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Crooke, Alistair 184 Cuba, and Spain 106n1 Cyprus, and European Union 6, 16, 219, 221–2, 223, 226, 230n13 Czech Republic 222, 223 democratic peace hypothesis democratization Mediterranean 114–16, 155–9 Morocco 80–87 Palestine 14, 153–5, 159–70 promotion of 4–8, 74–5, 153–70 without democracy 153 donors, and human rights organizations 133–5, 137–9, 146–9 Duchêne, François 39 Dyson, Tom 41 economic indicators, Arab countries 199–200 Egypt government and NGOs 139–41, 149–50 human rights organizations 13–14, 133–51 Law of Associations (Law 153) 139– 43, 150 Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR) 136–7, 146 Eifler, C 63 Enloe, Cynthia 56, 68n10 Equatorial Guinea, and Spain 106n1 Eurofor 45, 46 Euromarfor 45, 46 Euromed Civil Fora 13, 117 Barcelona (1995) 13, 119–22 Brussels (2001) 118, 129n18 Stuttgart (1999) 117–18, 124, 129n17, 130n36 Valencia (2002) 13, 122–7 Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements (EMAAs) 74, 195 with Morocco 80, 99 with Palestine 158, 184 Euro-Mediterranean Committee (EMC) 33 Euro-Mediterranean Foundation 30, 32–3 Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area (FTA) 52n20, 208 Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network 33, 47 Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly 33 Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) cultural partnership 29–31 democracy promotion 4–8, 79–80, 153 and European Union (EU) 17–19 gendered security issues 59–61 and Israel 214–30 and Maghreb integration 203–12 and Mediterranean partner countries (MPCs) 198–202 membership 16 and Middle East peace process 179– 80, 216–17 security issues 38–9, 54–5 structure of 194–8, 211–12 sub-national governments 116–18 and Tunisia 200–2 see also Barcelona Process Euro-Mediterranean Studies Commission (Euromesco) 44–5, 180 EuropeAid and Cooperation Office (EACO) 75, 81, 83 European Economic Area (EEA), and Israel 220–25 European Free Trade Association (EFTA) 197 European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) 74–5 European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) 1–2, 9–10, 37–50, 51nn11, 13 European Union (EU) civilian policy 42–4 Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) 38, 41, 74, 187 Common Strategy on the Mediterranean Region (2000) 158, 187, 191n21 democracy promotion 4–8, 74–5, 153–70, 170n1 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 246 EURO-MEDITERRANEAN RELATIONS AFTER SEPTEMBER 11 enlargement 2, 16–17, 214, 221–3, 225–6, 230n13 and Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) 17–19 gender issues 10–11 and Israel 16–17, 184, 214–30 justice and home affairs (JHA) agenda 21–35, 42–3, 48 and Mediterranean partner countries (MPCs) 195–6, 198–202 and Middle East conflict 15–16, 174–89 and Morocco 73–4, 79–87 and Palestine 158, 159–70, 171n8, 175–89, 190nn5, 14 security policy 37–50, 54–5 and Spain 94–7 Financing Framework Conventions 162, 167–8 food security 209, 212n2 foreign direct investment (FDI) 203, 222 foreign policy paradox 12–13, 92–4 France human rights foreign policy 95, 97, 107n6 security culture 43 sub-national governments 115, 128n12 free trade areas 197, 208, 211 Fuster, Joan 123 García Ferrando, Manuel 123 Gender Development Index (GDI) 59– 60 Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) 59–60 gender order 68n4 gender relations, security issues 10–11, 54–67 Giscard d’Estaing, Valery 224 Global Mediterranean Policy 215 González, Felipe 119 gross domestic product (GDP) Arab countries 199–200 Israel 228 hard and soft security issues 54–5, 58, 219 Hassan II, King of Morocco 12, 76, 92 Helsinki process Herzl, Theodore 228 Hisham Mubarak Law Centre, Egypt 141 Hubic, Meliha 66 Human Development Index (HDI) 59– 60 human rights Morocco 77, 79, 91, 100–1, 108n27 and sub-national governments 116– 27 human rights foreign policy, Spain 90– 106 human rights organizations, Egypt 13– 14, 133–51 human security 56, 67n2, 106n3 Hungary 222, 223 Ibn Khaldun Centre, Egypt 142 Ibrahim, Saad ed-Din 142–3, 144 Institut Català de la Mediterrània 120, 121, 126, 129n24 Integrated Action Plan for the Planning and Development of the Mediterranean Region in Morocco (PAIDAR-Med) 105 integration Arab countries 203–12 theory of 196–8 International Monetary Fund (IMF) 198 Islamists Egypt 133, 144–5, 148–9 Morocco 85–6 Israel and Arab countries 212 bilateral agreements 220–21 economic status 214–16, 228 and Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) 218–19, 226–7 and European Economic Area (EEA) 220–25 and European Union (EU) 6, 16–17, 214–30 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 INDEX 247 and Mediterranean regionalism 217– 18 migrants 227 and United States 227 women in armed forces 64, 65, 68– 9n15 see also Middle East peace process Jordan, women in armed forces 64–5, 69n17 justice and home affairs (JHA) agenda, European Union (EU) 21–35, 42–3, 48 Kabyles (Berbers) 115 Kamrava, M 61, 64 King, G 67n2 Kirste, K 40 Klein, Uta 61, 64, 65 Kohl, Helmut 215 Latin Mediterranean 120, 129n25 League of Arab States 205 Lebanon, and Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) 24, 179 Le Pen, Jean-Marie 23 Libya 64, 69n16, 205 Lmrabet, Alí 101, 102, 108nn30, 31 Lorca, Alejandro 226 Maastricht treaty 42, 74 Maghreb and Europe 217 integration 198, 203–12 Malta, and European Union 6, 16, 219, 230n13 Maragall, Pasqual 120 Marseilles, Euro-Mediterranean meeting (2000) 174, 230n10 Matutes, Abel 96 Maull, H 40 Mauritania 205 MEDA Democracy Programme (MDP) 75, 156–7 Morocco 81, 83 Palestine 159–70 MEDA development funds 201–2, 216 MEDA Regulations 6, 74, 88n1, 99, 162, 165–6 MED Committee 161–2, 166–7, 169 Mediterranean Alternative Conference 121–2 Mediterranean partner countries (MPCs) armed forces 61, 64 democratization 6–8, 114–16, 153, 156 and European Union (EU) 195–6, 198–202, 208–12 foreign direct investment (FDI) 203 security issues 44–50 MED-Urbs projects 116 Middle East peace process (MEPP) 4, 14–16, 46, 174–89, 215–17, 226 migration European policies 22–3, 29 Morocco policies 83 to Israel 227 military, gender issues 61–6 Mohamed VI, King of Morocco 11–12, 76, 78, 91, 100–2, 107n20 Morocco arms trade 100–1, 108n25 civil society 80, 82 democratization 80–85, 86–7, 90–92 development aid 109n39 elections (2002) 78–9 and European Union 73–4, 79–80 human rights 77, 79, 91, 100–1, 108n27 Islamists 85–6 Maghreb integration 205 political reform 11–12, 75–9 post-September 11 85–6 relations with Spain 12–13, 90–106 National Indicative Programmes 162, 163, 165 Ninyoles, Rafael 123 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and donors 133–5, 137–9, 146–9 Egypt 133–51 Morocco 81 248 EURO-MEDITERRANEAN RELATIONS AFTER SEPTEMBER 11 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Spain 95–6, 104 North Africa see Maghreb North American Free Trade Association (NAFTA) 197 Nour, Ayman 140 Oslo Process 175–80, 215, 226 overseas development assistance (ODA), Spain 104, 109 Oz, Amos 218 Palacio, Ana 97, 102 Palermo, EMP meeting (1998) 216–17 Palestine democratization process 14, 153–5 and European Union (EU) 158, 159– 70, 171n8, 174–89 Intifada 180–85 see also Middle East peace process Palestinian Authority (PA) 175, 178, 181–2, 190nn4, paradiplomacy 113 Patten, Chris 30 peace enforcement 40 Perejil 93, 97 Piqué, Josep 91, 96 Poland 222 Prodi, Romano 224 Pujol, Jordi 119, 120 Quartet statement, Middle East peace process185, 186, 187–8, 189, 191n20 Rabin, Yitzhak 177, 214 Regional Economic Development Working Group (REDWG) 179 ‘road map’, Middle East peace process 182, 185, 187, 188, 189, 190n13 Robinson, Mary 141 securitization, of international terrorism 3–4 security community, establishment of 5– security issues feminist perspective 10–11, 54–67 hard and soft 54–5, 58, 219 human security 56 see also European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) September 11 effects in Egypt 144–5, 147, 149, 151 impacts of 2, 18, 85–6 Sharon, Ariel 182, 188 Sid Ahmed, A 198 Sion, L 65 Solana, Javier 129n21 South-South co-operation 203, 208, 210 Spain Development Aid Fund (FAD) 109n46 EU Presidency 25–6, 33–4 Euromed Civil Fora 13, 117–27 and European Union (EU) 94–7 human rights foreign policy 90–106 Human Rights Office (HRO) 98–9 non-governmental organizations (NGOs) 95–6 overseas development assistance (ODA) 104, 109 relations with Morocco 12–13, 90– 106 State Secretariat for International Co-operation and Latin America (SECIPI) 103, 104, 109n36 sub-national governments 115, 118– 27, 128n11 Stavridis, Stelios Strauss-Kahn, Dominique 229 Stuttgart, Euromed Civil Forum (1999) 117–18, 124, 129n17, 130n36 sub-national governments 13, 112–27 Switzerland, and European Union (EU) 220–21 Sylvester, Christine 57 Syria, and Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) 24, 179 terrorism, securitization of 3–4, 85–6 Tewes, Henning 50 Tickner, J.Ann 58, 67 trade, free trade areas 197, 208, 211 INDEX 249 Downloaded by [University of Social Science & Humanities] at 19:00 07 April 2017 Tunisia and Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) 200–2 Maghreb integration 205, 206 Turkey 64, 219 Union du Maghreb Arabe see Arab Maghreb Union United Kingdon, security culture 43 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), human security 56 United States and Egypt 149 and Israel 227 and Middle East peace process 185, 187–8, 190–91n15 securitizing international terrorism 3–4 Valencia Euromed Civil Forum (2002) 13, 122–7 Euromed Conference of Foreign Ministers (2002) 22, 23, 25–35, 179, 194 violence, gendered 58, 62 Western Sahara 96, 107n11 West European and Others Group (WEOG) 230n3 women in armed forces 62–6 Morocco 77 see also gender relations Yassine, Abdessalam 76 Youssoufi, Abderrahmane 76–7 Yuval-Davis, Nira 68n12 Zaplana, Eduardo 124, 126 ... Edition) Europe-Foreign relations Mediterranean Region Mediterranean Region—Foreign relations Europe European Union countries-Foreign relations Mediterranean Region Mediterranean Region—Foreign relations European... It is this contradiction that has overshadowed Euro- Mediterranean relations since September 11 8 EURO- MEDITERRANEAN RELATIONS AFTER SEPTEMBER 11 Downloaded by [University of Social Science &... century—Congresses European Union countries— Foreign relations Mediterranean Region—Congresses Mediterranean Region—Foreign relations European Union countries—Congresses Middle East—Foreign relations European

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