Assessing hill tribe participation in development non governmental organizations of northern thailand

CHAPTER ONE Hilltribe Participation in Development & NGO Projects in Northern Thailand 1.1 Preamble Scattered throughout the remote, mountainous regions of northern Thailand, the Akha, Hmong, Htin, Karen, Khamu, Lahu, Lisu, Lawa and Mien are collectively known as the chao khao, or mountain people These nine officially recognized tribes had been persistently plagued by abject poverty and suffered immeasurably from the lack of the most basic of needs such as food, healthcare, education, water and sanitation These critical concerns, vital for ensuring a decent standard of living and quality of life were further aggravated by high fertility rates and growing population pressures amongst these ethnic minorities However, efforts by state authorities to provide social development and welfare services were hampered, as hilltribe settlements were nomadic and located in relative geographical isolation and reclusiveness in the wild jungle terrain Moreover, initiatives aimed at integrating them into the Thai economy, and thereby alleviating poverty and its ensuing problems, were also hindered as the highlanders continued to engage in subsistence living, detached and insulated from the dominant Thai polity Such modes of production were not only ineffectual in resolving their financial and material woes, but their practice of swidden cultivation on steep slopes and depletion of natural resources on the virgin belt of forests up north were environmentally unsound, socially inappropriate, and economically disastrous This not only had adverse effects on the chao khao, but disruptions to the fragile ecological balance also impinged upon the livelihoods of present and future lowland Thais, as well as regional and national development The hilltribe people also withstood attempts by the Thai government to assimilate them into the Thai ethnoscape, since they were adamant in safeguarding their religious and spiritual beliefs, tribal language, cultural practices and traditional way of life in the hills This resistance was explained by the historical fact that for the 800,000 hilltribe people, while originally from lands as distant as China, also had a significant portion of who were refugees that escaped civil strife in Myanmar and Laos in the 1960s During that time, they were associated with communist elements that penetrated Thailand To date, these illegal immigrants from neighboring countries continue to permeate the porous borders of Thailand, and some tribes have even been involved in separatist insurgencies Therefore, these foreigners with questionable allegiances were seen as threats to national security Other than jeopardizing political stability, economic growth and environmental sustainability, the highlanders also viewed as compromising the social fabric and moral values of the Thai polity and beyond This was seen self-evident because opium and other controlled substances had been produced, sold and abused by some of the highlanders On top of that, the pervasive entrance and trafficking of tribal women into the local prostitution industry and global sex trade, coupled with the high incidence of HIV/AIDs amongst tribal communities, were deemed as an added burden on others at a national and international scale (Suwanbubpa, 1976; Keyes, 1979; Bhruksari, 1989; TRI, 1989) These issues which have been described above encapsulate what had otherwise come to be infamously known as “Hill Tribe Problems”, as termed by McKinnon & Vienne (1989:103) This whole host of issues that portray the highlanders as ‘undeveloped’, ‘backward’, ‘illiterate’, ‘forest-destroyers’, ‘illegal aliens’, ‘separatists’, ‘opium cultivators’, ‘drug addicts’, and ‘prostitutes’ etc., had essentially equated the hilltribes as posing “political, administrative, economic and social problems for the Government” (Suwanbubpa 1976:1), as well as others (McKinnon & Vienne 1989:xxi) Meanwhile, the absence or insufficient transformation and participation of the hilltribes into the economic, social and cultural milieu of Thailand were identified as the source of “Hill Tribe Problems” Nonetheless, the highlanders were widely perceived to oppose government policies and initiatives aimed at developing them into “first class, self-reliant Thai citizens” (Bhruksasri 1989:18; TRI 1989:2) Concurrently, these personified the quintessential opinions of the Thai government and the general Thai populace on the chao khao Then again, just as there are two sides to every coin, there are contending views and opposing rationalizations on the difficulties associated with the highland minorities Unlike the previous version of “Hill Tribe Problems”, an alternative interpretation leans towards identifying and comprehending ‘hilltribe problems’ as experienced and expressed by the mountain people themselves These accounts covered a diverse array of issues ranging from poverty to cultural dilution and discrimination to ‘forced’ relocation It challenges the position of the capitalist Thai polity by highlighting how the prevailing stereotypes of the highlanders and dominant conceptualizations of “Hill Tribe Problems” were laden and mired in a synthesis of political clout and economic interests, rather than based on objective knowledge and value-free observations, as well as how these have been used to justify unjust and controversial interventions targeting the highlanders In other words, hilltribe development policies were marked with geopolitical ambitions and fixed ideals of modernity (Vienne 1989:35), implying that the real tribulations and trepidations endured by the highlanders were paradoxically instigated and inflamed by those precise endeavors that were meant to uplift and develop the tribal folk, since they were encouraged to participate in Thailand’s economic and social milieu on unequal terms Nonetheless, in spite of these seemingly daunting circumstances that surround the chao khao, there are other agents working with the highlanders to solve ‘hilltribe problems’ These are the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) Commonly regarded as a collective term or residual category that “encompassed all organizations that are neither governmental nor for profit” (Livernash 1992:41), such broad definitions associated NGOs with the ‘third sector’, contained within civil society, and separate from state institutions (first sector) and the market (second sector) Beyond that, these conceptualizations, reminiscent of functionalist and economic theoriesi, served as catalysts for generating an entire repertoire of assumptions on NGOs that not only highlighted and amplified the characteristical differences of NGOs from public and private domains, but presumed an inherent ability and willingness for NGOs to execute a democratic, egalitarian, pluralistic, Alternative Development (AD) that could reverse and resolve both “Hill Tribe Problems” and ‘hilltribe problems’, via the active participation of the highlanders in having a greater influence within projects and over their own development A common view is that NGOs, being rooted within civil society, were situated in close proximity to the grassroots level of society (Knowles 1998:216) Thus NGOs were placed in an advantageous position to forge close ties, build respect, and acquire an acute sensitivity to the cultural distinctiveness of the poor, neglected and vulnerable This then allows NGOs to engage people in constant dialogue and partnership when constructing and revisiting goals, operational procedures and performance of development projects Moreover, as suggested by the term ‘nongovernmental’, NGOs were distinguished from public enterprises and seen to be autonomous, self-governing and detached from money politics since they neither clamored for political power nor served at the behest of client groups (Clearly 1997:8) In addition, NGO administrations were differentiated from monolithic, rigid and hierarchical state structures, as they tended to “avoid bureaucratization” (Max-Neef 1991:86) Subsequently, these smaller-scale outfits were presumed to be more flexible, responsive, innovative and willing to experiment with open-ended or novel ideas to solve a spectrum of developmental problems (Brown & Korten 1991:47) Hence, NGOs were able to easily move from positions of authority to one that listens, learns, facilitates and empowers beneficiaries to take charge of development initiatives, especially for the poorest of the poor in the most remote segments of society (Viswanath 1993:4) Besides that, NGOs have also been habitually considered as ‘non-profit organizations’, or cost-efficient establishments that were “not created to make profit but to serve a social purpose in the public’s interest” (Silliman 1999:136) Also, they were thought to be comprised of a team of committed and value-driven staff who “act from a sense of obligation to achieve social goods” (ibid:133) Resultantly, set apart from private organizations, NGOs were widely renowned for their charitable heritage, philanthropic traditions and altruistic impulses Just as importantly, being positioned in the ‘third sector’ has also fashioned the view of NGOs as facilitators and intermediaries that “bridge differences and provide communication linkages” (Knowles 1998:216) In fact, NGOs were considered as “conduits for resources, influence and ideas flowing from people to government and government to people” (ibid:213) This is because with their downward partnerships and ability to organize the grassroots, NGOs “enabled people to be empowered through their engagement with local communities” (ibid:216) Simultaneously, upward links provided a channel to air constructive feedback and concrete innovations from the local levels to other secondary stakeholders, thereby directing attention to structural forces that influence patterns of poverty, prejudice and violence (Edwards & Fowler 2002:2); instigating changes or reversing unsound policies that served the constraints of majority rule, exclusionary economics and discriminatory politics; as well as seeking solutions in favor of the poor and move towards greater equity in redistribution and allocation of services and resources (Paul & Israel 1991:4) at regional, national or even international levels In this respect, NGOs were deemed as “architects of social change and engineers to rebuild human relationships” (Gokhale 1998:128) Accordingly, NGOs were famed as having comparative advantage over other development organizations, and more so, had been popularized as having greater competency in carrying out inclusive, participatory development In fact, NGOs have even earned the title ‘participatory organizations’, commended as the “best teachers” (Racelis, 1992) of participatory development and recognized as the “optimal instrument for giving the poor populations a greater say in the development process of their own societies” (Bogartz 1989:24) However, regardless of the optimistic descriptions of NGOs and participation that has flooded development circles, questions should still be raised This is especially critical, given that the chao khao have consistently been ranked as one of Thailand’s poorest, whilst ‘hilltribe problems’ and “Hill Tribe Problems” continue to afflict their daily existence In any case, casting doubts on the success of NGOs, their unique traits and execution of participation is nothing new In fact, Ridell & Robinson (1995) have observed that “the failure rate of NGOs is far from significant” (Ridell & Robinson 1995:48) This may be because the ideologies ritualistically attached to NGOs have been found to be “untenable myths” (Tvedt 1998:1) and “articles of faith” (Tendler, 1982), since virtually all development agencies, including state-led ones, currently claim to abide by the doctrine of participation, but “few have actually put this process into practice” (Brohman 1996:270), insinuating that there is a gap between rhetoric and reality This may be due to the fact that the term ‘participation’ can be used to denote both the orthodox as well as Alternative Development (AD) procedures On balance, in both such cases, participation is a “‘warmly persuasive word’ which seems never to be used unfavorably, and ‘never to be given any positive opposing or distinguishing term,’” (Williams 1976:76; c.f Nelson & Wright 1995:2) Cleaver (2002) also urges for greater critical analysis of participatory approaches, since it has “become an act of faith in development; something we believe in and rarely question” (Cleaver 2002:225) Hence, it is these uncertainties and reservations regarding NGOs and participation that this thesis seeks to unravel 1.2 NGO Tham Bun or Ngo Tham Bun? The objectives of this research would be best explicated after an explanation of the title ‘NGO Tham Bun or Ngo Tham Bun’ The acronym ‘NGO’ in English is an abbreviation of ‘nongovernmental organization’, whilst the ‘Ngo’ is translated from Thai to being unwise, foolish or even stupid As for the Thai term ‘Tham Bun’, it has its roots in Buddhism (the official religion of Thailand) and refers to charitable practices of making merit or doing good Thus, although comprised of similar words, the phrases ‘NGO Tham Bun’ and ‘Ngo Tham Bun’ carry divergent meanings and implications The former suggests that non-governmental organizations are doing good, which according to popular imagination, infers that they engage in inclusive, participatory approaches to development Consequently, they have been able to efficiently and effectively improve the lives of intended beneficiaries Meanwhile, the latter insinuates the reverse This hint of ambiguity and irony captured here encapsulates the purpose of this thesis – to assess the degree to which the mode of participation employed by NGO projects in Northern Thailand influence the economic, social and cultural status of intended beneficiaries For this study, four development NGO project-sites that provide education and/or vocational training to the hilltribe youths in Thailand will be analyzed The term ‘project-site’ has been used here, since there was more than one project running consecutively within each given location The focus will be on the hilltribe projects, but other projects on-site need to be included for comparative purposes All four project-sites were managed by different Member Organizations (MOs) in the northern regions of the Kingdom under the Chiang Mai Diocesan Action Center (Chiang Mai DISAC) and correspondingly the Catholic Commission for Development in Thailand (CCTD) They are the Ban Marina Sewing Center, the PrakHaReTai Center and the Maurice Joly Nursery and Training Center, which were all located in Changwat (province) Chiang Mai The final project-site at Amphur (district) Wiang Pha Pao had two tribal projects on-site i.e the Agricultural Project and the Youth Hilltribe Girls’ Sewing Project In order to ascertain to what degree the mode of participation employed by NGO projects in Northern Thailand influence the social, cultural and economic statuses of intended beneficiaries, two key auxiliary questions will be posed Firstly, what form of participation is carried out at the four NGO project-sites? Secondly, how the four NGO projects affect the economic, social and, cultural statuses of intended beneficiaries? For the first question, it is useful to understand the different forms and levels of participation within a project framework As will be illustrated in Section 1.3.2, participation can be conceptualized in terms of dichotomies, typologies, levels and continuums It also highlights that participation can be used to connote bottom-up, transformative strategies as espoused under the Alternative Development (AD) paradigm as well as more top-down, conventional modes of development The various interpretations of participation would be used to make sense of how participation is defined in official publications by the CCTD in Chapter Three as well as in Chapter Four which explores how and what form of participation is carried out at the four NGO project-site, as gathered from the opinions of staff members and the experiences of hilltribe youths Chapter Three will show that the CCTD promotes a more inclusive, progressive form of participation as advocated by AD but in Chapter Four, participation at the four project-sites is limited, given that an endogenous, top-down, authoritative schema of development prevails at different stages of the project-cycle Several reasons were identified to account for the discrepancies in participation found in Chapter Three and Four, and these stem from the organisational and structural limitations of the project-sites, the intended beneficiaries and community, as well as dilemmas inherent in the theoretical and methodological applications of participation Meanwhile, the second question will explore the outcomes of taking part in the projects by evaluating the changes, if any (whether positive or negative) to the economic, social and cultural statuses of the highlanders, regardless of the type or extent of participation identified previously at the four NGO project-sites Here, a political-economy perspective, coupled with culturalist applications, will be operationalized as conceptual tools to facilitate in the analysis of changes faced by hilltribe youths in Chapter Five It is found that these youths, upon graduating or leaving their respective projects, have experienced both positive and negative transformation to their economic, social and cultural statuses These findings, weighed against the fact that participation was passive and in some cases even exploitive, emphasizes that while active, progressive forms of participation is vital in improving the effectiveness of NGO projects, the larger political, economic, social and cultural milieu of Thailand also plays a significant role in determining improvement or deterioration to the economic, social and cultural statuses of intended beneficiaries Participation in both dimensions – the wider developmental process and within a project framework are therefore important in this study, and theories in participation and development will be explored in the proceeding section 1.3 Understanding Participation Over the past six decades of development experience, several theories on development and underdevelopment have emerged, shifted or retained their stronghold in development thought, policy and practice Likewise, “conceptualizations of participation have changed along with other strands of thought in the wider development debate” (Hirsch 1990:185) Therefore, Section 1.3.1 would provide an overview of the dominant development paradigms, namely modernization, dependency, world-systems, political-economy, post-development and Alternative Development (AD), the last of which had been marked as the archetype mode of development executed by NGOs At the same time, the discursive evolution of participation within each theory would also be traced These perspectives will be employed in Chapter Two, which provides background information on Thai and hilltribe development, as well as in Chapter Five that narrates the after effects of taking part on NGO projects, or rather the incorporation of highlanders into Thailand’s economic and social environment Here, a political-economy perspective, fused with culturalist and post-structuralist applications would be adopted, since this multidisciplinary and totalizing framework would allow issues such as identity, class, gender, ethnicity, age, and religion or other forms of social differentiation that determine social positioning to be examined Meanwhile, Section 1.3.2 would outline the various interpretations and applications of participation within a project framework so as to verify how this elusive, intricate and multi-dimensional concept manifests itself within the four project-sites 1.3.1 Participation in the Development Debate 1.3.1.1 Modernization & Participation The ideology of development essentially began as a post-1945 phenomenon, when “thinking and action on development were dominated by the modernization approach” (Hulme & Turner 1990:34) Modernization, an amalgamation of a rich and multidisciplinary heritage of classical functionalist and evolutionist theories of social change was hailed and equated to the entire notion of development itself, as this framework for development promised “nation-states in search of a model of development to promote their economy and enhance their political independence” (So 1990:17) Thus, from the 1950s till today, its ideological legacy continues to underpin many of the attitudes and policies governments and development agencies today Modernization proposed that for traditional and backward Third World countries, communities and peoples to develop, they had to undergo a process of structural change (Martinussen 1997:38) as well as “adopt the right attitudes” (Berberoglu 1992:14) This would entail a vast array of political, capitalist, social and cultural transformations, such as state formation, by way of establishing liberal democratic forms of governance, centralized administration and the integration of national territories; promoting accumulation of wealth and monetized production relations; infrastructural development in transportation, energy, communications; urbanization; industrialization; specialization and division of labour; applying technology to enhance productivity and efficiency; boosting education, entrepreneurship and management; opening access to technological transfers, free trade and international competition; supporting financial institutions and capital investments etc Clearly, modernization was “an imitative process, in which less developed countries gradually assumed the qualities of industrialized nations” (Hettne 1995a:49-50) As to the treatment of participation under the modernization paradigm, “early post-war discourse on development contained little that dealt specifically with issues of participation” (Hirsch 1990:184) Nevertheless, it can be inferred that participation was taken in positive light, where integrating ‘backward’ countries, ‘traditional’ sectors and isolated peoples into the broader domestic and global capitalist economy would enlarge the economy, open opportunities and trickle overwhelming benefits downwards to all Conversely, underdevelopment was caused by either insufficient political, economic, social and cultural transformations; or inadequate participation Such reductionist thinking formed the basis of an authoritative, ethnocentric, 10 Indeed, the interplay of the different forms of social differentiation, such as ethnicity, gender, class, religion, qualifications etc had worked in concert to exploit, discriminate and marginalize the youths; thereby causing their participation in development all the more grueling and inequitable In sum, a multitude of economic, social and cultural changes were experienced by the hilltribe youths Upon leaving the projects, the youths living and working in Muang Chiang Mai derived considerable financial benefits as well as other material and intangible gains available in the urbanized city Improvements to their social status were also evident back at their tribal villages, particularly for the girls Although these were significant and noteworthy, so was the exploitation and subjugation they had to confront in their everyday lives This highlights the relevance of political-economy and culturalist perspectives (discussed in Chapter One & Two) in addressing and making sense of the transformations or effects on intended beneficiaries after taking part in projects It also relates how asymmetrical relations of power has been triggered and reproduced to have a direct bearing on the hilltribe youths’ participation in the economic, social and cultural milieu of Thailand ℵℵℵ 189 CHAPTER SIX NGO Tham Bun or Ngo Tham Bun? This thesis had explored the concept of participation within two different, but interrelated settings – of the hilltribe youths at four NGO project-sites by Member Organizations (MOs) under the Catholic Council of Thailand for Development (CCTD) that offered education and/or vocational training (Chapter Three & Four), as well as within the broader developmental milieu of Thailand (Chapter Two & Chapter Five) The key findings on participation would be reiterated and presented in this concluding chapter to assess the degree to which the mode of participation employed by NGO projects in Northern Thailand influence the economic, social and, cultural status of intended beneficiaries.To recapitulate, this would be done by answering the two auxiliary questions (in Section 6.1 & 6.2 respectively) stated previously in Section 1.2 Firstly, what form of participation is carried out at the four NGO project-sites? Secondly, how the four NGO project-sites affect the economic, social and cultural statuses of intended beneficiaries? Thereafter, the significance of participation would be questioned (Section 6.3), followed by a discussion on the possible avenues for research on participation and practice of participatory development (Section 6.4) 6.1 Participation at Four NGO Project-Sites NGOs had been habitually presumed to embody a unique range of qualities that enabled agencies within this ‘third-sector’ to pursue participatory development However, the multiplicity of meanings related to the concept of participation within a project framework was complex and ambiguous, as reviewed in Section 1.3.2.2 According to the literature, there were several definitions and degrees of participation that could be used to depict both top-down, conventional forms of development as well as dynamic, inclusive approaches championed by Alternative Development (AD) paradigms Yet, the term ‘participation’ has appeared extensively, used 190 loosely and often taken-for-granted to connote higher forms embodied under AD Therein lay the possibility that NGOs not necessarily adopt more democratic and progressive forms of participatory development, since misunderstandings and discrepancies could arise between what is described as participation and how it is practiced within developmental projects Fortunately, such erroneous readings and confusion over the mode of development executed within development initiatives may be avoided by applying the different theoretical conceptualizations of participation to examine how the word ‘participation’ had been used within different contexts and evaluated according to how it is operationalized throughout the project-cycle This framework of analysis was employed to answer the first research question which sought to determine the form of participation carried out at the four NGO project-sites involved in this study As seen in Chapter Three, the CCTD clearly espoused typologies and intensities of participation that were akin to that which was favored by AD (Section 3.3) The parent NGO also explained why and justified how its MOs would be able to ensure the ‘genuine’ participation of targeted populations by describing the distinctive organizational and operational attributes of its MOs (Section 3.2) Such accounts parallel the dominant ideology of NGOs as ‘third-sector’ organizations that boast of an exclusive array of traits and values that allow them to engage intended beneficiaries in active, transformative participation However, the findings portrayed in Chapter Four challenged the conventional wisdom on NGOs and participation by revealing the dominance of mainstream, authoritative, top-down developmental schemas throughout the different stages of the project-cycle and amongst the five projects in question Granted that the Ban Marina Sewing Center was open to feedback from its participants, and the Maurice Joly Nursery and Training Center embraced suggestions from its trainees in an attempt to offset the poor quality of instruction there, but in essence, the youths from all five projects had minimal or no control over the exogenously derived objectives, content, structure, operations and progress of the projects they attended Hence, participation was passive 191 and even exploitive at three of the four project-sites investigated here Thus, there was a gap between rhetoric and reality, as ‘true’ participation was not observed at the four project-sites managed by MOs, whether in needs assessment, planning, implementation or evaluation, as claimed by the CCTD in Chapter Three Several plausible reasons were noted to explain the lack of dynamic varieties and progressive levels of participation in the project-sites involved in this research These may be classified into three broad but related areas – the characteristics of the NGO; the makeup of the targeted population and community; and the inherent dilemmas arising from the notion of participatory development itself As highlighted throughout Chapter Four, the project-sites here did not possess all the distinguishing qualities commonly associated with NGOs, thereby compromising the depth, breadth and timing of participation Beginning with the presumed autonomy that allowed NGOs to abide by inclusive, participatory development, the four projectsites in this research were not independent, neutral entities that could unreservedly pursue, prioritize and meet the requests and needs of those at the grassroots levels This is because all the different MOs were tied to a wide and complex network of stakeholders that included parties from the Roman Catholic Church (tribal parishes, MOs, international and local offices of the respective Religious Orders, the Chiang Mai DISAC, and the CCTD), the Thai government and finally, the hilltribe people This web of vertical and horizontal linkages was characterized by unequal relations that underscored a bureaucratic chain of dependency After all, secondary stakeholders provided both tangible and intangible inputs to the project-sites, whether in terms of capital, equipment, labor, land, legitimacy, legal status etc Hence, the differentials in power amongst resource-providers and receivers fashioned hierarchical relations that venerated the expertise, directives, influence and interests of the power brokers This translates to the diminished capacity and opportunity for the highlanders to have greater involvement in planning, implementing, monitoring and evaluating the development projects they took part in By extension, this dependency and accountability between the NGOs and their upwards linkages 192 demanded that projects were manageable and predictable, with operations and evaluations on project performance focused on exogenously established strategies and goals Thus, the preference and maintenance of top-down styles of management further impeded upon the responsiveness, flexibility and innovativeness of development activities, thereby resulting in less inclusive, static modes of participation by primary stakeholders Next, for the tribal parish workers, they were in an advantageous position to facilitate participatory efforts but these were affected by practical and logistical constraints such as labor, capital and gaining access to certain segments of the nomadic hilltribe population or those whose villages were also located in the mountainous northern regions of Thailand Hence, NGOs may not have been able to approach and help the poorest of the poor there Regrettably, some NGO staff at the project-sites were neither always culturally astute nor valued the opinions of the highlanders, much less the hilltribe youths Instead, ethnocentric and paternalistic attitudes prevailed and resulted in the disinterest and lack of appreciation for deeper and dynamic participation at the project-sites Most notably, however, the PrakHaReTai Center, the Youth Hilltribe Girls’ Sewing Project, the Agricultural Project, and the Maurice Joly Nursery and Training Center were self-seeking and profit-oriented For these four projects, ‘real’ participation was ignored and desires by the youths to provide feedback and suggestions were prohibited This was to ensure that decision-making power and control over every phase of the projects remained with the implementing agency, so as to minimize costs at other projects on-site, raise revenue and increase profit margins Such ‘ulterior motives’ and practices not only run contrary to ‘true’ participation but more critically, it violates the official values and core trademarks of NGOs i.e charity, altruism and commitment to the poor At the same time, several considerations arising from within the targeted population, such as their life situation, self-perception and cultural attitudes had also been identified as factors impinging on ‘genuine’ participation As described by respondents in Chapter Four, a great number of the highlanders were poor and had little time to spare for meetings or designing 193 development projects Otherwise, some segments of the tribal population, whether traditional figures of authority within particular tribes e.g village elders and men, dominated the sample population for participation More often than not, this also meant the continued exclusion of young women, since they were denied the opportunity to participate It was also unsurprising that some would prefer to receive ‘gifts’ and money, as opposed to taking part in exchanges with participatory field practitioners, which could otherwise not guarantee any returns for their time and effort invested in participatory development These issues would undeniably affect the availability, willingness, receptivity and openness of the people to engage in dialogue with NGO workers Or else, the highlanders had little education and knowledge on how to ‘do’ development and subsequently had no inputs and suggestions, or preferred and trusted in the expertise and experience of the NGOs to decide and manage development initiatives In addition, some of the hilltribe youths shared that they were satisfied with top-down decisions and activities on the projects they attended, whilst others feared the possibility of reprimand or reprisal from NGOs and their networks with tribal parishes In spite of the validity of these reasons to explain the lack of higher levels of participation by the chao khao in village or tribal-settings, it would not be wrong to state that the NGOs here could have, as mentioned in Section 1.3.2, assumed a role in persuading isolated, marginalized and less educated populations on the importance of their participation; inspire confidence to air their views; educate them through a process of conscientization (Friere, 1993); and provide channels and resources to facilitate the peoples’ own pursuit of development Moreover, limitations to an inclusive, transformative form of development have also surfaced due to inherent dilemmas in the concept of participatory development One issue that compounds participation is its tendency to evoke false assumptions and some form of ethnocentricity when it conforms or sets artificial boundaries to highly heterogeneous communities and people The reality is that there would be strife, conflicts of interests and inequality within each given unit of analysis (Friedmann, 1992) In a related issue, participatory 194 development under AD does not exist as a grand coalition of coherent theories or approaches to development Subsequently, contradictions have arisen precisely due to its broad-ranging emphasis on endogenous development and cultural pluralism For instance, as highlighted in Chapter Four, contention within participation itself is seen when women’s participation is hindered within patriarchal societies Accordingly, it is theoretically, methodologically and practically impossible to forge genuine consensus, attain a representative form of development from within identified groups, and formulate projects based on the will of the people (Tvedt 1998:94) In line with this thinking, it would also be fair to say that it would be erroneous to ascribe to all development NGOs certain definite, but improbable qualities and capacities, and expect them to carry out unrealistic schemas of development; and yet, criticize them for not being able to meet these standards Thus, for the four project-sites in this research, they did not embark on alternative, inclusive modes of participatory development, as they were not always able or even willing to so, as explained by the fore-mentioned reasons Instead, they carried out top-down, passive, exogenous and lower forms of participation Nonetheless, the approach to development and participation notwithstanding, the intended beneficiaries of the NGO projects did experience changes to their economic, social and cultural statuses, as summarized below 6.2 Consequences of Participation in Projects Chapter Five examined the changes experienced by tribal youths after leaving the projects It was found that in spite of the prevalent application of top-down, authoritative participation at the four project-sites; the hilltribe youths managed to identify both positive and negative transformations to their economic, social and cultural lives at Muang Chiang Mai and in their tribal villages According to the youths who were working in Muang Chiang Mai, their participation in the Thai capitalist workforce allowed them to break away from the shackles of poverty; attain financial independence and spending power; and gain autonomy to make decisions that affected 195 their lives These outcomes allowed them to their build confidence and raise their self-esteems Moreover, they were granted higher social prestige and respect at their tribal villages as a result of their ability to contribute to family income, as well as other observable changes to their dress, behavior and speech As for those who returned home, their social standing back home was also somewhat heightened in the rural, tribal settings due to their experiences in Muang Chiang Mai and knowledge received at the projects For the girls, they were emancipated from patriarchal strongholds that used to be imposed on them by their families or tribal communities Unfortunately, the benefits accrued to the youths who stayed on in Muang Chiang Mai were accompanied by prejudicial treatment, discriminatory practices and manipulation These ran along the lines of class, ethnic and gender differentiation at the workplace as well as in their daily interactions with the khon muang These developments concur with political-economy and culturalist perspectives (described in Chapter One & Two), which postulate that the incorporation of hilltribe youths as urban waged laborers into the patriarchal and capitalist Thai economy was disempowering and marked by inequality and exploitation With both positive and negative changes experienced by the tribal youths after leaving their respective project-sites, it may be inferred that the outcome of projects is largely dependent on the broader developmental conditions, regardless of the nature of participation practiced within the projects In other words, whilst there is a tendency for appraisals on NGO projects to assume that the projects constitute the principal resource of those being assisted; the larger political-economy, social structure and resulting relations do, in actuality play a significant part in opening opportunities or serving as constraints to the target population This makes assessments on the effects of NGO projects on the lives of intended beneficiaries delicate and problematical One possible solution would be to rely on the opinions of the 45 tribal youths contacted From their responses alone, all felt that the projects, whether directly or indirectly, did have an overall positive impact on their lives; even though none of the projects studied here carried out inclusive, participatory modes of development The same also applied to the three project-sites which had 196 dubious intentions; questionable dedication to the education and training of their targeted populations; and were exploitive in their practices Nonetheless, given the relatively affirmative consequences and reviews by the youths, this prompts one to question the importance of participation 6.3 Participation – Does it make a Difference? Within a project framework, active participation is a tool for improving the functionality of development initiatives Indeed, from the descriptions and analysis on the project-cycles presented in Chapters Four, inclusive participation could have, at least on a rhetorical level, been favorable and constructive in meeting the officially stated goals of the PrakHaReTai Center, the Youth Hilltribe Girls’ Sewing Project, the Agricultural Project, and the Maurice Joly Nursery and Training Center This is because embracing the opinions and views of intended beneficiaries in identifying their needs and priorities, planning, implementation, and evaluating the different service-oriented projects would have empowered them to constantly monitor, provide feedback and make recommendations on how to improve or change the structure and content of the four project-sites, according to their needs and expectations Thus, participation would have provided the youths with the opportunity to receive a higher quality of education and/or vocational training and avoided having to work, or at least work for fewer hours This is evident from the insightful inputs and viable recommendations shared by the hilltribe youths in Chapter Four Also, as seen at Maurice Joly Nursery and Training Center, partnerships forged to combat undesirable circumstances were not only feasible and helpful in “making the best of a horrible situation” at the project-level, but as “Ja” had remarked, sharing her views and making them count also boosted her self-esteem and confidence Certainly, while it is undeniable that greater participation would have improved the efficiency of projects in meeting the educational and training needs of the tribal youths; the effectiveness of projects in improving the lives of tribal youths thereafter, may not be 197 comprehensively achieved as long as their strategic needs are not met This is because, as established earlier, the economic, material and social well-being of intended beneficiaries is not determined exclusively by the nature of participation within development projects, but is largely dependent on the external political, economic and social environment More specifically, the political-economy surrounding hilltribe development in Thailand, punctuated by the prevailing discriminatory policies and cultural attitudes on ethnicity, class, and gender held by the Thai polity, to a large extent, had delimited the progress and development of the highlanders By the same token, the non-project domain had also availed opportunities to the tribal youths This is most apparent for youths from the Maurice Joly Nursery and Training Center and the PrakHaReTai Center, who admittedly received some benefits from taking part in the projects, albeit not explicitly Hence, “NGO interventions represent only one among the number of influences on the lives of the poor” (Riddell & Robinson 1995:52) Uphoff (1995) had also termed this as “second- and third-order effects”, where a whole series of forces and actors come together to affect development and social change Therefore, participation can make a substantial difference in enhancing the performance of NGOs within a project framework However, as far as improving the lives of project participants is concerned, this greatly depends on the terms and conditions of their participation in the wider political, economic, social and developmental terrain 6.4 Possibilities for Participatory Research & Development In attempting to assess the degree to which the form of participation employed by NGOs in Northern Thailand influence the economic, social and cultural statuses of intended beneficiaries, this thesis did meet with various limitations At the same time, it had also encountered dilemmas in the practice of participation Hence, this final section would identify other potential areas of research and make suggestions which may resolve the problems with participatory development 198 With regards to possibilities in research, especially for those seeking to evaluate NGOs and participation, a wider sample of projects, primary and secondary stakeholders who could participate in research over a longer duration would undoubtedly offer deeper and broader perspectives into participatory procedures This would also give a sense of longer-term effects of projects on intended beneficiaries Other than that, organizing control group would also supplement assessments on the impact of projects In this case, it would have been useful to contact hilltribe youths, or even Thai youths, who were working in Muang Chiang Mai, but had not attended any development programs Embarking on comparative studies exploring statedirected and non-religious agencies or projects that focus on other economic and social development activities would also add value to existing literature In particular, inquiries into ‘successful’ projects engaging in participation would most certainly provide invaluable insights and helpful pointers to organizations pursuing an alternative, participatory development paradigm In the meantime, NGOs can and should continue to work towards the ideal conceptualization of participation within their development initiatives By revolving their activities around the principles of equality and inclusion, their target population would be positioned and empowered to influence and share control over development initiatives decisions and resources (World Bank, 1994) Henceforth, with this decentralization and devolution of power, the evolving needs and interests of the intended beneficiaries would be addressed more efficiently However, given the significance of the larger political, economic and social structures and relations beyond the project, it is critical to change the terms and conditions by which the primary stakeholders participate in development as well Of course, this is easier said than done Nonetheless, one possibility is for NGOs to convince and encourage a wider circle of secondary stakeholders to be committed and oriented towards the democratic and egalitarian participation of their partners at the grassroots levels This could entail diversifying focus from individual aspects of development (Brohman 1996: 273), establishing joint co-operations with other non-state 199 developmental or even political organizations that desire similar ends Alternatively, NGOs could ‘scale-up’ their activities by building macro-micro linkages to affect development i.e strengthen their intermediary position in the ‘third sector’ i.e to organize the grassroots; and thereafter, build bridges between the government and the people to negotiate for unfavorable policies to be revised, aid to be redistributed in favor of the poor, the status quo be modified, oppressive structures to be altered etc so as to transform the environment NGOs operate in, and where their target population work and live in What has been suggested here is what ‘true’ participation is essentially about, as seen in Section 1.3 Lamentably, this radical edge of participatory development had been overlooked and reduced to a system of procedures and techniques to be deployed and confined within a project framework In lieu of this ‘taming’ of participation, Cleaver (2002) puts forth this challenge, “…focus needs to be expanded away from the nuts and bolts of implementing participatory development projects in order to consider the wider dynamics of economic and social change” (Cleaver 2002:237) To all intents and purposes, this would raise the ability and capacity of NGOs to make a greater difference in bringing about development and “well-being for all” (Chambers 1997:9) ℵℵℵ 200 E N D N O T E S Chapter One i These included the public goods theory or performance failure theory, first offered by Weisbrod & Lee (1977) who proposed that NGOs arose to meet residual demand for public goods that had been insufficiently provided by the state and the market This theory assumes that the state provides public goods up to a level which satisfies the median voter Thus, where majority support is lacking and minority group demands for a specific good that is inadequately provided for by public authorities, NGOs occupy the gap which did not fall within the purview of the government Another popular hypothesis was the contract failure theory postulated by Nelson & Krashinsky (1973) who claimed that NGOs arise where ordinary contractual mechanisms not provide consumers with adequate means to police providers It suggested that where contractual mechanisms fail to provide the public adequate means to assess the service firms produce, this lack of information control urges the rise of NGOs The public seeks alternative arrangements and is presumed to place their trust in non-profit organizations more than they in commercial firms, because the former is seen to have fewer incentives to take advantage of consumer ignorance ii It should be noted that local knowledge is revived and merged to modified mainstream conceptions without rejecting it as a whole This is to ensure that endogenous wisdom is supplemented in certain respects, so as to make them more suitable and applicable to the local contexts (Agrawal, 1995; Alatas, 1993; Martinussen 1997:291) iii I made four trips to Chiang Mai with two brief stopovers at Bangkok in February (exploratory research), June to July and November 2001 to December 2002 My final visit to the north was conducted in June 2002 The core reason why fieldwork was broken up into multiple periods was because I wanted to gather data on the hilltribe youths when they were participating in the projects as well as find out what happened to them when they left i.e assess the effects and impact of project participation However, given that research in Thailand was self-funded, there were limitations to financial resources, and thus, it was prudent to return home This was particularly so when I realized that there was no end to visiting the seemingly infinite number of hilltribe communities scattered throughout the north This move was compounded by the observation that there were general patterns emerging in the responses of my informants which met my research objectives iv While Amphur means district, Muang is loosely used to refer to metropolitan areas where the population densities are mid-ranged This is compared to Nakhon, where population densities are higher, such as in Central Bangkok v The only solution I could think of at the time was to seek the cooperation of participants to leave word with various NGO staff workers on what they would be doing and where they would be, so that I would be able to contact them While most of the youths did so, it was difficult to get hold of them thereafter, since majority of them returned home and I was neither able to contact them through telephone nor visit them, given the limitation of time and financial resources Chapter Two vi From 1874 to 1890, the newly appointed commissioners contributed to the increased centralization and control by diminishing the considerable autonomy of the provinces and tributary states They would serve a dual function in the provision of military leadership from the center as well as instigating divisiveness in provincial politics Hence, this ‘divide and rule’ approach maneuvered the rural population to be subservient to the original controlling group, the Commissioners and ultimately Bangkok In other cases, particularly in the north and south, Commissioners were given special powers to arrest the princes if they were viewed as uncooperative or they were able to veto decisions made by the princes Hence, legislative and judicial powers of previous nobles were subsumed under the centralized power in Bangkok (London 1980:70-84) vii Several reasons were delivered for the coup of 1932 These included the inability of the bureaucratic system, run by the monarchy and bureaucrats, to cope with the internal and external pressures that Thailand faced e.g global economic depression, declines in foreign trade, high unemployment, retrenchment of 201 newly appointed bureaucrats, blocking of bureaucrats’ expectations of mobility etc (Riggs, 1966; Jacobs, 1971; Jumbala, 1974:535 c.f London 1980:50) viii During this period, Thailand received over US$900 million in bilateral aid and loans, while military expenditure exceeded US$1,100 million (Hewison 1989:31) ix For instance, in 1960, the Promotional Investment Act B.E 2503 guaranteed that private enterprises would neither compete with the government nor be nationalized It allowed for the conditional repatriation of profits, the right to land ownership, some duty import exemptions, a two-year income tax holiday and additional benefits In 1962, revisions to this Act were made to include duty and business exemptions on all imported capital goods and raw materials, a five-year tax holiday, wider opportunities for profit repatriations and other promotional privileges (Hewison 1989:40) x For instance, with emphasis on industrialization, Sarit’s administration curtailed all forms of organized labor and unions as well as banned strikes that demanded higher wages or better working conditions to improve the general welfare of workers, since these would dampen the conditions necessary to attract private capital investments and enterprises In fact, from 1962 to 1976, with the increasing awareness and disdain towards the nonchalant attitudes of the political and economic elites, rural farmers, waged laborers and petty commodity producers rallied for reforms However, government forces were callous in suppressing these regular and explosive episodes of class struggle, where mass protests resulted in bloodshed and imprisonment for leaders xi http://www.un.or.th/Thailand_Info/Economy /economy.html xii The Central Plain in rich in alluvial soils, flat terrain and good water supply to enhance the productivity of rice cultivation Moreover, with its close proximity to Bangkok, access to markets and trade has made the Central Region the most prosperous in Thailand The South is rich in mineral deposits, engages in rubber plantations, strewn with fisheries and is a choice location for tourists It enjoys abundant rainfall and a tropical climate, but due to unsuitable soils and topography, rice production may not be compared to that in the Central Region Meanwhile, steep slopes and valleys make up the Northern Region, allowing for reasonable agriculture, especially with well-managed irrigation systems and fair weather Lastly, the Northeastern Region of Thailand hosts the poorest of Thailand, with infertile soils, droughts and flooding at different periods of the year (Parnwell & Arghiros 1996:5) xiii Thailand had most commonly been divided into four Regions i.e the Central, North, Northeast and South This classification had also been used to illustrate the spatial dimensions of inequality xiv The reasons for the inability to establish more democratic systems of self-governance by local administrative bodies and subsequently the rural populace included the prevalence of patron-client relationships in the rural socio-political landscape, as well as the unwillingness of local leaders to veto decisions filtered downwards to them, since they may be labeled as non-conformists and compromise the economic and political interests of their constituencies xv The 1997 constitution provided fundamental philosophical and legislative frameworks for the rights to development at both the individual and community levels (http://www.undp.th) xvi For Thailand, the official poverty line translates into income below 882 Baht per person per month for 2000, which is different from the common and globally used ‘one dollar a day’ poverty line (World Bank, Thailand Social Monitor, 2001 i.e http://www.worldbank.or.th) xvii Income proportion of households of the top 20% had been rising continuously, while the bottom quintile continued to fall, thus widening the gap between the two groups from 12.2 to 15.8 times in 1988 to 1993 respectively On the regional basis, income of people in the northeast was 10.2 times lower than those in Bangkok in 1991 This gap widened to 11.2 times in 1993 and rose further to 11.9 times in 1994 (NESDB, 1997) xviii http://www.nesdb.go.th xix http://www.nso.go.th/eng/stat/subject/tocll.xls xx http://www.nso.go.th/eng/stat/subject/tocll.xls xxi http:www.or.th/bothomepage/databank/RegionEcon/northern/public/Econ/ch6/To6o3.xls xxii http://www.nesdb.go.th xxiii http://www.nesdb.go.th xxiv http://www.hani.akha.org/mpcd/hani-akha/Development.html xxv http://www.hani.akha.org/mpcd/hani-akha/Development.html xxvi The Assembly of Tribal and Indigenous Peoples was linked to the Assembly of Poor Northern Thai farmers, which was supported by the Thaksin administration 202 xxvii http://www.forest.go.th/default_e.asp With rampant soil erosion and pollution to the watershed, the incidence of risk involving massive landslides had been raised, such as that of which took place in Nakhon Si Thammarat in 1998 which killed 250 people xxix The Seventh Five-Year (1992-96) reiterated, “These hilltribes people whose number constantly increases, have as a main occupation the growing of poppies, subsistence farming and hunting Although a hardworking people, the hilltribes people cannot manage to earn enough for their own living as farming in infertile elevated areas tends to produce low yields Moreover, these people still use traditional methods in agriculture which rapidly cause deterioration in soil quality These tribes, being therefore constantly on the move to find new farm land, destroy natural resources and the environment in the process” (http://www.nesdb.go.th) xxx Due to the clandestine nature, inconsistent definitions and unstated methodologies involved in collecting data on prostitution in Thailand, reliable and up-to-date statistics on the number of tribal women entering into prostitution in Thailand is difficult to obtain Nonetheless, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) estimated that more than 10% of sex workers in Thailand were composed of tribal women xxxi http://www.forcedmigration.org/guides/fmo012/ xxxii http://www.nesdb.go.th xxxiii http://www/chmai.com/tribal/ xxviii Chapter Three xxxiv http://cbct.org/cchd/Secretariat%20Office.html http://cbct.org/cchd/Secretariat%20Office.html xxxvi http:www.cbct.org/cchd/Bishop%Map.html xxxvii http://eapi.admu.ph/eapr003/thailand.htm xxxviii The National Education Scheme in Thailand had undergone several changes in its system, but the Education Act of 1978 finally determined the present structure of the Thai educational system as six-threethree-four i.e six years for elementary, three years for lower secondary, another three years for upper secondary and a minimum of four years of higher education xxxv Chapter Five xxxix As explained earlier, none of the youths from the Youth Hilltribe Girls’ Sewing Project and the Agricultural Project were contactable, but Sister “Bene” did inform me that as far as she knew, all the youths returned home In her opinion, the two projects did little to change or impact the lives of its intended beneficiaries xl Income per capita for the Northern Region was tabulated at 2,822 baht and for Changwat Chiang Mai, it was 3,179 baht (NSO 2001:123) xli www.fao.org/DOCREP/004/AC383E/ac383e04.htm 203 ... because “Nong” was the daughter of a prominent and evidently influential government official and businessman in northern Thailand In fact, her father helped and advised us in planning some of our... their participation in developmental processes of Thailand Therefore, in making sense of the development and underdevelopment of the chao khao, the various developmental theories described in Section... thereafter, explores development of the hilltribes of Northern Thailand 2.1 Overview of Thai Development 2.1.1 The Birth & Rise of Capitalist Development In 1939, Siam changed its name to Thailand, where