Through philosophical and sociopolitical lenses clearly a study on mid ming intellectual, cai qing 4

Introduction Cai Qing 蔡清, a mid-Ming (I have defined mid-Ming as from 1458 to 1548) intellectual who appeared in the Records of the Ming Scholars (Mingru Xue’an 明儒學 案) as a Neo-Confucian whose commentaries on Sishu (Sishu Mengyin 四書蒙引) and Yijing (Yijing Mengyin 易經蒙引); together with his disciples Chen Chen‟s 陈琛 (1477-1545) and Lin Xiyuan‟s 林希元 (ca. 1480-ca. 1569) commentaries on Sishu— Sishu Qianshu 四書淺説 and Sishu Cunyi 四書存疑 respectively, were very popular among examination candidates throughout most of the sixteenth century until late 1620s. As commentaries on Sishu constituted the most important part of the civil service examinations, virtually all students would read these examination aids. 1 According to Huang Zongxi 黃宗羲 (1610-95), the abovementioned commentaries were still studied extensively during his times. 2 Huang classified Cai Qing as an adherent of both Lu Jiuyuan‟s 陸九淵 (1139-93) and the latter‟s most outstanding disciple, Yang Jian 楊簡 (1141-1226). One of the reasons Huang gave was that a large part of Cai Qing‟s teachings was preoccupied with cultivation of one‟s morals (de 德) and nature (xing 性 ). 3 Modern scholars in most cases carry out philosophical interpretations on Cai Qing‟s ideas. Of the more detailed studies on Cai Qing out of the already scarce works that I manage to come across, all of them, interestingly, either regard him as a staunch advocate of Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130-1200) and that of the Cheng Chow Kai-wing, “Writing for Success: Printing, Examinations, and Intellectual Changes in Late Ming China,” Late Imperial China, 17 (1996), 130-3. 2 Huang Zongxi 黃宗羲, Mingru Xue’an 明儒學案, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文 淵閣四庫全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 48.14. 3 Ibid., 48.16-7. 1 1 brothers—Chenghao 程顥 (1032-1085) and Chengyi 程頤 (1033-1107)—or one who expanded Zhu Xi‟s thoughts, while at the same time, came up with breakthroughs in the interpretation of philosophical ideas such as qi 氣 and Li 理, thereby enriching the contents of major philosophical elements. 4 Scholar Zhao Haifeng even concludes that Cai Qing is an advocate of “feudalism (fengjian 封建).”5 I cannot help but feel that this understudied figure has regrettably been stereotyped. It baffles me that Cai Qing was classified as an advocate of Lu Jiuyuan‟s school of thought when apparently he had devoted his life to penning commentaries on Sishu and in most cases, advocated the books‟ teachings. Had the author of Mingru Xue’an, Huang Zongxi, classified Cai Qing as such because he was more sympathetic towards Lu Jiuyuan‟s teachings than Zhu Xi‟s teachings as both Huang himself and Lu were natives of Yaojiang 姚江? 6 As mentioned, in contemporary studies, Cai Qing is regarded as a philosopher of great stature and an influential expounder. The studies I come across are insightful but they have at the same time limited our vistas when his teachings are being confined to only philosophical interpretations. For this reason, a comprehensive study of his commentaries is conducted and it proves to be invigorating. Simply categorizing him as a “typical Ming philosopher” has blinded us to many latent Zhou Tianqing 周天庆, “Xujing Gongfu yu Ming Zhonghouqi de Rudao Jiaoshe—Yi Zhu Xi Houxue Cai Qing Weili” 虛靜功夫與明中後期的儒道交涉—以朱熹後學蔡清爲例, Dongnan Xuashu 東南學術, no. 6 (2008), 93-9. Xiang Shiling 向世陵, “Cai Qing‟s Development and Expansion from Zhu Xi‟s Original meaning of the Zhouyi—Taking his Annotations of Two Idioms as Case Studies” 蔡清對朱熹《本義》的折中修正—以“保合 太和”與“繼善成性”的註解為例, Zhouyi Yanjiu 周易研究, no. 2 (2009), 54-9. Zhao Haifeng 趙海峰, “On the Study of Cai Qing's Philosophy Thought” 蔡清哲學思想研究, (MA thesis, Xiangtan University, 2009). Zhu Bokun 朱伯崑, Yixue Zhexue Shi 易學哲學史 (Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe, 1994), 106-37. 5 Zhao Haifeng, “On the Study of Cai Qing‟s Philosophy Thought,” 32. 6 This observation was mentioned in the prologue by Qing Scholars in Mingru Xue’an. See Mingru Xue’an, 2. 4 2 historical facts. By contextualizing his ideas, I discover that Cai Qing was in fact, very concerned about practical issues. A significant part of his teachings were no doubt about self-cultivation. But by reading them in accordance with his thoughts on practical issues, I realize that imbedded in his so-called “concerns on moral issues” were views on governance. He definitely had a mind of his own when it came to the roles the clan (family), state and universe could play. Before I go into how from an intellectual historical perspective can aid us in understanding Cai Qing better, I would like to do a review of how scholars have understood some relevant issues about Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism so that we will be better able to see where Cai Qing, as my case study, can be situated and be useful in enhancing (even rectifying) our understanding of Neo-Confucianism in Ming history. Literature Review China‟s intellectual revolution from around 1917 to 1923, the rise of Chinese Communism and the retreat of the Nationalists to Taiwan constituted important watersheds in the development of Chinese intellectual history. During the May Fourth Movement, scholars in Mainland China were faced with attacks on Confucianism. They were confronted by impacts of Western modernization in political and social areas as well as in science and technology. In response to these impacts, some scholars endeavored to promote Chinese culture with Confucianism as its core. 7 The cultural movements in the 1950s and thereafter also saw their roots in the May Fourth Movement. Among these scholars, there were the traditionalists who rejected Western thought; there were also the neo-traditionalists who opposed wholesale westernization but were in favor of using western ideas to support Chinese culture. They chose to Tan Sor-hoon, “Contemporary Neo-Confucian Philosophy” in History of Chinese Philosophy, Bo Mou, ed. (New York: Routledge, 2009), 539-40. 7 3 adopt an eclectic approach. 8 These scholars were collectively known as New Confucians, or Xinrujia 新儒家. 9 How was Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism understood by some influential New Confucians? Qian Mu 錢穆 held that Ming intellectual trend was basically a continuation of Song Neo-Confucianism but the former lacked the creativity and profundity so pronounced in the preceding dynasty. Ming intellectuals were neither “broad-minded” nor “conscientious” in their philosophical endeavors and all they were preoccupied with were discussing about the dissention between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan. 10 Qian Mu saw the period before Wang Yangming 王陽明 (1472-1529), which he termed as the early period, as a time when “germination [of ideas] [was] taking place under a blanket of snow,” implying that the thoughts then were simplistic, lacking of luster as well as substance.11 He maintained that it was a side effect that had been caused by Yuan dynasty—a period of “foreign rule.”12 Under this foreign regime, China plunged in its cultural development and experienced a period of deteriorating governance. 13 It therefore took China some time, “until the appearance of Wang Shouren (Wang Yangming) that learning of the Ming shone with brilliance,” he commented, referring to the period in question as mid-Ming.14 As for the intellectuals who came after Wang, Qian Mu perceived that they were much influenced by the former. The importance that he attributed to Wang Yangming is apparent. First, Wang was used as a temporal division of Ming intellectual development. Second, Wang was taken to be the sole Warren Tozer, “Taiwan‟s „Cultural Renaissance‟: A Preliminary View,” The China Quarterly, no.43 (Jul.-Sep., 1970), 87-8. 9 Tan Sor-hoon, “Contemporary Neo-Confucian Philosophy,” 539. 10 Qian Mu 錢穆, Song Ming Lixue Gaishu 宋明理學概述 (Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1994), 235. 11 Ibid., 286. 12 Qian Mu 錢穆, Guoshi Dagang 囯史大綱 (Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1992), 7. 13 Ibid., 496. 14 Qian Mu 錢穆, Song Ming Lixue Gaishu, 286. 8 4 intellectual representative of the entire Ming dynasty that actually lasted for nearly three centuries.15 Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism was simplified into the dominance of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan in Song and Wang Yangming in Ming. 16 The contents of Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism was also being simplified (unfortunately) by Feng Youlan‟s 馮 友 蘭 studies when diversities in the two dynasties were farther narrowed down into two “sects (pai 派 )”—one being preoccupied with the learning of Li (lixue 理學) and the other, the learning of xin (xinxue 心學). Feng believed this phenomenon had already budded in the teachings of the Cheng brothers and subsequently reached its maturity in Ming. Cheng Hao was deemed as the pioneer of xinxue while Cheng Yi, that of lixue. Feng then commented that the latter‟s teachings attained the heights of development thanks to Zhu Xi.17 As for the successor to xinxue, Feng attributed implicitly to Zhu‟s contemporary Lu Jiuyuan when he brought to our attention that Lu‟s teachings were “although different from Yichuan 伊川 (who was Cheng Yi), is similar to that of Mingdao 明道 (who was Cheng Hao),”18 Yang Jian was to be the next prominent advocate of Lu‟s teachings 19 and in Ming, Wang Yangming became the key figure to the furtherance of xinxue. Feng‟s perspective of the line of transmission of Confucian teachings (ruxue 儒學) from Northern Song to Southern Song and to Ming had deep impact on other scholars.20 15 Ibid., 235. Ibid., 235-6. 17 Feng Youlan 馮友蘭, Zhongguo Zhexue Shi Vol. 2 中國哲學史（下） (Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 2002), 280-1. 18 Ibid., 274. 19 Ibid., 281. 20 Ibid., De Bary draws our attention to this phenomenon too in his discussion. See William Theodore de Bary, The Message of the Mind in Neo-Confucianism (New York: Columbia University Press, c1989), 286. 16 5 The bifurcation of Neo-Confucianism into what is now commonly understood as “sageliness-within (neisheng 内聖)” and “kingliness-without (waiwang 外王)”—a notion widely accepted by many scholars, finds a vestige from Mou Zongsan‟s 牟宗三 ideas of “inner cultivation (neizai yilu 内在義路)” and “enquiries and learning of Dao (daowen xue 道問學).” He elaborated that Lu Jiuyuan‟s teachings had encouraged a theoretical introverted self-cultivating process which he coined as “neisheng” but alas, it was difficult to be actualized by men. Zhu Xi, on the other hand, established relatively easy rules for others to follow to better themselves. These rules differed from those of Lu in the sense that they targeted on extroverted learning. The emphasis was on “learning (weixue 為學).” Finally, it was Wang Yangming who established the rules of which the emphasis was on the self-cultivation of Dao (weidao 為道), or the study of one‟s heart-mind and nature (xinxing 心性), that others could grasp easily. The study of xinxing (xinxing zhixue 心性之學) therefore experienced its inception, development and culmination under the Lu-Wang system.21 So far, we observe how some New Confucians interpreted Song-Ming NeoConfucianism when only metaphysical aspect was being emphasised—a way of interpretation which contemporary historian Yu Yingshi describes as “separating daoti 道体 form daoxue 道學” where daoxue is “the most creative part of Song NeoConfucianism” and daoti is “the most metaphysical part of daoxue.”22 The humanistic and moral aspects of Neo-Confucianism became the foci of their studies. In the late Mou Zongsan 牟宗三, Songming Lixue de Wenti yu Fazhan 宋明理學的問題與發展 (Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 2003), 238-9. 22 Yu Yingshi 余英時, Zhu Xi de Lishi Shijie—Songdai Shidafu Zhengzhi Wenhua Yanjiu Vol. 1 朱熹的歷史世界（上）—宋代士大夫政治文化的研究 (Taipei: Yunchen wenhua, 2003), 33. 21 6 1950s, a group of scholars including Tang Junyi 唐君毅, Mou Zongsan and Xu Fuguan 徐復觀 led by Carsun Chang 張君勱 published an article titled “A Manifesto for a Re-appraisal of Sinology and Reconstruction of Chinese culture.” They expressed their concern over the shortcomings of contemporary approaches (mainly of the West) to sinology. They believed that “„xin-xin‟ (concentration of mind on an exhaustive study of the nature of the universe), which is a study of the basis of ethics” was “the nucleus of Chinese thought” and “the source of all theories of the „conformity of heaven and man in virtue‟.” They deemed that Song and Ming had encouraged the development of “xin-xin” which they understood as Chinese Rationalism, allowing it to reach its apex and become “the highest intellectual achievement.” 23 This treasure of Chinese culture had unfortunately been ignored when Qing dynasty deprecated SongMing Confucianism because of the former‟s emphasis on textual criticism. These scholars saw Ming intellectuals principally stressing the cultivation of the heart-mind, which was a practice different from their Song predecessors who were much more critical in nature. In Carsun Chang‟s words, Ming intellectuals were “extra-logical and over-speculative (both italics are mine).” 24 These New Confucians equated morals to concepts and ideas, both from which historical events stemmed. Their aim was to highlight the “modern” aspect and advanced characteristics in Chinese thought to prove that Neo-Confucianism was neither backward nor obsolete. The study of Confucianism then became a highly metaphysical journey as it was believed that cconcepts and ideas (moral principles) were the means to understand the history of China. 23 Carsun Chang, The Development of Neo-Confucian Thought Vol. 2 (New York: Bookman Associates, 1962), 461. 24 Ibid., 15-29. 7 The concerted effort of these scholars who tried to promote Chinese culture with Confucianism as its core was actually a response to Marxism-Leninism that had penetrated China. Advocates of Marxism-Leninism including Hou Wailu 侯外廬, Qiu Hansheng 邱 漢 生 and Zhang Qizhi 張 豈 之 believed strongly in science and materialism, and found Confucian teachings to be backward, encouraging conformity and authoritarianism. These scholars maintained that there is a need to review Chinese history and reconstruct it form a “scientific approach” to demonstrate the position and effects of Neo-Confucianism. Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism was portrayed by them as a governing tool of which the strength reached its apex in Ming—a period they termed as late feudal China.25 The discussions and commentaries of the classics by Neo-Confucians were intellectual straitjackets aimed to indoctrinate the people. Hierarchy issues such as respect for parents and elder brothers as well as transmission between teachers and students were all “trash of feudalism.” 26 Early-Ming succumbed to the mental clutches of Zhu Xi‟s teachings while mid-Ming was dominated by those of Wang Yangming. These scholars rendered Neo-Confucianism as a polluted political ideology poisoning the people, women and young people. To advocates of this ideology, science could solve all problems.27 There are modern scholars who are less critical of Neo-Confucianism as they have taken a more objective perspective. They have observed that the teachings of Neo-Confucianism were not intended to serve as straitjackets or inordinateness to the masses. For instance, when Chen Lai 陳來 discusses how Neo-Confucianism teachings educated the people to suppress certain human desires in order to meet social moral Hou Wailu 侯外廬, et al., preface and introduction to Song Ming Lixue Shi Vol. 1 宋明理學 史 (上) (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1982). 5-24. 26 Ibid., 21. 27 Ibid., 1-24. 25 8 standards, he justly highlights to readers that when Zhu Xi encouraged man to eradicate their desires for the benefits of the society, he did not refer to all sorts of basic human desires but to those selfish ones.28 When Chen labels Zhu Xi‟s ideals as conservative (fengjian 封建) that brought about suppression to individuals, I find it hard to concur with him. A discussion on this issue is too immense for this paper. I would still like to bring to attention an aspect that Chen‟s discussion has failed to clarify and which is related to the paper in general. By using the term “collective” in his discussion on how Neo-Confucianism encouraged the masses to adhere to “social needs,” I think Chen fails to realize that Neo-Confucianism as interpreted by different schools was itself not an unanimous or universal ideology. The phrase “collective social needs” denotes a perspective too general. My paper will enhance understanding in this area by detailing what “social” means to our Neo-Confucian protagonist—Cai Qing. It becomes clearer now that most of the past approaches to the study of NeoConfucianism in Mainland China bore much political burden. The humanistic, conservative, authoritarian and modern aspects were disproportionately emphasized by different groups of scholars. Neo-Confucianism in Ming was then understood as shallow, empty and lacked of creativity as Ming scholars were over-zealous about metaphysical issues; an indoctrinating tool of which the strength culminated in Ming; being demarcated into the learning of Li and that of xin by two principal schools of transmission—Cheng-Zhu and Lu-Wang respectively. The abovementioned perspectives are share by some modern scholars from Mainland China too. Zhang Liwen 張立文 believes that Neo-Confucianism was a Chen Lai 陳來, Song Ming Lixue 宋明理學 (Shanghai: Huadong shifandaxue chubanshe, 2003). 142-4. 28 9 doctrine developed by the society in Imperial China which was characterized by segregation (dengji shehui 等級社會) so as to fortify the authority of the emperor in a centralized bureaucratic system. 29 Zhang describes that the teachings of Zhu Xi, in particular the “three cardinal guides and five constant virtues” (sangang wuchang 三綱 五常), served the purpose of establishing a human network with the emperor as the ultimate power to be obeyed. Subsequently, the typical family network in which the father was the head of the family when magnified would develop into a political network where the emperor would be the father figure of the state.30 Another modern scholar Zhang Xuezhi 張學智 likewise agrees that only a topdown administration had existed ever since Qin dynasty unified China. By examining Neo-Confucianism through only a philosophical lens, Zhang‟s studies have ignored subtleties that existed in different locales. He believes that the sole duty of local officials was to administer locales on behalf of the emperor who was the highest authority. China‟s administration has thus been simplistically dissected into the “official” and “commoners” arenas.31 When he uses the terms “sageliness-within” and “kingliness-without”—both of which I have discussed previously—in his elucidations, it becomes all the more apparent that Neo-Confucians‟ concerns in his understanding was for most of the time, if not all, to carry out administration duties on a national scale.32 We cannot deny the contributions of philosophical discussions to our standing of metaphysical aspects of Neo-Confucianism. However, neglecting social differences in the vast imperial China leads us to conclude erroneously that ideals and concerns of Zhang Liwen 張立文, Zhu Xi Sixiang Yanjiu, 朱熹思想研究 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui chubanshe, 1994). 96-8. 30 Ibid., 468-9. 31 Zhang Xuezhi 張學智, Xinxue Lunji, 心學論集 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui chubanshe, 2006). 31-40. 32 Ibid., 48-9. 29 10 Neo-Confucians (Zhang Xuezhi has conveniently lumped Confucians from all periods of China together) were universal, or “paradigmatic,” as how Zhang has coined them, and that Neo-Confucianism served to consolidate all powers in the hands of emperors. My thesis will show that not all Neo-Confucians were only preoccupied with metaphysical achievements such as attaining moral perfection. Neo-Confucianism was propagated with the people‟s interests as its core value. Some scholars saw Neo-Confucianism in very different light. Using Wang Yangming as the main example of her studies, the late Julia Ching maintained that Ming was neither a period of intellectual trough nor classics regurgitation, and the more these claims were true with the rise of Wang‟s teachings. She was empathetic towards the political condition Ming Neo-Confucians were wrestling with. Many intellectuals refused to serve in the officialdom or even take the civil service examinations because they did not want to compromise their convictions and characters to the despotic nature of the government. Examinations then encouraged only meaningless rote learning. 33 They chose instead to spend their lives in semiretirement, devoting their time to moral cultivation to attain self-perfection.34 It was not as what Qing scholars had said that Ming intellectuals had had been interested only in speculation and not practical affairs because of the influence of Wang Yangming and his disciples. A big bulk of Ching‟s study was consecrated to analyze Wang Yangming‟s philosophy which she understood as not concurring with the official Confucian ideal of Cheng-Chu school of thought then.35 Her understanding of Ming thought was less politically inclined and empathetic. 33 Julia Ching, To Acquire Wisdom: The Way of Wang Yangming (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), xxi-xxii. 34 Ibid. 35 Ibid., 21. 11 De Bary also points out that Ming has been mistaken as a lifeless period in intellectual endeavors. Ming has also been disparaged when to scholars, no other intellectuals but only Wang Yangming was regarded as an independent thinker. Ming has been seen as an “unfavorable” period in Chinese history. 36 Huang Zongxi was the very rare one, if not the only scholar, who saw the contributions of Ming NeoConfucians. De Bary is for the view that there existed creativity, diversity and individualism in Ming thought. He is not convinced by Mainland Chinese scholars simplifying or stereotyping Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism into the so-called lixue and xinxue.37 The “stress on the mind appears very early in Ming thought and reflects the Cheng-Chu inheritance from the Sung and Yuan…the general trend of Ming thought is from introversion to extroversion; from the metaphysical speculation and contemplative character of Sung thought to the more practical concerns of Ming.” 38 He contends that xinxue was just as important, if not more important than lixue, and was all the while present in the thoughts of Cheng Yi, Zhu Xi and their disciples as well as in fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. De Bary even shows reservations about whether there was indeed an emphasis on learning of the principle (lixue) in the mind. He denies the existence of any animosity between “Cheng-Zhu” and “Lu-Wang” schools.39 De Bary‟s stance shows that Southern Song Neo-Confucians placed metaphysical and self-cultivation issues above other concerns. Ming thought, however, departed from that of Song and according to him, there was “a decline in rationalistic metaphysics in favor of personal experience of the truth in practice…„quiet-sitting,‟ 36 William Theodore de Bary, introduction to Self and Society in Ming Thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 1-28. 37 William. Theodore de Bary, “A Reappraisal of Neo-Confucianism,” in Studies in Chinese Thought, Arthur F. Wright, ed. 82-111. 38 William. Theodore de Bary, “The Ming Project and Ming Thought,” Ming studies 22 (Spring 1976), 22. 39 William Theodore de Bary, The Message of the Mind in Neo-Confucianism, 72-9. 12 interiority self-consciousness and individualism”; “increasing emphasis on the reality of the physical world and physical self, expressed philosophically in a monism of qi…”; “a return to the original essence of Confucianism, away from Song metaphysics and back to the personal example and teachings of Confucius.” 40 Contrasted with Northern Song Neo-Confucians, those in both Southern Song and Ming treated the question of the individual with an unprecedented level of interests. Such a perception of Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism was also reflected in the thoughts of de Bary‟s student—the late Edward Ch‟ien. As an historian of ideas, Ch‟ien deemed it acceptable to discuss philosophical ideas of Ming figures without going into questions on state policies as that was the job of institutional historians. 41 Ch‟ien maintained that an event does not become historical simply because it has occurred. It acquires its historical status from the fact that it has been recounted and it “constructs meaningful totalities out of scattered events in accordance with whatever point of view which the narrator may embrace.”42 Human beings are complex entities: one cannot judge an individual by what he thinks about himself so the view of the ancients as better informed than ourselves about the time they lay nearer to is erroneous. 43 Together, de Bary and Edward Ch‟ien represent the alleged Columbia School of intellectual history. 44 These philosophers and intellectual historians‟ common understanding of Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism can be summarized as they understanding NeoConfucians of Southern Song and Ming dedicating a large part of their life project to William Theodore de Bary, “The Ming Project and Ming Thought,” 22-3. Edward T Chi‟en, Chiao Hung and the Restructing of Neo-Confucianism in the Late Ming (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), 26. 42 Edward Ch‟ien, “Neither Structuralism nor Lovejoy‟s History of Ideas: A Disidentification with Professor Ying-Shih Yu‟s Review as a Dis-course,” Ming Studies 31 (1991), 58. 43 Ibid., 42-77. 44 Koh Khee Heong, “East of the River and Beyond: A Study of Xue Xuan (薛瑄, 1389-1464) and the Hedong School” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2006), 5. 40 41 13 the search for personal, spiritual repose, as if they had already forsworn the Confucian quest for active political engagements. As such, many scholars regarded Wang Yangming as the intellectual icon of Ming. It can also be a case where because the metaphysical aspect of Wang Yangming‟s philosophy has been disproportionately emphasized coupled with the fact that he is the only figure being given detailed study, these scholars arrived at the conclusion that Ming thought was speculative and metaphysical; that Wang Yangming‟s creativity brought about rationality, individualism and equality as what Shimade Kenji has also pinpointed. 45 Wang‟s philosophy was meant to realize man‟s sagehood and ethico-religious aim. 46 NeoConfucianism is understood to be a secularized religion. 47 The studies abovementioned are informative and give us much food for thought but unfortunately, they have neglected a large part of the influence that historical events had on history. It matters not to these scholars whether socio-political situations had influenced the actions of historical intellectual figures. In cases where they take into account such situations, those situations are not thoroughly examined besides having these scholars mentioning the despotic nature of Ming government and overpowering influence of the civil service examinations. The reasons why the thought of historical figures were accepted are not given thorough examination in relation to socio-political forces but are attributed to only what these scholars termed as philosophical insights and personal charisma accepted by Ming society. The lack of Gan Wanping 甘万萍, trans., preface to Zhongguo Jindai Siwei de Cuozhe 中國近代思維的 挫折 (Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 2008), 1-10. 46 Tu Wei-Ming, preface to Neo-Confucian Thought in Action—Wang Yang-ming’s Youth (1472-1509) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976). 47 De Bary points out that Max Weber thinks likewise. See introduction to de Bary and the Conference on Seventeenth-Century Chinese Thought, The Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), 3. 45 14 contextualization of evidence results in what Yu Yingshi understands as “speculation.” He sorely refutes such conclusions concerning Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism. Yu Yingshi contends that the vision of Song and Ming Neo-Confucians before the time of Wang Yangming had always been set on political achievements. Philosophers and intellectual historians have however chosen to neglect their political concerns and involvements. As a result, Neo-Confucianism of Southern Song to Ming has been understood to have developed into a doctrine merely about self-cultivation, and the sole preoccupation was to achieve “sageliness-within” (neisheng 内聖)—a term to describe the self-cultivation project of Neo-Confucians. He denounces the methodology employed by scholars who hold this view, criticizing that it is aspatial and atemporal. In a dialogue with Liu Shuxian 劉述先, Yu demonstrates that if one is to treat Neo-Confucianism as simply a thought preoccupied with metaphysical issues pertaining to the heart-mind and regarded the aim to achieve social order— “kingliness-without” (waiwang 外王)—as secondary, then there will be no difference between lixue and Buddhism or Daoism.48 This is contrary to the doctrines of steadfast Neo-Confucians. “Sageliness-within and kingliness-without” is an inseparable pair of Neo-Confucian values. They function in a continuum. Self-cultivation is therefore not an end but merely a means.49 The separation of these two is the undesirable result of philosophizing Neo-Confucianism.50 Yu Yingshi compares the political scenes of Song with Ming (using Wang Yangming as a focus) to accentuate his point. Song Neo-Confucians had the vision of garnering the support of rulers to restore Dao in the society—a term he coins as dejun Yu Yingshi 余英時, Song Ming Lixue yu Zhengzhi Wenhua 宋明理學與政治文化 (Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe 2006), 321. 49 Ibid., 323. 50 Ibid., 330. 48 15 xingdao 得君行道—unlike those of Ming. In Ming, due to the despotic nature of rulers and who also disregarded Confucian canonical values, Ming Neo-Confucians could only hope to achieve the prevalence of Dao though the support of the people by enlightening them—juemin xingdao 觉 民 行 道 . Mainland China scholar Ge Zhaoguang 葛 兆 光 shares ideas along those lines when he points out that the concerted effort of Neo-Confucians to legitimize the line of succession of Dao (daotong 道統) exhibited their ambition to keep a check on the power of rulers in succession (zhengtong 政統).51 The malicious separation of daotong and zhengtong resulted in a new form of governance that appeared in the 13th century. NeoConfucians by Ming times had renounced the quest to collaborate with rulers (particularly through guiding them, especially in the moral aspect). Yu shows that it was only during Wang‟s times that Neo-Confucianism tilted towards self-cultivation and detached itself from the politics.52 As such, the various interpretations of NeoConfucianism by contemporary intellectual historians and philosophers are flawed. Not only has Yu Yingshi refuted the adjudication of philosophers and intellectual historians, he also questions the observation by Robert P. Hymes, revealing the former‟s dubiety about localism. Robert M. Hartwell‟s studies, which are intended to rethink issues on social mobility, explicates in detail the different groups of elite which emerged as a result of economic, political and social changes, allowing us to see new forms of rising power and challenging us to think about developments in various regions in China.53 His studies are utilized by his student Hymes who takes instead a Ge Zhaoguang 葛兆光, Zhongguo Sixiangshi dierjuan 中國思想史第二卷 (Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2001), 246-9. 52 Yu Yingshi 余英時, Song Ming Lixue yu Zhengzhi Wenhua, 353. 53 Robert M. Hartwell, “Demographic, Political and Social Transformations of China, 7501550,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42, no. 2 (1984), 365-422. 51 16 local perspective and sees Song elite “in a local, as well as a national frame.” 54 Hymes comes to the conclusion that locality was growing in importance in elite social life and that there is a growing separation of elite from the state. Elite were spending more time at and making more contribution to locales where they resided. 55 There was a shift from a national strategy to a localist one. This phenomenon was especially distinct in Southern Song. Hymes then sums up his studies with the activities of two figures— Wang Anshi 王安石 (1021-1086) and Lu Jiuyuan, who are regarded as the virtual archetypes of Fuzhou 撫 州 elite. The former represented ambitious, successful bureaucrats in Northern Song who strove to reform society from the center; the latter represented occasional and irregular officeholders in Southern Song who spent much of their life at home or nearby, worked openly to influence the governing of home prefectures and participated actively in local projects.56 Yu does not agree with Hymes for using Wang Anshi and Lu Jiuyuan as the archetypes to demonstrate that the concern of literati had shifted from central orientated to providing local benefits such as building academies and community compacts et cetera, from Northern to Southern Song. He firmly believes that Southern Song literati, similar to those of Northern Song, wanted to bring order to the universe via the state apparatus. He argues that since Hymes‟ study has been conducted on a locale, trying to apply what is achieved by the limiting microhistory and be conclusive about macrohistory is “sure to expose his flaws.” Yu thinks it is “obvious that the author has not studied in detail the life of Lu Jiuyuan and does not know that Lu…was eager to „dejun xingdao’…[I]f not, the author will never be so audacious as to treat 54 Robert P. Hymes, introduction to Statesmen and Gentlemen—The Elite of Fu-chou, Chianghsi, in Northern and Southern Sung (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 4. 55 Robert P. Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, 111-4. 56 Ibid., 217-8. 17 Wang and Lu as any sort of „archtypes‟ [sic].” 57 This effectively means that he maintains that to Song Neo-Confucians, the support of rulers and the central authority was indispensible. Yu Yingshi has thus refuted two propositions. First, he believes that it was not until the “sudden enlightenment” of Wang Yangming at Longchang 龍場 that the ideal to promote Dao in the universe by rallying the support of the people (as contrasted with acquiring the support of rulers) or by grassroots effort emerged. A change in political vision did take place, but it took place during mid-Ming instead of Southern Song. Southern Song Neo-Confucians still upheld the national ideal of their predecessors of Northern Song.58 As such, the vision and concern of Song and midMing Neo-Confucians are bifurcated. Second, concerning history, Yu is not persuaded that localist strategy had already begun in Song. In fact, he might not even acknowledge the existence of localism. Hymes and Yu both agree on Neo-Confucians‟ grail to put the universe in order. The dissonance between them lies in determining Neo-Confucians‟ means to attain it—through state sponsorship or local effort. 59 Yu Yingshi‟s propositions are canvassed too by yet another intellectual historian—Peter K. Bol. Rather than using a political or solely philosophical perspective, Bol uses social history by which he is much influenced to analyze NeoConfucianism.60 Bol shows us the connections between Neo-Confucianism and social actions of Song-Yuan-Ming literati in his book Neo-Confucianism in History. The ingenious point about his studies is that it cautions us from being determinist and teleological. Instead of accepting (in a teleological way) the reasons why Neo57 Yu Yingshi, Song Ming Lixue yu Zhengzhi Wenhua, 334-5. Ibid., 335. 59 Robert P. Hymes, Statesmen and Gentlemen, 134-5. 60 Koh Khee Heong, Ong Chang Woei, review of Neo-Confucianism in History by Peter K. Bol “評包弼德《歷史上的理學》—兼論北美學界近五十年的宋明理學研究”, Xinshixue 新史學, 21 (2010), 231. 58 18 Confucianism would have been accepted as a result of social changes, he shows us how Neo-Confucians had thought about Dao that would have ultimately lead them to those socio-political ideals. 61 In his perspective, Neo-Confucianism was dependent on local effort as much as how local effort depended on Neo-Confucianism to perpetuate.62 The discussion on philosophy in the book seems like a continuation of Bol‟s older work This Culture of Ours: Intellectual Transitions in T’ang and Sung China. In this book, he maps changes in the life of literati to political context. 63 In essence, Bol demonstrates to us the relation between the demises of different social elements (great clans, civil-bureaucratic families and local elite) and monumental intellectual movements from Tang to Southern Song. 64 Benjamin A. Elman succinctly and aptly sums up Bol‟s project when he says that Bol sees “[t]he very shih who sought to save Confucian culture (si-wen, „This Culture of Ours‟) suffered through a crisis of faith in the viability of culture to ameliorate contemporary problems.” 65 Both books provide readers a perspective to evaluate how intellectual and cultural events could have shaped historical events. By the same token, Ordering the world: Approaches to State and Society in Sung Dynasty China edited by Hymes and Conrad Schirokauer tells us how the relationship between the state and the society turned out to be when political and institutional histories meet intellectual history (a methodology which Edward Ch‟ien chose not to employ). It shows us how Song statesmen and 61 Ibid. Peter K. Bol, Neo-Confucianism in History (Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2008). 63 Benjamin A. Elman, review of This Culture of Ours: Intellectual Transitions in T’ang and Sung China by Peter K. Bol. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55, No. 2 (Dec 1995), 522. 64 Peter K. Bol, This Culture of Ours: Intellectual Transitions in T’ang and Sung China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992). 65 Benjamin A. Elman, review of This Culture of Ours: Intellectual Transitions in T’ang and Sung China by Peter K. Bol., 522. 62 19 thinkers perceived the role of institutions in society.66 The authors, or most probably Hymes,67 observed that Southern Song elite thought and behaved more “locally” then those of Northern Song, suggesting therefore the emergence of a more conspicuous localist strategy. 68 Why Study Cai Qing? So far, most of the discussions that we have seen focus on Wang Yangming. It appears that the emergence of the turning point in Song-Ming history, be it for the better or worse, or simply just another revolutionary point, relied on the appearance of Wang Yangming. How about pre-Wang Yangming period? This study of Cai Qing, a figure before Wang Yangming‟s influence took the intellectual world by storm, will therefore be a supplement to our understanding of Ming. The incongruity that I see between Mingru Xue’an, contemporary studies of Cai Qing and the thoughts reflected in his own writings further stimulated me to conduct a research on him to satiate my intellectual curiosity. In addition, this mid-Ming intellectual figure has never been evaluated in a historical context. As an official (but who sometimes denounced the life of being in court), a literatus trained in the classics, teacher, and also one who spent a considerable amount of time in his hometown, is it fair for us to still perceive Cai Qing as one who displayed interests only in metaphysical issues such as Li, qi, xing and xu 虛? Will not his oeuvres tell us his other agendas and other aspects of Ming history? De Bary has rightly pointed out that one cardinal feature of Ming NeoConfucians‟ thought was the propagation of the unity of one with the universe. 69 My research proves that Cai Qing was indeed as such and I am going to go another step 66 Robert P. Hymes, Conrad Schirokauer, introduction to Ordering the World: Approaches to State and Society in Sung Dynasty China (Berkeley: University of California Press, c1993), 4. 67 Ong Chang Woei, introduction to Men of Letters Within the Passes: Guanzhong Literati in Chinese History, 907-1911 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), 15. 68 Robert P. Hymes, Conrad Schirokauer, introduction to Ordering the World, 4. 69 William Theodore de Bary, introduction to Self and Society in Ming Thought, 4. 20 further which brings us to the third reason for studying Cai Qing. The socio-political messages that can be inferred from his thought are worth to be studied, especially when his ideas on hierarchy issues prove not to be anything close to “feudal trash” but to “historical richness.” Last but not least, Cai Qing is able to answer many of my queries regarding the relationship between Neo-Confucianism and their concern for locales: Was it entirely because of the despotic nature of Ming government that had resulted in Neo-Confucians‟ decision to embark on a self-perfection journey like what Julia Ching proposed? Or like what Yu Yingshi contends, did Neo-Confucians from Southern Song to before the appearance of Wang Yangming inherit the vision of their precursors of Northern Song? Had Neo-Confucians always been in support of instilling order in the universe through central effort until Ming rulers compelled these moralistliterati to shun away from government service to engage instead in locale building during Wang Yangming‟s time? Could it not be that adopting a localist strategy was a choice? Were social involvements borne by their dedication to the unity of knowledge and action? Or was it because of moral dynamism, i.e. the belief that everyone has innate knowledge and was able to attain moral ultimate goodness through one‟s own effort, that encouraged social involvements? 70 With these questions in mind, I shall begin my discussion. Structure of Thesis I am able to base my elucidations on only evidence found in Cai Qing‟s literary collections and commentaries on Sishu as a trip to his hometown made in December 2009 was unfruitful. The information I could amass was sparse and not more informative than what could already be garnered from official records, literary records written by himself, his disciples and friends, and sporadic studies done by modern 70 William. Theodore de Bary, Bloom, Irene et al eds., preface to Sources of East Asian Tradition, Vol. 1 (New York : Columbia University Press, 2008), 442. 21 scholars. As like what most studies on families and clans spanning over several generations will encounter, the descendents of Cai Qing, though very earnest in answering my questions, are rather ignorant about the teachings of their literati ancestors. My making inferences from primary materials such as commentaries and literary works, and interpreting them as also expounding Cai Qing‟s philosophical, social, political views, might appear to some readers to be audacious. However, I believe that it will be akin to losing some interlocking and tessellating jigsaw pieces if we do not understand them as an organic system, especially when “ordering the world” (though with different means) had been the vision of Neo-Confucians. I shall begin my paper by providing a biography of Cai Qing before proceeding to discuss his philosophy which will be juxtaposed with discussions on his social and political views. As this paper is the first English exposition on Cai Qing‟s philosophy, the translations of many philosophical terms have to be based on my understanding of primary resources. I deem it is better in cases when I am unable to find close English equivalents or in a bid to avoid verbosity and facilitate reading, to keep the Chinese terms and express them using Hanyu pinyin 漢語拼音. I will still provide necessary explanations. The nature of Cai Qing‟s philosophy allows me to reasonably classify it into areas concerning the self, family/clan and beyond (state/universe). These are different stages in his self-cultivation system but are always deeply associated. I am going to demonstrate that Cai Qing suggested a hierarchal administrative system in which everyone treats one another like family members. 71 The Li 理 that enables such 71 Readers should not confound this familial relationship from that described by Iwama in “Thought and Society in the Ming Period” where he argued that Wang Yangming advocated a society bound by a family-like relationship to achieve communalism. Whether Cai Qing supported communalism or not is beyond the research scope of this thesis. My goal is to show that Cai Qing‟s philosophy supported the cordial relationship practiced between kin to be mapped onto a national level. 22 a relationship is disintegrated into the li 理 of xiao 孝, ti 悌 and ci 慈; referring respectively to the relationship between one and one‟s seniors; that between one and one‟s equals; and that between one and one‟s juniors. The second chapter demonstrates that li has to be first achieved by oneself by illuminating one‟s de. Once de has been illuminated, then the li should be extended to one‟s kin. This is also what the third chapter is going to show. In the fourth chapter, I will argue that in Cai Qing‟s opinion, this system of thought should and can be applied on a wider scale—governance of the state. A hierarchy system is favored for effective governance but no sense of superiority should be observed between the people, officials and rulers; so long as the state provides the people with basic needs, the latter could be left to administer themselves. In the concluding chapter, I will reiterate my points and highlight several issues that I am unable to resolve in this thesis but which I believe can be farther studied to enhance our understanding of both Cai Qing and mid-Ming society. 23 Chapter 1: Biography Political Life Cai Qing, styled (zi 字) Jiefu 介夫, was a native of Jinjiang 晋江 county. He studied Yijing under Lin Pi 林玭 from Sanshan 三山 county.72 Cai Qing emerged first in the provincial examination in the year Chenghua dingyou shisannian 成化丁酉十三 年 (1477) and emerged as a first grade jinshi 進士 three years later. 73 Cai Qing requested for leave from office to return to his hometown to teach after his success in the metropolitan examination. It was recorded that monks and scholars from the Jiangnan 江南 region would come to travel with and study under him. Other than preoccupying himself with taking care of his parents and studying, Cai Qing neither demonstrated the haste nor interest in remarkable achievements in the officialdom. One day, his mother said to him in a depressed tone, “There is a saying that goes: mothers depend on their sons to gain prosperity and lead good lives. My days are numbered.” Cai Qing was very much affected by the implication of his mother‟s words. He immediately went to take up a post in the Ministry of Rites. 74 He was transferred to the Ministry of Personnel in 1487, and was made responsible for handling merit titles et cetera. This was the result of a recommendation by the then Minister of Personnel, Wang Shu 王恕, who held high regards for Cai Qing‟s Confucian erudition. Working in the same department, Cai Qing and Wang Shu had many opportunities to discuss political issues. There was once when Cai Qing took the opportunity during their Lin Jun 林俊, Jiansu ji 見素集, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 18.4-7. 73 Zhang Tingyu et al 張廷玉等撰, Mingshi 明史 , Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文 淵閣四庫全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 282.16-9. 74 Li Qingfu 李淸馥, Minzhong Lixue Yuanyuankao 閩中理學淵源考, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 59.4-10. 72 24 conversation to present two proposals. The first one was to urge for more stringent measures over officials‟ discipline; the second one was a recommendation made to promote over thirty officials. It was recorded that these proposals were all approved by Wang Shu. This particular incident which portrays Cai Qing as a Confucian erudite and responsible official has best be taken with a grain of salt.75 In any case, Cai Qing was later transferred to the Bureau of Honors, and was responsible for processing enfeoffments, inheritance of official status et cetera. Sometime later, his mother passed away and he went back to his hometown to observe the mourning period before he resumed his official duty to take up the post of the Nanking Director of the Appointment Bureau. 76 It was not long after when he made a request again for an early retirement to fulfill his duty of taking care of his father. Two months later, his father died.77 He barely stepped out of the house and spent most of his time teaching. He was grievously affected by the incident but held back his tears in the presence of his kin. He abstained from consuming wine and meat. After the mourning period, he left his home once again and took up the post of Vice-education Intendant Censor of Jiangxi to supervise schools. It was during this time that the antagonism between him and the Prince of Ning grew. Their encounters will be recounted later in this chapter. Mingshi 明史, 282.16 and Mingru Yanxinglu 明儒言行錄, 6.20. Shen Jia 沈佳, Mingru Yanxinglu 明儒言行錄, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983). From what I found out from Yuxuan Mingchen Zouyi 御選明臣奏議, Cai Qing did submit a memorial to the emperor about the lax discipline and corrupt practices of the officials as well as about defense matters. But as to whether Wang Shu agreed to them or not is not mentioned in historical records. This is also noted from the preface to Xuzhaiji 虛 齋集. So, it is possible the there are two memorials or that the record of submitting Wang Shu a memorial of which he then accepted is false. See Yuxuan Mingchen Zouyi 御選明臣奏議, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 7.17-20 and preface to Xuzhaiji 虛齋集, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫 全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983). 76 Lin Yaoyu 林尭俞 and Yu Ruji 俞汝楫 eds., Lipu Zhigao 禮部志稿, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 58.6. 77 Li Qingfu, Minzhong Lixue Yuanyuankao, 59.4-10. 75 25 In the last six years of his life, Cai Qing spent considerable amount of time with his favorite disciple, Chen Chen, who was also a native of Jinjiang. Their encounter took place one day in the year 1502 when Cai Qing chanced upon writings by Chen Chen in the residence of a clerk known as Li Muzhai 李木齋, who was described as being well-versed in the Six Classics.78 Upon seeing the works by the talented Chen Chen, Cai Qing exclaimed, “I study and think hard. It is after much deliberation that I manage to gain some insights which I share with others. In most cases, these people are unable to understand me. But this young man here (referring to Chen Chen) is able to comprehend the essence of the books. Today, I shall impart all my knowledge to him.” Subsequently, Chen Chen presented Cai Qing with a lamb and bolts of silk. The latter accepted him as a disciple.79 As mentioned earlier, in 1505, Cai Qing held the post of the Vice-education Intendant Censor of Jiangxi. In 1506, Cai Qing went for an educational inspection. He invited Chen Chen to accompany him. The latter was then a provincial graduate and became the private tutor of his master‟s sons—Cunwei 存微 and Cunyuan 存遠. In the fourth month of the same year, they arrived at Hongdu 洪都 (present day Nanchang 南昌). Cai Qing, at his official residence, had a loft built for Chen Chen and all day and night, they discussed about nothing else but learning. In the twelfth month of Zhengde sannian 正德三年十二月 (1508), Cai Qing was offered the post of the Nanking Chancellor of the Directorate of Education just a few months after he had requested to step down from the post of Viceeducation Intendant Censor of Jiangxi to return to his hometown. 80 Unfortunately, before the edict reached him, he had already breathed his last on the twenty-third day 78 Ibid., 68.1-3. Mingshi, 282.16-9. 80 Jiansu Ji, 18. 4-7. 79 26 of the twelfth month in the same year.81 He died at the age of 56. In the same year, Chen Chen requested for Cai Qing to be worshipped in the shrine for the worthies but it was not recorded whether the request was accepted. In Jiajing banian 嘉靖八年 (1529), Cunyuan, who was then a judge of Songjiang Prefecture (松江府), presented to Emperor Shizong 世宗 the manuscript of Cai Qing‟s commentaries on Yijing. A duplicated copy was sent to the Ministry of Rites for examination and report. The then Minister of Rites Li Shi 李 時 reported that Cai Qing‟s commentaries contained precious insights to the classics and subsequently, had the Vice-Education Intendant Censor of Fujian to revise them and distribute them to publishers, in the hope of allowing the teachings to spread far and wide.82 During Wanli 萬曆 reign (1573-1620), Cai Qing was given the posthumous title of the Grand Academician Wenzhuang 文莊 as the result of a request by an Assistant Censor-in-chief. Cai Qing was also bestowed the posthumous title—Vice Minister of Rites, which was a request by Li Tingji 李廷機 (1542-1616) who was his disciple from Jinjiang. 83 Cai Qing was survived by five sons—Cunwei 存畏, Cunsu 存素, Cunwei 存微, Cunyuan 存逺 and Cunru 存儒.84 In the fifth month to the eighth month of Yongzheng ernian 雍正二年, there were official discussions by the Ministry of Rites to worship certain Confucian scholars in the Temple to Confucius (Kongmiao 孔廟). At the eight month of the same year, Emperor 81 Ibid. ZhuYizun 朱彝尊, Jingyikao 經義考, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全 書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 50.8-12. 83 Mingshi, 282.16-9. 84 Jiansu Ji, 18. 4-7. 82 27 Yongzheng gave the green light and Cai Qing became one of the Confucian scholars to be worshipped.85 Demeanor Cai Qing was portrayed as a steadfast Confucian scholar who stood apart with aloof dignity from his contemporaries. When he was the Vice-education Intendant Censor, he was sorely detested by Prince of Ning—Zhu Chenhao (Ningwang Zhu Chenhao 寧王朱宸濠). There was once when this arrogant Prince of Ning demanded that provincial administration commissioners as well as surveillance commissioners paid their respects to him first before going to Kongmiao the next day to pay their respects. Cai Qing defied this order. He tried to persuade his colleagues to pay their respects at the temple before calling on the prince. In another incident, Prince of Ning again invited some provincial administration commissioners and surveillance commissioners to his birthday celebration and demanded that they came dressed in proper court attires. Cai Qing commented that it was a sign of impropriety. He said, “Court attires are worn by officials only when they have an audience with the emperor and not when they go see a prince.” After having said that, he turned up for the celebration without a knee-hide. This infuriated the Prince of Ning. Historical records also described that there was a time, in the midst of a feast, the prince ridiculed Cai Qing, saying that the latter was unable to compose poems (shi 詩) (buneng zuoshi 不 能作詩). Cai Qing replied, “I am never (able to be) impartial (si 私) to anyone (yuren wusi 於人無私).” “Shi 詩” which means “poems” and “si 私” which means “private benefits” rhyme. Cai Qing was implying that he never engaged in corruptions (unlike Yong Rong and Pei Qian et al eds. 永瑢、裴谦等校. Shizongxian Huangdi Shengxun 世宗 憲皇帝聖訓, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 32.5-6. 85 28 Prince of Ning).86 This incident came as a final straw for the prince. He planned to uproot Cai Qing with some false accusations. Subsequently, Cai Qing requested to resign from the government. Prince of Ning ostentatiously showed his reluctance and even suggested marrying his daughter to Cai Qing‟s son. Cai Qing strongly declined and set off for his hometown.87 At about the same time, the infamous eunuch Liu Jin 劉 瑾 (1451-1510) became very powerful at court and wanted to call upon famous scholar-officials to serve the court so as to rally support for he himself. It was at this time that Cai Qing was asked to return as the Nanking Chancellor of the Directorate of Education. As mentioned earlier, he had passed away before the edict could reach him. But even if Cai Qing were to receive the edict before he passed away, he would not have accepted the offer. He once wrote in a letter that he exchanged with his close friend Sun Jiufeng 孫九峯 who was a Minister: Since the year of xinyou 辛酉 until today, we have had meat only once. We eat plain rice and drink plain soup. I have my sons to eat all these with me so that they will accustom themselves to living in poverty. This shows my determination to part with the officialdom. This letter was penned when he had just submitted his request to resign from the Vice-education Intendant Censor of Jiangxi.88 When Cai Qing was alive, he was regarded as a philanderer who took good care of his clan members. He provided reliefs to those in distress, and even gave burial help and took on the responsibility to raise orphans. He often said, “All things under Heaven ought to be shared by all.” He did not bother even when his earnings were 86 Mingru Yanxinglu, 6.20. These incidents were given brief mention in the letter he exchanged with Sun Jiufeng. See Cai Qing 蔡清 Cai Wenzhuang Gongji 蔡文莊公集, Siku Quanshu Cunmu Congshu 四庫全書存目叢書 (Tainan: Zhuangyan wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1997), 2.4-6. 87 Minzhong Llixue Yuanyuankao, 59.4-10. 88 Mingru Yanxinglu, 6.20. 29 depleting.89 Despite attaining an official rank of the fourth grade, he remained poor and was still willing to give others loans. 90 He had always been filial to his parents and maintained cordial relationship with friends and clan members. 91 He is said to be physically weak but was never tired of learning. He was exceptionally alert and intelligent. His learning and demeanor made him a well-respected Confucian scholar and worthy of being a role model. His commentaries on the classics were studied and followed closely. Scholars followed his teachings to set their mind on learning so as to cultivate themselves and refrain from indecorous behavior. His teachings were pellucid and taught others to be so. While contemporary officials did no more than paying lip service to Confucian teachings, Cai Qing always endeavored to realize what had been learnt.92 By not having overly critical interpretation of texts, Cai Qing was deemed not to have been distracted from true learning. He taught others that when reading, one should prioritize the comprehension of main ideas. One should not be bounded by language and words. The sages wrote to illuminate Dao and scholars learn from their writings. But ultimately, it is still self-experience that enables one to see Dao. The goal of his and his disciples writing commentaries on the classics was because they understood that it was only by illuminating and understanding the teachings of Zhu Xi who had conglomerated the Dao of Song Confucians can one be said to have comprehended Dao of sages.93 89 Lipu Zhigao, 58.6. Xie Daocheng 谢道承 et al eds, Fujian Tongzhi 福建通志, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 69.32. 91 Lipu Zhigao, 58.6. 92 Mingru Xue’an 明儒學案, 46.12-21. 93 Minzhong Lixue Yuanyuankao, 59.4-10. 90 30 Teachings, Learning and Beliefs Cai Qing was seen as a leading figure in promoting lixue in Minzhong 閩中, China. Since the reign of Chenghua, teachings of Cai Qing became the main stream of learning in Wenling 溫陵 in Quanzhou Prefecture 泉州. It was observed that scholars at that time devoted their attention to acquiring profound comprehension of the classics and Li. They read and discussed nothing other than the works and teachings of Confucius, Mencius, the Cheng Brothers and Zhu Xi. In cases where scholars misconstrued these sages, Cai Qing was the one who criticized their faults and rectified their flaws. He was deemed as the only scholar since Ming dynasty where there abounded various Masters who captured the genuineness of sages‟ teachings and remained steadfast to them. During the period when the teachings of Wang Yangming began to gain wide acceptance in south-eastern China, barely any scholar from the Min region was swayed by his teachings because they remained staunch to the teachings of Cai Qing. While scholars from other regions might have looked up to spurious teachings, the commentaries by Cai Qing, Chen Chen and Lin Xiyuan were still studied by scholars in the region agreeably. It was believed that the teachings that propagated in this particular region were therefore those that inherited the authenticity of Han Confucianism. Although Cai Qing was not able to fulfill his duties as a Confucian official during his several appointments, his teachings remained alive to educate the people for generations to come.94 Cai Qing was commented to be a person who set his mind on learning at a young age and was enlightened by Dao in adulthood.95 He immersed himself in the world of lixue and dedicated his energy to the study of Yijing and Sishu. His cultivation 94 95 Ibid. Jingyikao, 50.8-12. 31 was pellucid and his actions were in accordance with his self-cultivation. His teachings emulated sages, made readers feel tranquil and calmed their spirits. He wrote, “I start to chant the word „quiet,‟ then the word „empty,‟ and without much effort, I feel tranquil and very much at ease.” He believed that to learn, one has to cultivate a morally upright character and act in a morally upright way. When one familiarizes oneself with the words of sages and reflect upon them, one will be able to discard archaic views and acquire new insights; one will experience changes as days pass by and transform oneself as months flow by.96 If Zhu Xi were regarded as the one who had expounded well the teachings of the sages, then Cai Qing would be the one who exemplified the teachings of Zhu Xi.97 Cai Qing believed that the myriad creatures in the universe share the same body. It is only when one is able to embody Li then is one able to see that all under Heaven, none is to be neglected and none is to be prized more highly than the rest. When one sees this, one will understand that the myriad creatures are always in a harmonious state. When scholars of today try to comprehend this principle, they have to be imperturbable and austere; reverent and happy. If one feels bonded and unable to express the principle, then it only means that the roots of hindrance and impious have yet to be removed. The knack to grasping the principle is having a void heart-mind, profound comprehension and self-experience. Heaven-Earth encourages people to bring about common good. When there is a lack of li, people do evil.98 The development of Cai Qing‟s philosophy can be divided into two stages. His studies at the former stage concentrated on “tranquility (jing 靜)”; at the later stage, it was the concept of “void (xu 虛 )” that formed the core of his philosophy. He 96 Jiansu Ji, 18.4-7. Fujian Tongzhi, 69.31. 98 Mingru Yaxinglu, 6.19-28. 97 32 maintained that the myriad creatures revolve around tranquility. It is experienced amidst movement too. Ruminating this thought again and again, he finally realized that it could be summarized simply as “void.” He once said, “After much experiencing, I realize that at the end of the day, it is „void‟ that I experience.” He had used to cultivate the feeling of tranquility but he somehow still felt there was some agitation in his heart-mind that could not be overcome. It was only when he chanted on the word “void” that he felt more peaceful. Although he was faced with many troubles, keeping the heart-mind void enabled the way these events should unfold to become clear and distinct. Neither did he have to exert too much energy to settle them, nor did he feel discouraged by them. Learning and studying are all about ridding oneself of all barriers. Voidness is the key for sages to attain Dao.99 99 Mingru Xue’an, 46.12-21. 33 Chapter 2: Cai Qing’s Li as Exhibited in the Self The idea—coherence of man with the universe, which is also understood as having attained the ultimate goodness and being benevolent, is salient in Cai Qing‟s philosophy. Men have to self-cultivate in order to achieve the coherence. In concision, self-cultivation requires one to gewu, zhizhi, chengyi and zhengxin. Everyone is able to attain coherence with the epitome of goodness—Li—as long as one wills to learn. When one learns correctly, i.e. to learn for the sake of being benevolent and righteous, one finds oneself eradicating selfishness and harmonizing with Li. All myriad creatures obtain their existence from Li and obtain their concrete forms as qi conglomerates. In cases where a harmony cannot be achieved, it is because the qi contained in one is still turbid. Once the turbidity is cleared by self-cultivation, one‟s pristine nature, or the nature of Heaven-Earth will reveal itself and the coherence will be achieved. Everyone is therefore able to attain Li if they are willing to learn and cultivate themselves. This chapter details the process of self-cultivation and allows us to see Cai Qing‟s interpretations of cardinal concepts. This sets the basis for us to comprehend his thoughts before we proceed to see how li in oneself can be extended. Self-Cultivation All the myriad creatures in the universe are conglomerations of Li 理 and qi 氣. Li is the raison d‟être of all things and without it, nothing can be produced and no affair is explainable as it determines all workings in the universe. It is a single entity and there is only one Li. It is of the purest form and bears all goodness. Nonetheless, Li is able to disintegrate into hundreds and thousands of li 理 which are then internalized by each and every creature. All things therefore possess an individual li in themselves. Qi is the vehicle that allows Li to take concrete forms. The metaphysical li become tangible when qi conglomerates according to them and takes shape. While Li can be 34 understood as the metaphysical quintessence of things, qi can be understood as the vehicle that gives the myriad creatures their tangibility. As for conglomerating processes, they are the results of transformations (hua 化) of yin-yang 陰陽 and the five elements (wuxing 五行), and are determined by Heaven, or Li.100 Cai Qing said: In the interior, there is only one Li; at the exterior, then there are countless li. In the interior, it is understood as all the myriad creatures conglomerating into one Supreme and this is known as the substance; at the exterior, it is understood as each and every thing having a Supreme and this is known as functions.101 在内面只一理；在外面方有萬理。在内面所謂萬物，統體一太極， 體也；在外面所謂萬物，各具一太極，用也。 While externally, every affair has its own li or the Supreme (taiiji 太極); internally, all affairs assemble into one Li or the Supreme. There is simply one Li while there are countless li as its disintegrations. Li is often explained as Dao, which is an entity that encompasses Li. It acts like the totality of all li. “Dao and Li, the two characters…if we break them up carefully, Dao is regarded as the totality; Li is regarded as the individual coherence imbedded in things.”102 Cai Qing summarizes his philosophy as a form of self-cultivation to aim to achieve Dao—the root (ben 本) of benevolence (ren 仁). The cultivation of Dao is therefore to aim to be benevolent. “The self-cultivation of every day comprises four areas—cultivating morals (de 德 ), giving lectures to others Cai Qing 蔡清, Sishu Mengyin 四書蒙引, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣 四庫全書 (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983) 1.4-5. 101 Ibid., 5.81. 102 Ibid., 3.12. 100 35 (teaching), changing one‟s will to adhere to righteousness, and improving oneself.”103 When one is benevolent, one can say that one has attained the Ultimate of Dao (or the Supreme). But since the purest and best Li merely disintegrates and then gets internalized by the myriad creatures, why then are the myriad creatures different? More specifically, why are some things pleasant and desirable; some, undesirable; while some, a mélange of both traits? This phenomenon is explainable by the conglomerating process—the working of qi. Qi determines how good or bad; kind or evil; generous or selfish et cetera someone or something is.104 It gives things their forms and shapes. Qi allows all li to manifest themselves and the myriad creatures become the various manifestations of Li. There are different configurations of qi and this is the reason why the myriad creatures appear different. We see that qi is not Li. While Li is the epitome of goodness, there are pure and impure qi. In men, Li is manifested as their pristine nature, or also known as the nature of Heaven-Earth (tiandi zhi xing 天地之性).105 This nature of Heaven-Earth is the purest form of nature and is exhibited as benevolence, righteousness (yi 義), proprieties (li 禮) and wisdom (zhi 智)—the four virtues of men. However, we observe that men in reality are not identical, be it their nature or appearance. How would Cai Qing have explained this quagmire? One might have already reasoned it out: it is due to the conglomerations of qi. Cai Qing believed that men‟s nature is very much alike in the beginning at birth (yuan qi xing, xiang jin ye 原其性，相近也) because this nature is the nature of Heaven-Earth, or Li. It is the habits that men eventually cultivate that 103 Ibid., 6.25. Ibid., 8.51. 105 The nature of Heaven-Earth is what distinguishes men from objects. The former are responsive (ling 霛) while the latter are not. 104 36 cause their nature to become dissimilar. The posteriori nature that is cultivated by habits is called the “nature of qi” (qizhi zhi xing 氣質之性). The quality of qi and conglomeration process determine its purity which eventually results in various exhibitions of li and subsequently, various types of men. Cai Qing explained, “The thing that differs greatly in men is habits and not nature… [This nature] is what is known as the mélange of nature and the quality of qi when one‟s li is covered by qi. In this case, the nature is that of qi and not that of Heaven-Earth.”106 Cai Qing specifically described four types of people. ① There are those who are born with absolute pellucidity and whose nature is without a taint of impurity. They are born with the knowledge of Li and require no learning; ② A lower grade of men includes those who are born with a minimal degree of impurity but will to learn to achieve Li; ③ The more inferior ones are those whose level of impurity is higher and whose posteriori nature is turbid. However, they are willing to learn to clarify their impure qi to achieve Li; ④ Belonging to the lowest grade are men whose posteriori nature is absolutely turbid and yet they feel at ease with such a nature and are loath to learn.107 From the classification of the four types of men, we see that in Cai Qing‟s philosophy, learning or rather, the willingness to learn is important. Learning helps men to return to their pristine nature (fu qi chu 復其初), which is the purest nature that coheres with Li and is free from selfish desires.108 This point is worth taking note of as we will see how it helped Cai Qing substantiate his vision that all men are equally capable of achieving the ultimate goodness and cohere with Li. 106 Sishu Mengyin, 8.51. Ibid., 8.45. 108 Ibid., 1.49-51. 107 37 Four Fundamentals Steps—Gewu, Zhizhi, Chengyi, Zhengxin To learn is to learn to recover one‟s nature of Heaven-Earth and sustain it. This learning process to recover the pristine nature has to proceed in an orderly manner. First, one has to make one‟s intention sincere (chengyi 誠意). Yi 意 is the stage when the heart-mind 心 starts to intend. Prior to this stage, the heart-mind is quiet and tranquil.109 The heart-mind is the mastermind of the body. 110 It is the entity that houses the omnipotent and all-encompassing Li that enables men to surpass all barriers (Cai Qing would most probably have termed them “phantom barriers”) among one another, and then connect with one another and all other myriad creatures. Regarding the heartmind, Cai Qing writes: The heart-mind is not a vacant entity. The heart-mind is the mastermind of the body, at the same time, as a substance ( 體 ), its responsiveness (xuling 虛霛) is capable of commanding all li in the universe. Though li are disintegrated and found in so many things, the subtleties of these functions (yong 用) are actually simply [controlled] by one‟s heart-mind. 111 心非虛空物也。心雖主乎一身,而其體之虛霛,足以管乎天下之理。 理雖散在萬物,而其用之微妙,實不外乎人之一心。 The stage at which the heart-mind starts to intent is a crucial moment because the heart-mind will at this instant, will something good or evil. This is considered the instant when a good or an evil intention arises. Thenceforth, learning starts. At this point, it is important that one‟s heart-mind is in absolute reverence so that what is 109 Ibid., 1.65. Ibid., 4.48. 111 Ibid. 110 38 willed will only be good intention.112 If what one wills is correct, one is able to cohere with past sages. One is even able to cohere with the three former kings as they were also able to extend their li and others were and are able to receive it: …cohering with Li, one coheres with Heaven-Earth; Heaven-Earth is simply Li. Cohering with Li, one also coheres with spirits; spirits are simply Li. Cohering with Li, then one also coheres with sages from all generations; sages are simply Li. Cohering with Li, then one also coheres with the three former kings; the three former kings are simply Li…When one obtains qi from Heaven-Earth, then one has also Li of Heaven-Earth. My li is that of Heaven-Earth…All heart-minds are the same and all heart-minds cohere with Li. From the ancient times until now, there is only one Li; all sages have the same heart-mind.113 ……合乎理則合乎天地；天地惟理而已矣。合乎理則亦合乎鬼神 鬼神；亦惟理而已矣。合乎理則合乎百世之聖人；百世聖人亦惟 理而已矣。合乎理則亦合乎三王；三王亦惟理而已矣……人得天 地之氣則具有天地之理。吾之理即天地之理也……人同此心心同 此理。萬古一理，千聖一心。 That is why it can be said that everyone shares the same heart-mind and the heart-mind coheres with the one and only Li which is atemporal and aspatial. Though attaining this level of coherence with Li is one of the epitomes of the learning of the sages and it cannot be said to be always attainable by everyone (wei keyi fanyan 未可以泛言), the nature and emotions of the heart-mind remain features that everyone share regardless of whether they are sages, commoners, the rich or poor. Those who have 112 113 Ibid., 1.64-5. Ibid., 4.74-5. 39 attained the learning of the sages ought to strive for the better and those who have yet to succeed ought to aim for and practice it. When one is able to remain tranquil by successfully keeping the emotions in a harmonized state, one can be regarded as a benevolent person because one has achieved de—a name for li when it is attained by the heart-mind.114 …the emotions of the heart-mind [of] everyone are the same. It matters not whether it is during ancient times or at the present; [it matters not] whether one is a sage or commoner; [it matters not] whether one is of impressive or lowly status. Those who are able to attain the learning of sages ought to strive for the better and those who have yet to succeed ought to aim for and practice it… When one is able to remain tranquil, successfully keeping the emotions in a harmonized state, this emotional state, when being practiced in the family, is demonstrated as father and son being true to one another, and siblings sharing cordial ties; when being practiced in the hometown with kin, respect is shown between the elders and young, and friends trust one another. In short, the cordial ties abovementioned are exhibitions of harmonized emotions housed in the heart-mind. 115 ……心之性情,人人同具，無古今聖凡貴賤之別。能者當益勉,而 不能者亦當企而修焉者也……君能湛然靜居,以存其喜怒哀樂未發 之本體。由是行於家也：父子篤，兄弟穆；行於鄉也：朋友信， 長幼順。此即其發而中節之和也。 114 115 Ibid., 6.26. Cai Wenzhuang Gongji, 6.4. 40 Just like all myriad creatures, Heaven-Earth, because of the working of Li, is in unison with men. So Cai Qing wrote: “Heaven (qian 乾) is my father and Earth (kun 坤) is my mother. The people and me are born of the same parents; all the myriad creatures and me are one. How can we not be one entity?” Heaven-Earth is one‟s seed as one‟s existence stems from it. It is as though all men come from the same womb and everyone is siblings. 116 Hence, Heaven-Earth and one share the same upright and just heart-mind. When this heart-mind of one (and also of Heaven-Earth) is upright and just, the body of one (and also of Heaven-Earth) will be at peace and comfort. When the body is at peace and comfort, then one can be said to be at the rightful position (yu tiandi wei chu 與天地位處). Subsequently, qi (of one) will circulate in the universe without obstruction. This qi transforms and nurtures the myriad creatures. In fact, there is no difference between the smooth flow of qi and the rightful position of all things. “Those who are learning and are able to understand all these will be able to comprehend all books and discuss all affairs concerning the universe.” 117 This explains why all men can be connected once they have attained li through learning to recover their pristine nature. The stage which comes after one has made one‟s intention sincere is the stage of making one‟s heart-mind straight (zhengxin 正心). One‟s heart-mind can be agitated by selfish desires and harbors evil thoughts. By eliminating these evil thoughts through zhengxin, the heart-mind will embody only thoughts of the most pristine, true and reverent. That is why Cai Qing farther commented, “To zhengxin is to achieve tranquility and quietness (zhujing 主靜). [When this stage has been attained] the heartmind responds to quietness with tranquility, and it responds to perturbation (dong 動) 116 117 Sishu Mengyin, 3.24-5. Ibid., 3.25. 41 with tranquility too.” Under such circumstance where there is no disturbance, the heart-mind intents the right response. 118 Making one‟s intent sincere, rectifying the heart-mind and self-cultivation are summed up as a stage understood as illuminating or accomplishing ( cheng 成) the Heavenly de (of men)—the beginning of all things.119 But before one proceeds to the stages of chengyi and zhengxin, one has to first be capable of extending the knowledge that one knows to other affairs so that one connects with them. This stage is known as (zhiqizhi 致其知): One who is trying to make one‟s intention sincere is actually trying to do good and eliminate evil. However, [if one] does not zhizhi, what is good and what is evil, one will not know how to distinguish, hence making the wrong choice. Zhizhi is when one extends one‟s knowledge to the fullest, so that nothing that one knows is not of the very ultimate level.120 誠意者，實於為善去惡也。然不能致知則何者為善？何者為惡？ 盖有不辨而錯認者矣。致知者，推極吾之知識，欲其所知無不盡 也。 When one is able to zhizhi, one will be able to distinguish right from wrong under all circumstances and then when one ever has to go through the stage of intending again (which we have discussed earlier), one will know how to react to will good intents and never the bad ones. Zhiqizhi is a stage that is possible to attain because all affairs share a common Li. It is possible to achieve a coherence of all things by extending the li 118 Ibid., 1.65. Tiande 天德 is akin to yuan 元 and yuan is defined as the beginning of all things. See Cai Qing 蔡清 Yijing Mengyin 易經蒙引, Jingyin Wenyuange Siku Quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全 書, (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1983), 1.43. 120 Sishu Mengyin, 1.66. 119 42 already endowed in one. By doing so, one will make positive changes to one‟s conscience (liangzhi 良知). Cai Qing explicated: My knowledge actually does have a basis. This is what is meant to say that the responsiveness of men‟s heart-mind is due to [the working of] liangzhi. However, liangzhi is only heart-mind at its pristine condition. It has yet to be expanded so that [it is] made fulfilling and substantial to the extent that it knows each and every affair. Hence, it is necessary to extend it to the fullest so that it knows all affairs in detail, both of superficial and profound ones. [At this stage] one can be said to have maximized the full capacity of the heart-mind.121 吾之所知是原有底。所謂人心之霛，莫不有知，乃良知也。然良 知只是赤子之心，未能擴而充之以至於無所不知。故必推而極之， 使其表裏洞然無所不盡，然後為能盡乎此心之量也。 Liangzhi is the entity that “recognizes all (correct and wrong) actions.” It is also the quality in the heart-mind that “everyone has, makes all knowing possible and is highly responsive (ling 霛)”. It has to be extended to the fullest so that the full potential of the heart-mind can be deemed to have been reached. How then, to arrive at the stage of zhizhi? It is by means of investigating things (gewu 格物). “Ge” denotes a sine qua non to arrive at the extremity of knowledge concerning an affair. More simply put, it refers to understanding thoroughly an affair and thereby allowing one to achieve the utmost contentment in the heart-mind. “Wu” is a generic term for affairs. Gewu therefore refers to gaining a thorough understanding of affairs by conscientious and assiduous investigation. The amount of insight and 121 Ibid., 1.66-7. 43 knowledge one gets is proportionate to how many things one investigates. Cai Qing believed the two steps of zhizhi and gewu form a cycle and none has priority over the other. They are one indivisible stage which he termed as the stage of learning of the sages (shengxue 聖學). One can perhaps see it this way: to investigate affairs is to improve one‟s ability to comprehend things; to extend the knowledge that has been acquired is the instant when one sees the light of the affair one is investigating. It is clear to us that self-cultivation requires ample discipline and devotion. Cai Qing summarized tersely: gewu and zhizhi allow one to exhaust (a particular) li thoroughly and are considered together as one stage; the second stage which comprises chengyi and zhengxin is to cognize and experience (ti 體) for oneself the li that one has exhausted through investigation; the final stage is then to extend the li to other people. These are the steps to recover one‟s pristine nature and eventually achieve the ultimate goodness (zhishan 至善): When one part of things has been investigated, one part of knowledge is being extended; when all parts have been investigated, all knowledge is being extended. There is no sequence to be said in this. This being the case, mentioning either zhizhi or gewu is sufficient. In actuality, it is necessary to mention both together. This is because gewu is an accumulative effort, and zhizhi is the instant when one suddenly sees the light of the affair one is investigating. 122 格得一分物，則致得一分知；格得十分物，則致得十分知，無復 先後之可言矣。然既如此則只言致知或格物足矣，又必兼言之者。 盖格物是積漸工夫，致知是求到那一旦豁然貫通處。 122 Ibid., 1.67. 44 Based on the writings that I have encountered so far, another influential Ming thinker around Cai Qing‟s times—Wang Yangming—did not have any exchanges with the former. But I would like to include some of Wang‟s teachings and compare them with those of Cai Qing so that I can be in a better position to judge whether our protagonist‟s ideals were representational of other Ming thinkers, or that there existed various ideals during his times and which will show us that Cai Qing‟s ideals were in a sense unique. Wang had on many occasions overtly denounced Zhu Xi‟s proposed steps to achieve selfenlightenment which included investigating external objects or affairs so as to complete the internal li as possessed by one. We can deduce safely that Wang would have rejected Cai Qing squarely too if they had engaged in intellectual discussions. Differences are prevalently observed in what Wang and Cai Qing thought had to be done to achieve self-cultivation. Wang believed that placing too much attention on the investigation of things (gewu 格物) would only ensnare rather than benefit one. While Cai Qing‟s understanding of the investigation of things proved to be more analytical, Wang‟s explanation of this step appeared to be more encompassing and attainable by man. “Ge” is understood as rectifying one‟s heart-mind. Doing this means also to investigate thoroughly Li, as Li is also liangzhi 良知 or the heart-mind (xin 心 ). Liangzhi or the heart-mind is something that everyone possesses. Wang described man‟s liangzhi as responsive and is able to pass judgments to seek correct responses when it has been rectified. 123 Therefore, to investigate affairs (gewu) by treating “wu” as external objects to Chan Wing-tsit 陳榮捷, Wang Yangming Chuanxilu Xiangzhu Jiping 王陽明傳習錄詳注 集評 (Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1983), 176-7. 123 45 be investigated is to have misunderstood Li by wrongly demarcating it into internal and external ones. As a matter of fact, Li should not be understood as residing without or within one.124 So we see that while Cai Qing investigated wu—all physical objects and affairs external to one—Wang rectified the heartmind or liangzhi to rid it of selfish desires. To the latter, wu is also an intention. This is because wu or intention arises only when liangzhi reacts. It comes into existence only when liangzhi partakes in how an affair is perceived and when liangzhi intents. This action of intending constitutes also a stage toward knowing. To investigate affairs or gewu is hence to rectify liangzhi and this process has to be discussed together with zhizhi, chengyi and zhengxin. Otherwise, people will bifurcate knowing something and doing it. It is incorrect to do so. It is only when one is able to cultivate oneself by knowing this liangzhi (and not knowledge of external objects) then is one able to aptly administer the family and state. 125 The path to self-cultivation proves to be different for the two Ming Neo-Confucians. It is important to realize this as we will see that Cai Qing‟s rendition of self-cultivation determined how he perceived the relationship between the people and the state. From Self-Cultivation to Unison with the Universe In Cai Qing‟s opinion, one who ceases to self-cultivate upon illumination of de is not qualified to be a benevolent person. This is because one has not done enough. One who “wills to be in unison with Heaven-Earth and the myriad creatures will have the inclination to help others attain the ultimate goodness too; one who wills to extend one‟s li will have the inclination to help others extend their li too (jiyuli er liren, jiyuda 124 125 Ibid., 281-2. Ibid., 176-7 46 er daren 己欲立而立人，己欲達而達人).”126 This is the practice of exemplifying benevolence (zhongshu 忠恕). 127 As a benevolent person, one has to curb selfish desires and attune to the proprieties of Heaven-Earth—li 禮 , which can also be understood as Li 理.128 This li or the proprieties of Li, is where the mean lies (zhong zhi suozai 中之所在).129 When one is not benevolent, it simply means that one has yet to attune to Li. One still harbors selfish intentions and desires. This curbing of selfish desires has to be practiced industriously. To help others is an exemplification of one curbing selfish desires and attuning to Li: The learning of the sages has the acquirement of benevolence as the most important mission…Yuan (Yan Yuan 顏淵) asks what then is considered being benevolent and the gist of Confucius‟s reply is— Everyone has benevolence. For those who do not, [it is because] their li 禮 has yet been restored. These people whose li has yet been restored, their selves [selfish desires] have yet been overcome. So, it is a must to have completely overcome selfish desires and subsequently return to li, then all affairs can be said to be in coherence with Li of Heaven-Earth, and benevolence prevails…everyone shares the same heart-mind and all heart-minds coheres with Li. When all men hear and see this, none will not be benevolent. Ah! Being benevolence is simply about overcoming [selfish desires] and returning [to li] every day but the effect will be that all in the universe will be benevolent!130 126 Ibid., 6.22. Ibid., 7.38 and 5.81-2. 128 Ibid., 6.23. 129 Ibid., 6.55. 130 Ibid., 7.38. 127 47 聖門之學以求仁為要。淵問如何方是仁？夫子答之意，以人皆有 是仁，而或不仁者，禮之未復也。禮之未復者，已之未克也。故 必盡克了己私而一歸於禮焉，則事事皆天理，而仁在是矣……人 同此心，心同此理。天下之人聞之見之，莫不皆與其仁矣。夫！ 為仁只在於一日之克復而其效極於天下之歸仁！ We see that self-cultivation to illuminate de, having the inclination to engage in righteousness affairs such as guiding others to achieve illumination allow one to better oneself. Once the illumination of de of the heart-mind (xinde 心德)131 is accomplished, all selfish desires will be eradicated and then one can be considered benevolent. 132 In a nutshell, one learns so as to illuminate one‟s de and achieve the ultimate goodness.133 When one has achieved the ultimate goodness and wills to help others to achieve it, one can be described as being benevolent or has achieved de of the heart-mind, which also translates to li in the heart-mind.134 When one is benevolent, all selfish desires are eradicated. Under no circumstances can de of the heart-mind and selfish desires coexist.135 Unfortunately, it is possible that one learns for the wrong purpose. One of the reasons Cai Qing wrote commentaries for Sishu was because he hoped to rectify the mentality of scholars who were learning for the sake of acquiring fame and wealth. Cai Qing felt that if one is to learn for the sake of being benevolent and righteous, then it is considered learning for oneself and this is learning for the right reason. When one learns correctly, one finds oneself harmonizing with Li, without a taint of selfishness. He described: 131 Ibid., 6.6. Ibid., 6.25-6. 133 Ibid., 6.6-7. 134 Ibid., 6.26. 135 Ibid., 6.6. 132 48 One learns for [acquiring] benevolence, one learns for [acquiring] righteousness. [When one] knows [learning is] for one‟s nature, one‟s responsibility, and to do one‟s utmost best only, this is learning for one‟s self. If [one] learns for [acquiring] benevolence, for [acquiring] righteousness for the sake of gaining fame and reputation, reaping benefits and money, this is learning for others. Learning for oneself and for others is not differentiated by one‟s actions (ji 迹) but by one‟s heart-mind (xin 心).136 女學為仁，學為義。但知其為吾性分，所固有職分，所當為盡吾 事焉，而已者為己也。若學為仁、為義，而欲以求聲譽干利禄者， 便是為人也。為己為人之分，不于其迹而于其心。 The target audiences of Cai Qing‟s commentaries were mainly scholars. They were the group of people who had the vision that they shouldered the responsibility to illuminate the de of the people and restore Dao in the universe. What provided the rationale to Cai Qing and like-minded Neo-Confucians that their vision was realizable? When Cai Qing was talking about how one can cohere with Heaven-Earth and the myriad creatures, he commented, “[The message conveyed by] the sentence „A benevolent man is in coherence with Heaven-Earth and the myriad creatures‟ can be [developed into] another piece of the Western Inscription (Ximing 西銘) ‟.”137 Ximing is a piece of writing by the Northern Song thinker Zhang Zai. There were many times when Cai Qing quoted Ximing in his writings. When he discussed Li—which we know by now is a principal concept of his philosophy, he echoed what Zhang Zai had said. Cai Qing‟s remark intrigues me to ask why he believed that his cardinal concern would 136 137 Ibid., 6.11. Ibid., 6.23. 49 have anything to do with Ximing. What in Ximing assured these Neo-Confucians that they would succeed in persuading others to join them in illuminating de and cohering with Heaven-Earth? Let us analyze the second sentence of Ximing which is the gist of the entire piece of writing. It translates as: What fills up the realm between Heaven-Earth has given me my body; what rules Heaven-Earth is also my nature. The people and me are born of the same parents; all the myriad creatures and me are one.138 故天地之塞，吾其體；天地之帥，吾其性。民吾同胞，物吾與也。 The element that fills up the realm between Heaven-Earth is qi. The reason one‟s body is able to obtain its physical form is also dependent on it. It is apparent that Zhang Zai felt his body had coalesced into the universe. The element that rules the universe rules also one‟s nature. In other words, Zhang Zai meant that he was in perfect harmony with the universe and the people. Men and the myriad creatures—though differentiated by the fact that the former have the qi of Heaven-Earth while the latter do not, both are still able to harmonize perfectly. Ximing tries to convey the message that people share the same latent pellucid nature but only that some await to be clarified. When we recall how Cai Qing explained the characteristics of Li and how li, qi and one‟s heart-mind function as an entirety, we see the belief of how everyone is related by a form of “phantom” kinship was being utilized by both thinkers. In a nutshell, the shared li among all people and the achievable process of recovering one‟s pristine nature for those who were willing to learn persuaded Neo-Confucians who had the vision of helping others 138 Zhang Zai 張載, Zhang Zi Ji 張載集 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1978), 62. 50 that they could succeed. 139 These Neo-Confucians who desired to renew the rest saw the move as just extending their own li to the rest of the people. It was only when this li had been extended to the others and that others‟ de were also able to be illuminated then would the limit of ultimate goodness be achieved by all.140 Otherwise, one would be deemed to attain only a small accomplishment (xiaocheng 小成).141 If the NeoConfucians were able to succeed in persuading the people to accept their ideal and thereby acknowledge the ruler as the person by whom they should be governed (on the precondition that the morally upright ruler governed the world with appropriate rites), it was promising that Dao could be restored. As we can see, a benevolent person need not be one who is always charitable toward the masses but has to be one who is willing to surpass distinctions between oneself and others. This willingness exhibits the li of love (ai 愛).142 Ai brings us to another aspect of li which is displayed at a broader scale. This will be the focus of the ensuing chapter. 139 Sishu Mengyin, 1.49-50. Ibid., 1.62-3. 141 Ibid., 1.53. 142 Ibid., 6.23. 140 51 Chapter 3: Cai Qing’s Li as Exhibited in the Family / Clan143 Kinship occupies a central position in Cai Qing‟s philosophy. One cannot be deemed benevolent if one does not extend one‟s illuminated li to others. Clan (and family) members are the people to whom one should also extend one‟s li. Li has various expressions among clan members. These various relationships endorsed a hierarchal ideal. Among them, li of filial piety and brotherly love are the most important disintegrations of Li. Genealogies became indispensible as they spelled out distinctly how members were related so that everyone could be treated accordingly to propriety rites. Cai Qing believed how the way a clan is governed can be mapped onto how the state system works. Therefore, before we study how the state can be governed using Li, it is necessary to know how it has been thought to function in the kinship system. Li Acquired Being Extended to Kin While Cai Qing talked about the one Li that threads everyone together, he acknowledged also the disintegrating characteristic of Li. This characteristic of Li is what enabled Cai Qing to rationalize why one‟s li can be extended to one‟s kin and could even reach farther to the entire society. We find a similar idea in Zhang Zai‟s Ximing: This research‟s rendition of “family” comprises one‟s immediate family, i.e. nuclear family. “Clan” is understood as including one‟s extended family. It is also of which “family” is a subset. But since whenever Cai Qing discussed the immediate sphere beyond the self, he never failed to include both family and clan, I shall in this thesis treat “family” and “clan” as offering the same meaning and use for most of the time “clan” to avoid verbosity. The study of the relationship between family and clan is constructive as it tells us something about the changing social structure in China and how Neo-Confucians dealt with it. The different types of familial structure are fleshed out by Zheng Zhenman but I shall not go into such details. Zheng Zhenman 鄭振滿, Xiangzu yu Guojia: Duoyuan Shiye Zhong de Mintai Chuantong Shehui 鄉 族與國家∶多元視野中的閩台傳統社會, (Beijing: Xinzhi sanlian shudian, 2009), 132-9. Idem., Mingqing Fujian Jiazu Zuzhi yu Shehui Bianqian 明清福建家族組織與社會變遷, (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2009), 20. Koh‟s dissertation summarizes studies of scholars and also notes that the idea of “family” has been replaced by “clan.” Koh Khee Heong, “East of the River and Beyond,” 120. 143 52 The Great Ruler is the eldest son of my parents; Great officials are butlers of his. [One] shows respect to those who are older, so [one] respects the elders; [one] shows compassion to orphans and the underprivileged, so [one] takes care of the young. 144 大君者，吾父母宗子；其大臣，宗子之家相也。尊髙年，所以長 其長；慈孤弱，所以幼其幼。 The li exhibited in the relationship between the ruler and one is that of filial piety. The officials are akin to butlers in the household. The butler has the responsibility to aid the head of the family to ensure that things work out fine in the domicile, just like how officials are responsible to give timely guidance to the ruler concerning administrative issues. Brotherly love is practiced when appropriate respect is shown to elders and care showered on the young. Filial piety and brotherly love flourish in the family, as well as beyond. Zhang Zai did acknowledge that distinctions exist among people. He differentiated between the ruler and the officials; the old and the young. 145 The ruler is akin to the zongzi 宗 子—a member of the most senior line (dazong 大宗) and who is the son of the first wife. Dazong (before late-Ming when rules on worshipping were to become less stringent and loosely imposed) was regarded as having the authority to command junior lines of descendants; these junior lines were then responsible for commanding more distant relatives. 146 This practice necessitated a hierarchy system. In this case, Ximing provided Cai Qing and his followers a basis to endorse why one‟s li can be extended and employed in different arenas. It tells the people that 144 Zhang Zi Ji, 62. Ong Chang Woei, “We are One Family: The Vision of Guanxue in the Northern Song,” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 35 (2005), 45. 146 Mingqing Fujian Jiazu Zuzhi yu Shehui Bianqian, 178. 145 53 differentiation exists, similar to how each and every myriad creature has its own li. These li can however be reunited as regardless of how dissimilar men can be, the same principle applies: everyone is connected by the same li that has disintegrated from Li, therefore forming a family. Let us now go on to analyze what Li in Cai Qing‟s philosophy becomes when exhibited in daily lives. As mentioned in the preceding chapter, men have a life because they are bestowed heart-minds of Heaven-Earth that house benevolence (though some might not exhibit it when their nature is marred by impure qi). If a man does not have a heartmind, he will not exist. The unison of this benevolence or heart-mind with one is the working of Li or Dao. Li or Dao can be expressed in daily life by “the kinship between father and son (qin 親); the righteousness between ruler and officials (yi 義);147 the differentiation between couple (bie 别); the respect between siblings (xu 序) and the trust between friends (xin 信).”148 These various relationships are practiced during selfcultivation so as to put one‟s character to rights. These exhibitions are what result when benevolence disintegrates from Li and gets inherited by one and which can be understood as another form of li—li of love (ai 愛). Cai Qing believed that when li of love is present, sympathy (ce 惻), concern (da 怛), compassion (ci 慈) and love (ai 愛) exist naturally. These characteristics give rise to kindred spirit (qinqin 親親), which he understood as being emotionally close to one‟s clan. To serve the clan is going to the ultimate of being kindred and this spirit is a display of benevolence that is able to equalize all myriad creatures in the universe. What are exhibited in the clan as 147 This aspect will be further dealt with in the succeeding chapter. Yi does not only refer to the relationship between ruler and officials. The respect for elders, seniors and the worthies is also considered an exhibition of yi. 148 Sishu Mengyin, 4.16-7. 54 benevolent acts are simply exhibitions of filial piety, brotherly love and differentiation (between couple).149 Two Li Being Outlined—Xiao, Ti Filial piety (xiao 孝) and brotherly love (ti 悌) are such cardinal terms in Cai Qing‟s philosophy that he defined them as Dao of the sages—Yao 堯 and Shun 舜, and that these two forms of li are the roots (ben 本 ) of benevolence. One practices benevolence in the clan and extends it to the four seas. This means that even when one has acquired xiao and ti through self-cultivation, one does not cease to self-cultivate but extend them further. 150 What is known as xiao is the benevolent relationship exhibited by children to parents; ti is the benevolent relationship displayed by younger brothers to elder ones. These actions can be practiced both in the nuclear family and clan, both of which Cai Qing defined as the “inner sphere.” Benevolence can also be exhibited at the state level, which is known as the “outer sphere.” When demonstrated at the outer sphere, it helps one win the support of both the ruler and the people. 151 In general, to exercise order in one‟s clan involves exercising gratification—to let parents, children and couples be happy, harmonious as well as gratified and love one another. Exercising order in the clan also involves setting the familial relationships right, and making it flourish with discipline. The males fulfill their extra-familial responsibilities while the females fulfill their domestic responsibilities. To exercise order in one‟s clan is to let everyone observe proprieties, regardless of whether they are the young or the 149 Ibid., 4.19. Dao is li when exhibited by things and affairs. Sishu Mengyin, 7.96. Lü Miao Fen has also observed that xiao and ti are the most natural and strongest exhibitions of one‟s emotions. She also points out that out of the five familial relationships involved in self-cultivation, li exhibited toward one‟s family take up the most number (which amounts to three, in fact). Lü Miao Fen 呂妙芬, The Wang Yang-ming School during the Ming Dynasty: History, Thought, and Practice 陽明學士人社群—歷史、思想與實踐 (Taipei: Institute of Modern History Academia Sinica, 2003), 318. 151 Sishu Mengyin, 7.45-6. 150 55 old, and whether they are (working) within or without the domicile. 152This will be an attestation to one‟s ability to have managed the familial relationship well. 153 It is only when one is able to manage the clan then can one be entrusted further responsibilities, such as taking care of fellow countrymen. Cai Qing persuaded others to believe why it is required that one has first to be able to bring order to the clan by being filial and cordial before one can proceed to equalize the state and the universe. He maintained that ① administering the state and equalizing the universe stem from first being able to bring order to the clan after one has attuned oneself to Li; ② the relationship that associates those shouldering national responsibilities and the people is expressed as the extension of filial piety and brotherly love that are being practiced in the clan; ③ authoritarian-subservient relationship between rulers, officials and the people is not ideal. Once point ① and point ② are established, point ③ will be explainable. Cai Qing believed that if one is unable to exercise order in the clan, it just proves that one is still unable to illuminate one‟s de and extend it to others. By the same token, there is nobody who can educate the others without first educating his clan. Cai Qing once remarked, “Those who without leaving the family are able to bring order to the state [by educating the people] can also be deemed to have already illuminated their de.” We know whence that when it comes to ordering the family and the state, it is simply extending Li. “When one is filial to one‟s parents, so will one [know how to] serve the ruler; when one knows how to exhibit brotherly love, so will one [know how to] serve the superiors; when one is full of compassion, so will one then be in the position to command the masses.” This implies that the Li that is being 152 153 Ibid., 1.64. Ibid., 2.23. 56 extended comprises xiao, ti and compassion (ci 慈). It is absolutely possible that one person is able to at the same time display the virtues of xiao, ti and ci to the clan; serve the ruler and superiors; and last but not least, command the masses. The first group of actions is executed in the clan while the extensions of these actions are exhibited at the state level. Both sets of actions cohere with Li.154 Li and Clan Members But before one can take care of one‟s clan, it is first necessary to know who are related to one and how, so that proprieties (li 禮) are observed. Genealogies prove to be a great help as they spell out in detail the relationship between one and the kin. This feature is important as familial relationship is the fundamental thing that one ought to know so that one can treat clan members according to proprieties. This is why Cai Qing maintained that genealogies help to define what constitute a benevolent man. With the help of genealogies, one can practice the li of love in the “inner sphere.” In the essay “Expounding the Character „zong‟ in the Term „zongxu‟ (kindred order)” (zongxu zong yizi shuo 宗序宗一字說), Cai Qing explained how kin ought to behave according to their relationship: Kindred spirit (lun 倫) is order (xu 序). Order is not about emphasizing one‟s superiority. [For instance] father and son maintain a harmonious order by being kindred; ruler and his officials maintain it by being righteous to one another; man and wife maintain it by practicing differentiation; senior and junior maintain it by observing proprieties, and friends maintain it by showing trustworthiness. These practices make a person, a man. This is why it is only after one has internalized Cai Qing specifically brought our attention to the conjunction used: so (suoyi 所以). Ibid., 2.24-7. 154 57 [the concept of] order then is one fit to be called a man. Otherwise, deer and pigs will be living together; horses and cows are regarded as scholars. Oh, men are likewise! Kindred order! Kindred order! How can one not know one‟s origin? 155 倫也者，序也。序惡在舉其大。父子以親序；君臣以義序；夫婦 以别序；長幼以禮序；朋友以信序；此則人之所以為人者也，故 人必得其所謂序者，而後可稱為人。不然，鹿豕共聚，馬牛而衿 裾耳。人也哉！倫乎！倫乎！其可不知所宗乎？ One cannot practice kindred spirit if one does not know one‟s origin. Cai Qing understood the origin of kindred order to be “One” which is explained as: …the transformation of Heaven is One…state policies arise from the heart-mind and the heart-mind positions itself on One too; the five exemplifications of ubiquitous Dao function because of One; a man is made of One...ever since ancient times, when sages talk about learning, they always have reverence as the foundation. If we explore in-depth what reverence is, it is again One…how can one not know the origin? 156 ……造化天此一也……天下之達道，五所以行之者，一也。一所 以成已也……自古聖賢論學，其要不出乎敬之一字。而究其所以 為敬者，無他，亦惟主一而已耳……其又可不知所宗乎？ As we can see, maintaining an appropriate kindred order is a cardinal feature of benevolence and should not be absent from the constituent of “man.” Knowing one‟s ancestral roots is a prerequisite to maintaining such an order and genealogies aid in doing so. Kindred spirit can be shared by everyone because kin share the same root as 155 156 Cai wenzhuang Gongji, 4.32. Ibid. 58 one. This particular feeling demonstrated is love and is Heaven‟s nature. 157 Cai Qing believed that under Heaven: There is no tree that has no root; there is no water that does not come from a source; there is nobody who has no ancestors or parents. One can neither for a moment be disunited from one‟s ancestors or parents, nor can one for a moment forget them. If one were to do that, one would be akin to a tree without roots; one would be akin to water without source. Even if one did not perish, one would be no different from the nastiest of the beasts. There is nobody who can lead a life when they have forgotten their ancestors and parents; there is nobody who wills evil when their ancestors and parents are always on their mind.158 天下未有無根之木；未有無源之水；未有無祖宗父母之人。人身 不能頃刻而離乎祖宗父母；人心不可頃刻而忘乎祖宗父母。心而 忘乎祖宗父母，是木之斷其根；水之絶其源者也。縦不旦夕死滅， 亦禽獸中之頑賊者矣。天下未有忘祖宗父母而能趨生路者也；未 有不忘祖宗父母而肯置其身不善者也。 If genealogies had not existed, it would be impossible to keep track of developments in clan, not to mention practice benevolence. It is not surprising that Cai Qing would lament that there were genealogies which were not detailed as this had resulted in the undesirable consequence of kin not recognizing one another. 159 Kinship occupies a central position in Cai Qing‟s philosophy also because it forms a cardinal part in the exhibition of zhongshu 忠恕 (the term will be explained 157 Ibid., 3.64-5. Ibid., 4.60-1. 159 Ibid., 3.64-5. 158 59 soon in due course). Zhongshu is one of the ways benevolent functions (ren zhi yong 仁之用) and is what makes a person, a benevolent man. In this research, what interests me more concerning kinship is how Cai Qing thought kin should be cared for as this helps us see how the relationship between the state and the people ought to be maintained. In the preface to the genealogy written for the Wu clan of Longjiang (Longjiang Wushi zupu xu 龍江吳氏族譜序), Cai Qing explained what zhongshu is. Zhongshu has love 愛 as a main constituent. Therefore, zhongshu—a li that traverses the entire universe, is simply to love others. 160 This li is something that everyone possesses and the act of loving others is something that everyone is able to do. When exhibited by man, it is zhong and shu, comprehended respectively as being dutiful (to oneself and others) and extending one‟s li to others. Being zhongshu is helping others, therefore, an act of loving others. Communal benefits (hui 惠) arise when this li prevails. This explains why by practicing kindred spirit, benevolence surfaces. Gentlemen learn Dao, so that they know how to love and benefit others and thereby are in the position to employ the people. This benevolence is further expanded when the people too become benevolent. They will come to love all myriad creatures and the benefits that come along will prevail everywhere. Cai Qing quoted Zhu Xi and said, “This is why when Zhu Xi explained the meaning of „benevolence,‟ he said that benevolence is de of the heart-mind and li of love. De of the heart-mind is the essence (ti 體 ); li of love refers to the application (yong 用 ) [of Dao].” 161 The former description Cai Qing was referring to is the internal li whereas the latter, the external li. He farther commented that the essence of li has to be put into action and be 160 Sishu Mengyin, 5.81. He disagreed with Zhu Xi on this as the latter had understood them as two distinct entities. 161 Cai Wenzhuang Gongji, 4.39. 60 exemplified before one can say that there is coherence of the internal and external li (i.e. coherence of ti and yong). For instance, to be dutiful to one‟s responsibility is zhong while helping others to achieve ultimate kindness is shu. There is only one zhong that belongs to oneself but it can be exemplified as many shu as received by many others. This is known as one li threading many affairs together. Since Li and Dao are the same, we can therefore say that one‟s Dao threads all affairs. This Dao that threads all affairs is exhibited by both sages and those who will to learn. 162 The li of love when exemplified between family and clan members is qinqin 親 親—to love one‟s close ones. To Cai Qing, the term “kin” (qinqi 親戚), is made up of characters qin 親 and qi 戚. “Qin” means to love, “qi” means to worry. One regards one‟s kin as the most important and dearest people to one. In fact, the blood and pulses as well as the spirits of clan members are interconnected, overcoming all forms of barriers. This relationship between men (renqing 人情) is all about caring for one‟s kin and being concerned about them, which inevitably includes worrying for them too. “Love them when all is well and worry about them when misfortune happens. These are the foundations where to qin and qi are built upon.”163 Cai Qing felt that even if one is diverting a lot of energy to serve the state, one should also not neglect one‟s kin. When the favorable influence of caring for kin extends farther, all under Heaven will love (qin 親) their kin and respect (zhang 長) their elders.164 The influence can be Sishu Mengyin, 5.81-2. Cai Qing also commented that due to the Cheng brothers‟ interpretation which had related zhong and shu to Heaven, coupled with the explanation found in the Mean, zhong and shu were losing their connotation of “justification of names and positions.” He felt that Zeng Zi had broken down the idea of “a thread” to zhong and shu so that people would not farther mystified it; the Cheng brothers then elevated zhong and shu to a metaphysical level because they were afraid others might belittle the Dao of sages as a thread that encompassed only these two li. 163 Cai Wenzhuang Gongji, 3.25. 164 Ibid., 3.28-9. 162 61 extended because of the disintegrating characteristic of Li. People are born by the same parents (tongbao 同胞) and all things are in unison with one so that when one starts doing good to one‟s kin and extends it, one‟s sincerity will also be extended to benefit the world and reinforce the merits of the state (huangyou 皇猷). Hence, even editing the genealogy record is a form of governmental affair (zheng 政). 165 The importance of clan in Cai Qing‟s philosophical and family management systems can farther be observed in a discussion concerning ancestral burial grounds. He mentioned: Those who do not remove ancestral tombs are filial; [even if] one removes the tomb but is able to make a name for oneself so as to fulfill the ambition to ameliorate the welfare of the state, hence benefitting those above (superiors) and below (the people), and brings glory to the ancestors while not forgetting to return to pay respects at the tombs, one can also be deemed filial. 166 不去墳墓者，孝也；去墳墓而能成名於身，效忠於國，宜上宜下， 以有光於祖宗而歸拜于墳墓者，亦孝也。 People are encouraged to bring glory to their parents, clans and ancestors. Cai Qing once eulogized a friend saying that he was able to establish his career in the court and leave good essays among literati. His actions were friendly (yi 誼) and well-known in the hometown. He was thus still fondly remembered by the people of his hometown and there was no discrepancy on that.167 To accentuate the importance of “clan,” Cai 165 Ibid., 3.48-9. Ibid., 5.5. 167 Ibid., 5.6-7. 166 62 Qing even analogized the love for hometown to that for one‟s children.168 He showed us how he contributed to his hometown. It was mentioned in a personal letter that ever since he had requested to leave the officialdom and returned to his hometown, a considerable amount of time was spent on engaging in lectures and discussions with students from the village. All of them were learning from and encouraging one another. By practicing what they were learning and remaining steadfast, they aspired to live up to the name of being a man (ren 人) so as not to be an embarrassment to their kin.169 Being a teacher (shiru 師儒) (like what he was doing) was to him, as prestigious as being a general or minister.170 In another letter which he exchanged with his friend, he even expressed his opinion that “spending another day in the court is as though [one is] experiencing another day of burden; [but] spending another day in the hometown is as though [one is] experiencing another day of glory.”171 Lü Miao Fen‟s studies on the spread of Wang Yangmingism in Ming show how the relationship between friends and teachers were strengthened through attending academies and participating in discussion groups. Doing so provided mutual help, promoted their ideals, authorized what they were doing and even elevated their reputation.172 It is possible that what Cai Qing was doing had similar effects too. It is worthwhile to consider whether Cai Qing‟s actions and his preference for hometown to the court had any relation to the degree of acceptance of his thoughts. In any case, the various remarks that Cai Qing made should not mislead us to think that he had relinquished hope for a state that could stand up to domestic and external obstacles. Nor should the remarks make us think that Cai Qing believed a clan 168 Ibid., 2.59. Ibid., 3.24-6. 170 Ibid., 3.18. 171 Ibid., 2.38-9. 172 Lü Miao Fen, The Wang Yang-ming School during the Ming Dynasty, 295-325. 169 63 sufficed and any form of governmental interference from the central power should be excluded. I believe the message he was trying to convey was that the state and people were not associated in the correct way that he envisaged. The correct way of managing the state and people is the way that I have been arguing since the beginning of the paper—the familial way of administration. In such a management system, the exhibitions of filial piety and brotherly love are of paramount importance. Before we go to the next chapter, there are a couple of issues regarding Cai Qing‟s remarks on ancestral burial grounds that I would like to flesh out. Performing ritual worships to ancestors was not an activity that could be done in anyway and at anytime one desired. The authority to do so depended largely on one‟s status. The ancestors to be worshipped at the gravesite must be of the highest seniority in the descent line system. Logically speaking, in order that descendents could return to pay their respects, ancestral gravesites should not be relocated. We therefore see that Cai Qing adhered to Zhu Xi‟s idea that the most senior line (dazong 大宗) should never be relocated and be worshipped at gravesites instead of having various junior lines (xiaozong 小宗) setting up altars for worshipping purpose. The practice of having clan members together to pay their respects was perhaps the only ritual that could unite them. 173 Cai Qing might be proposing keeping clans together by such a ritual and having clan members be reminded that they were still under the surveillance of dazong or, dazong was responsible for the administration of clan members. This zongfa 宗法 system was to later become a tool to legitimatize local leadership and regulate kinsmen. 174 In the “inner sphere,” Cai Qing advocated clan members to be administered by dazong who had the exclusive authority to perform ancestral worship; 173 174 Zheng Zhenman, Xiangzu yu Guojia, 106. Koh Khee Heong, “East of the River and Beyond,” 88. 64 in the “outer sphere,” Cai Qing advocated a state system in which the ruler had to take care of the people since he had also a special status. The explanations for this statement are found in the succeeding chapter. As clans constitute the building blocks of the state, when they are well-managed, the li exhibited can be elevated to govern the state with similar ideal. This ideal is the presence of a harmonious system allowing a hierarchy. In the succeeding chapter, we shall see how the familial way functions at a political level. 65 Chapter 4: Cai Qing’s Li as Exhibited Beyond the Familial Sphere In previous chapters, we see how Cai Qing explained that zhongshu is the li that traverses the entire universe. One who has attained this li will have the inclination to put oneself to rights and then proceed to help others to achieve li. Even beyond the scope of self-cultivation, within the kinship system, this same li applies. In this chapter, we see how Cai Qing associated the extension of one‟s li to achieve the optimal state system. Cai Qing believed the vision of the literati was to illuminate de of the people. What was being practiced in the clan could be practiced during state governance. This phenomenon of southern literati using lineage formation to promote their view of how society ought to be transformed has been noted by Bol. 175 In the clan, the relationship of son and father is one that is built on filial piety and care instead of one characterized by an authoritative father and subservient son. This should be translated into the political arena. Thus, the ruler and officials ought to administer the people with genuine care. Cai Qing, however, did not think that the people (or locales) should or could always be dependent on the state to provide for them. His ideal system is one in which if the former could manage their affairs, they should be given the independence. The state helped when the need arose. Cooperation rather than animosity should exist between the state and the people. Self and Ultimate Goodness of All in the Universe In the preface written to the genealogy of the Ye clan of Lingyun (Lingyun Yeshi zupu xu 淩雲葉氏族譜序), Cai Qing explained the reason why men were superior to other creatures—they kept genealogies and practiced benevolence. His vision, however, was not limited to only benefitting clans. It was high-minded. He writes: Koh‟s dissertation summarizes studies of scholars and also notes that the idea of “family” has been replaced by “clan.” Koh Khee Heong, “East of the River and Beyond,” 122-3. 175 66 A family preserving a genealogical record was akin to a state having a history, and this makes men, human. Why do we say that? For the many conglomerations in the world, the massive ones made up states; the smaller ones made up families. Though men and the myriad creatures are alike, as both are born and nursed in the world, and partake in the big transformation [taking place in the universe], men are different in the sense that when they passed away, [the influence of] their actions and voices perpetuate, and the things they did can be traced. History of a state helps to inculcate order among the people (zhao 昭), supervise (jian 監) [the actions of the people], functions like a deterrent (jie 戒) and maintains Dao (wei shidao 維 世道 ); clan genealogy exercises kindred order (xu zhaomu 序昭穆) so as to maintain the correct human relationship (hou renlun 厚 人 倫 ). Though history (of a state) and genealogy differ in scale, they are both manifestations of Li.176 家之有譜，猶國之有史也，是盖人之所以為人者也。何以言之？ 人生天地間有聚焉。聚之大者為國，小者為家。雖與羣物同一生 育於天地之間；同一歸盡於大化之内，然迹往而聲存；事過而情 係，自有不至與羣物類者。此國之所以有史，家之所以有譜也。 國有史則可以昭監戒、維世道；家有譜則可以序昭穆、厚人倫。 小大雖殊，理則一也。 The analogies are obvious. The importance of a clan genealogy is akin to that of a national history; the way of administration on a smaller scale of a clan can be mapped onto that of a larger scale of a state, at least this was what Cai Qing believed. 176 Cai Wenzhuang Gongji, 3.46-7. 67 To be in a position to guide the others, one should learn to be benevolent and not be blinded by selfish desires. This is the main message conveyed by Daxue 大學 as understood by Cai Qing. This was not merely a “high-flying” philosophical declaration. He wanted to realize it to solve practical issues. In a note that he made during a class discussion, Cai Qing described how the state had been weakening under the menace of external threats from barbarians and also from domestic problems, particularly court affairs. Those problems were fundamentally caused by the malfeasance of court officials, i.e. flaws in their characters. In Cai Qing‟s opinion, officials then were leading an overindulgent life and were becoming negligent in their discipline. Though territorial affair that involved barbarians was an issue, he felt that the problem regarding the demeanor of officials was more critical and pressing. He explained that when the demeanor of officials deteriorated, the energy and resources of the people got depleted and the state weakened. It was only when the heart-mind of the officials were rectified (zheng 正), then would the conduct of the entire court be put to rights (zheng 正). Subsequently, state boundaries would be fortified and barbarians would be won over. Cai Qing also specified the major problems that plagued the court then: briberies, fraudulence, and the practice of favoritism. The issue became more problematic when apparent masterminds could still remain safe and sound in the court. He explained: Regarding the things that Your Majesty witness and which enrage you, officials seem to be able to come up with pretext to get away scotfree…Although your humble servant is unable to enumerate them, it already requires no farther elaboration. Today, the discipline at court is so lax, how can the behavior of scholar-officials not be affected negatively? This is because one thing leads to another. [Officials will think that] since wrongdoers can be exempted from punishments, why 68 is there the need to enforce deterrent? Since benefits can be acquired by power, why is there still a need to be industrious? 177 皇上所親目而切齒者，臣下猶能巧計彌縫……愚雖不能悉舉，抑 亦無待深言。今日紀綱之廢弛一至於此，士大夫風俗安得而不壊 乎？故一波動，萬波隨。謂罪皆計免，何用惴惴懐刑？謂功皆可 以權得，何必孜孜從事？ Cai Qing then offered several solutions—to employ only the talented and never those who will defy the ruler (buxiao 不孝) (for selfish means); to mete out rewards and punishments accordingly. Since the will to correct one‟s discipline lay in the heartmind, affairs could be rectified only when the heart-mind was rectified (to achieve tranquility and quietness). But prior to that, officials had to first comprehend Li. They could learn to rectify their heart-minds by attending school. It was of great importance that officials learnt correctly and not be bound by empty flowery language. Cai Qing opined that Daxue was a gem that contained the genuine learning of sages. 178 To become a sage, it was simply to keep one‟s heart-mind vacant.179 One has to bear in the heart-mind the things one learnt from the classics and then respond to affairs accordingly, i.e. translate knowledge into action. Cai Qing felt that rather than to worry about not being able to win over barbarians and that many affairs appeared to go awry, the court should instead be more concerned about exercising order in the court and having a ruler who was enlightened (ming 明).180 In the previous chapter on Cai Qing‟s view concerning family and clan, we came across a li that traverses the entire universe—zhongshu, and love (ai 愛) is the 177 Ibid., 1.17. Ibid., 1.16-20. 179 Ibid., 2.15-6. 180 Ibid., 1.16-20. 178 69 constituent. This li is thus to love others. The function of this li, love, is not only applicable to the “inner sphere.” It can be extended to benefit the “outer sphere”—the state. Similar to being at the clan level, at the state level, since everyone shares the same Li that disintegrates from Heaven-Earth, everyone is on equal footing and it matters not of one‟s occupation and status to be zhongshu. What matters is the universal basic requirement which is that one has to first attain Dao. Cai Qing believed that those who are in a position to take up the responsibility of engaging in it at a state level and then administering the rest are the learned. The gentlemen, when they have yet to attune to Dao, wasted no time in perfecting themselves; when they have attained self-perfection, they help others to attain the ultimate goodness too. In both cases, it is an action involving self-cultivation and goodness (shan 善). “This is their aim so why should they still be clamoring for prestige and wealth? ” 181 As such, governing the people involves showing genuine concern, helping them to illuminate their de and meeting their basic needs. This will be what that makes the gentlemen contented. Officials administer the people in such a benevolent way and the people will treat officials like their parents.182 Cai Qing underscored that the contribution of Confucius was providing education rather than instilling a top-down administration. He explained: Dao originates from Heaven, gets endowed in the myriad creatures, accumulates in men, gets exemplified to the fullest by sages and finally, Confucius was the one to consolidate it. Confucius‟ contribution is not on administering (zhi 治 ) [the people] but educating (jiao 教 ) [the people]. When education prevails, administration is made possible. This is why before the appearance of the Six Classics, one generation having one sage is sufficient; after the Six Classics were written, having 181 182 Ibid., 4.11-2. Ibid., 3.62-3. 70 simply one sage in numerous generations is considered superfluous [because everyone is able to learn by themselves and Masters abound]. Therefore, teachers in later generations regard Confucius as the only Master (zong 宗). At the same time, all schools under Heaven are able to perform rituals (tongsi 通祀) to show their reverence to Confucius and there is no discrepancy on that.183 夫子之功不見於治而見於教。教行而治舉矣。是故六經未作之前， 一世得一聖人而僅足；六經既作之後，萬世得一聖人而有餘。此 後世之教者，所以一宗乎夫子，而天下學校所以通祀乎夫子，而 無間也。 In other words, learning to be zhongshu and attuning to Dao ought to be the aim of learning. Benevolent and effective administration ensues only with successful education. “The Supreme is composed of agitation and tranquility. Of the two, agitation is subservient to tranquility (dong you zhuyu jing 動又主於靜). From the Son of Heaven to the people, there is nobody who can subdue agitation to will good without first having had achieved tranquility [by illuminating one‟s de],” opined Cai Qing.184 Rulers, officials and the people alike, have foremost to succeed in cultivating themselves to achieve Dao. Only when an official has successfully illuminated his de will then he be in the position to administer the others. In this case, li is mapped onto a national level. Even so, the li that is exercised between father and son in the family still remains. Cai Qing‟s philosophy presents to us an administrative system in which an authoritative- 183 184 Ibid., 4.19-20 Ibid., 4.24-5. 71 subservient relationship is replaced by a familial relationship. 185 He analogized the roles of those ruling and those being ruled to those of fathers and sons respectively. How officials treat the ruler and how the people treat those in position is comparable to how a son treats his father.186 Filial piety and care for the younger generation displayed in the family is therefore mapped onto the state system. Since no father is unfeeling (buci 不 慈 ) and no son will want to be disrespectful (buyu xiao 不 欲孝 ), 187 a harmonious relationship is hence sustained. Cai Qing farther demonstrated why: When one is filial, one will practice Dao and aim to earn oneself good reputation for future generations to see. In doing so, one glorify one‟s parents.188 In addition, one who is respectful to kin will pay heed to and not defy orders (for selfish reasons). 189 These demeanors, when exercised in the “outer sphere,” will translate into appropriate submission of subordinates to superiors and the people‟s acquiescence to the state (which if not achieved, will result in chaos). 190 A harmonious relationship stems from the family, buds, and finally maps itself onto the political arena. 185 Ong Chang Woei has written an article explaining that Zhang advocated a governing system in which the ruler, his ministers and the people were inter-connected like one family. This vision of Zhang was further elaborated in his writing titled Western Inscription (Ximing 西銘) in which he analogized an ideal political system and an ideal family. The human society has a natural hierarchy predestined by Heaven and Earth. Zhang‟s aim was to allow the fengjian 封建 system to function effectively as it was able to ease the burden of the central government and to accumulate wealth which eventually proved to allow greater participation of local elite. Though Zhang faced many opponents, Ong argues that later Neo-Confucians were still impacted by his ideals. I would say that the political system Cai Qing envisaged was similar to that of Zhang Zai. In the later part of the thesis, I will bring in also Ximing to discuss Cai Qing‟s ideals. Readers will then be better able to see the parallels between these two thinkers. Ong Chang Woei, “We are One Family: The Vision of Guanxue in the Northern Song,” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 35 (2005), 30-57. 186 Cai Wenzhuang Gongji, 4.58. 187 Ibid., 4.22. 188 Ibid., 4.38-9 189 Sishu Mengyin, 3.18. 190 In an essay that Cai Qing wrote likening himself to the Song General Yue Fei 岳飛 for being backstabbed by contemporary officials, he lamented that Yue Fei was not aware of the authority he had. “Filial children abide by their parents‟ [rational] orders and never irrational orders. Yue Fei had obtained the formal order from [Emperor] Gaozhong 高宗 saying, „All authorities to strengthen the country shall be commissioned on you.‟ So when for no reason 72 Since the relationship of the son and father is one that is built on filial piety and care instead of one characterized by an authoritative father and subservient son, this effectively implies that it is not condonable if the ruler and officials are not magnanimous. There is no way that they can be accepted and praised by the people if they are so. Cai Qing used the King of Zhou to illustrate his point that being easy and humble will win the support of the people—“One acts authoritatively only when there are no other alternatives. When one flaunts one‟s authority, though one can achieve an aim quickly and instantly, one will however impair the vitality of the state.” 191 Cai Qing also did not forget to remind those who might misconstrue his message (i.e. those who interpret learning as to learn to be filial to parents so that one will accustom oneself to serve the ruler with total submission) that learning is for oneself, for fulfilling one‟s responsibility so as to exercise the appropriate order, and which can be done anywhere by anyone who wills to learn. Cai Qing advocated an administrative system with the familial system as the prototype. However, to map mechanically the entire way of administrating one‟s clan onto the state system is oversimplifying reality. We have to take into account the differences when managing these two spheres. As figures governing the people, officials have another tier of responsibility—to illuminate the people. “To illuminate the de of the people (yu ming mingde yu tianxia zhe 欲明明德於天下者)” is a phrase that one day twelve dispatches were sent asking for the return of the troops, if this was not the doing of Gui, then who else could it be? Gaozhong paid heed to the advice and created a chaos. Generals, when they are on battlegrounds, can reject the orders of the ruler…The agonies accumulated from that incident and [from others] over so many centuries have condensed in me…” And immediately following this writing is another piece of writing that sees Cai Qing using the example in the Analects describing how the father and son cover up each other‟s mistake to voice his opinions that even in a case of alleged dishonesty or partiality, rightness (zhi 直) is embedded in it. The first piece of writing tells us that Cai Qing did differentiate between rational and blind loyalty. He acknowledged the differentiation of status but this should not prevent people from making sensible decisions. The second piece of writing shows us that he valued kinship more than rigid adherence to law. See Cai Wenzhuang Gongji, 4.43-5. 191 Ibid., 5.33. 73 that appears in the Great Learning and which Cai Qing believed to be the vision of literati. It is crucial in understanding how Cai Qing conceived different forms of education, namely learning to illuminate oneself and learning to illuminate others. Foremost, Cai Qing cautions us that it is a misinterpretation to understand “de” in the term “mingde” (illuminate de 明德) as referring to de of the myriad creatures in the universe. “Mingde means illuminating the de that belongs to one, how can the de belong to that of the universe?” asked Cai Qing rhetorically. To “ming mingde” 明明 德 however, does refer to illuminating de of all men. He elaborated: Readers thought that “mingde” is used to refer to [de of the people in] the universe and this is a mistake. For past Confucians, the actions to illuminate oneself (mingde 明德), renew the people (xinmin 新民) and to achieve the ultimate goodness, form the main message (gangling 綱 領) of the Great Learning. And on top of the three, there is still “ming mingde” which is the ultimate vision (qi dagangling 其大綱領) because exercising order over oneself and also over others (zhiji zhiren 治己治 人 ) is “ming mingde.” For instance, to cohere entirely with one‟s [pristine] nature and to [help others to] cohere with their pristine nature concurrently is considered as three [actions]. If we talk about them in an organic sense, helping others to illuminate their pristine nature is an integral part of illuminating one‟s pristine nature.192 讀者反泥以為明徳字屬天下，盖誤也。先儒謂明徳、新民、止至 善三者為一書之綱領，而明明徳一言又其大綱領。盖以其於治己 192 Sishu Mengyin, 1.62-3. 74 治人者，皆説得明明徳也。如盡其性與盡人物之性並舉之，則為 三。若統而言之，則盡人物之性要亦盡其性之分内事也。 So now we see that illuminating oneself and others by renewing them will together lead one to attain the ultimate goodness. In this aspect, Cai Qing differed from Wang Yangming. Wang Yangming would sorely refute him on several aspects if they were to have a dialogue pertaining to how one make one‟s nature complete. To Wang, Li of Heaven (tianli 天理) refers to the enlightened de (mingde 明德) as well as investigating (which means also “understanding”) Li. To know Li or liangzhi thoroughly (qiongli 穷理) refers to the action to achieve enlightenment (ming mingde 明明德). To channel all effort into enlightening one‟s de but neglecting the welfare of the people is akin to what Buddhists and Daoists were doing. Wang was different from Cai Qing in the sense that the former highlighted that there ought not be any difference between enlightening one‟s de and making sure that the people were well-taken care of. None of them should take precedence over the other.193 Unlike Cai Qing who read qinmin 親民 in The Great Learning as to renew the people, Wang read it as being concerned about their well-being. Being concerned about the welfare of the people is plain and simple. It is to let the lives of the people be in harmony with all under heaven. It is also to be benevolent to the people and become one with them. This includes unostentatious actions like developing a liking to what the people like and developing an aversion to what they dislike.194 When one is able to enlighten one‟s de and achieve perfect harmony with the myriad creatures, it shows that one has already understood Li or liangzhi. When one is able to let one‟s familial affairs be in order, 193 194 Wang Yangming Chuanxilu Xiangzhu Jiping, 113. Ibid., 27. 75 administer the state and equalize the universe, one can be understood as to have helped others achieve enlightenment. This is considered as qinmin or also ming mingde yu tianxia 明明德於天下. In short, the actions of cultivating oneself, bringing out the benevolence of others and not neglecting their welfare together constitute knowing liangzhi and Wang stressed that these actions could not be separated. Responsibilities in educating and nurturing therefore become more complex when illuminating the people is concerned.195 What did Cai Qing mean by “exercise order (illuminate)”? Illuminating de of the people encompasses equalizing the universe (ping tianxia 平天下), administering the state (zhiguo 治國) as well as putting one‟s familial affairs in order (qijia 齊家)196: Those who equalize the universe has to enjoin (shi 使 ) lords and officials to do their duties faithfully; enjoin (shi 使) scholar-officials, farmers, artisans and merchants to be self-distinguishable; enjoin (shi 使) all in the universe to fulfill their duties faithfully so that none of those born by Heaven will not be contained by and belonged to the Dao of (governing) (huangji 皇極) ……When everything is equalized and put to rights, then this can be called equalizing [the universe]. To administer the state means [to allow everyone] within and without the court, in the four corners of the country boundaries, to have the inclination to illuminate their de. To manage, administer and equalize are all affairs concerning renewing the people. For the family, it is called “manage”; for the state, is called “administer”; for the universe, it 195 196 Sishu Mengyin, 1.52. Ibid., 1.63. 76 is called “equalize.” These verbs are distinguishable and [their meanings] should be chewed over.197 平天下者，必使天下之公卿大夫各舉其職；使天下之士農工商各 得其分；自東、自西、自南、自北，無一人之不遂其生全之天； 無一人之不歸於皇極之内…… 彼此如一均齊方正，乃所謂平也。 先治其國，則内而朝廷，外而四境，人人皆欲有以明其明徳也。 齊、治、平，皆新民之事。家曰齊；國曰治；天下曰平，字各有 當，宜細玩也。 Learning, educating and transforming others to illuminate their de are part and parcel of the process to attain the ultimate goodness. When should one start to illuminate one‟s de and who should be responsible to help others achieve similar goal? Cai Qing revealed his views in a dialogue with his disciple. A disciple asked, “When one is fifteen, is it appropriate to give him the responsibility to illuminate de of others and to attain the ultimate goodness? Commoners and talented men start to become officials at the age of forty. Will they have the responsibility then?” Cai Qing replied: [Both the actions to] illuminate de of others and attain the ultimate goodness do not depend on one‟s age. It is not right to assume that as one grows older, one will be better able to engage in them. Hence, those at fifteen can already be taught these things. It also does not depend on whether one has or not a position. Instead, it depends more on whether one puts into action what one has learnt.198 明明德而止於至善，此固非旬時嵗年工夫所能就者。故自十五便 教之，以此元不以有位無位而有所作止也。 197 198 Ibid., 1.63-4. Ibid., 1.54. 77 It is interesting to note that the disciple would specifically ask whether officials had the responsibility to help others achieve de. Was the reason because many people during those times believed that only officials were qualified to lead them? Or else, it might be that officials themselves believed they were the best candidates to educate the people? Another interesting observation is the age issue being brought up: fifteen and forty. It should be safe to assume that the interlocutors were using passage 2:4 of the Analects as a reference in the conversation. In it, Confucius says that he sets his heart on learning since the age of fifteen and since the age of forty, he has no doubts. In the commentaries to this passage, Cai Qing writes: The aim of this chapter…to hope that scholars take it as a model and encourage themselves…When talking about putting in effort [to investigate affairs and extending to the limit the knowledge that has been known to other affairs], at fifteen, one has already put in utmost effort. But sages are humble and opine that they have not at the age of forty known Heaven‟s decree and so they say that they have merely attained the stage of having no doubts. 199 夫 子 此 章 之 言 ， 多 是 為 學 者 設 意 …… 欲 學 者 以 是 為 則 而 自 勉 也……若論用功，則十五而志於學時已用其功矣。但聖人謙退， 以為四十時，猶未便能知天命，猶只是能不惑而已。 In fact, at the age of fifteen when one sets the mind on learning, the actions of knowing what happens and why something happens to be achieved at age forty and fifty respectively should have already been practiced.200 This dialogue therefore not only implies that learning is fundamental to self-cultivation, it also tells us that as long as one is willing to learn, one can learn to illuminate one‟s de and at the same time, help 199 200 Ibid., 5.26-7. Ibid., 5.27. 78 others. This speculation is farther attested by Cai Qing‟s reply that those at fifteen could engage in these actions, regardless of their position. The person to practice the steps of illuminating himself and the people does not necessarily have to be a political figure. Even if one is a mere commoner, one should also learn to illuminate one‟s de. One did not necessary have to depend on others to do so. In instances where one needs a moral guider, the latter does not necessary have to be an official. “That is why it is said that one learns when one is young and put what one has learnt into action when one reaches adulthood.” 201 Independence of Locales In cases where officials are involved in illuminating de of the people (also understood as xinmin), what ought to be done is that the people should be allowed to be educated and transformed. The visions of officials involve: …letting the people work and winning the support of the people, righting their flaws, putting their actions and character to rights, assisting them to achieve what they want, enabling them to be selfsufficient and also to know how to be morally upright while ceaselessly boosting their moral characters. The ultimate vision of zhishan is none other than achieving all of these. Though xinmin pertains to education, if land appropriation, [providing] education in villages, teaching [the people about] planting and farming, legislation, [such basic needs are] not provided to allow the people to live well, there will be no ground (zhidi 之地) to carry out education and transformation. Let the people be happy of their own happiness and allow the people to benefit themselves from their own profits. These are all affairs regarding 201 Ibid., 1.54. 79 xinmin. But Even when Mencius talks about Dao of the ruler, he begins his vision by making sure that the ruler provides [the people with] five mou 畝 of land for residence, hundred mou of land for cultivation, rearing domestic animals, and then followed by educating the people to observe order, practice filial piety and brotherly love.202 新民之事只是勞之、來之、匡之、直之、輔之、翼之，使自得之， 又從而振徳之。而新民之止至善，亦不外是矣。新民二字固是就 教化上説，然非制田里、教樹畜、立法制以安其生，則亦無以為 施教化之地也。故使民樂其樂、利其利者……孟子論王道，亦必 先之以五畆之宅；百畆之田；雞豚狗彘之畜，然後及庠序孝弟之 教。 All duties should be carried out by officials for achieving and moderating themselves at the ultimate goodness (zhi zhishan 止至善). Zhishan served as a guide for those who were in the position to educate the people. Cai Qing, however, did not think that the people should or could always rely on the state to provide them with amenities. There was once when he talked about how the geography of Fujian posed a threat to the residents. He said: Right below the many perilous cliffs are bottomless pits and gushing falls. Surprisingly, duckboards that are barely one chi 尺 and rotting planks are used as structures [for travelers] to walk on. How dangerous this is! In addition, forests are extremely dense, so much so that when one walks into a forest for hundred steps, the sky will be hidden from one‟s view. This is no different form walking into a tiger den. When 202 Ibid., 1.52. 80 one walks out from the forest, one will find one‟s clothes covered with leaves and prickles.203 上有懸崖峭壁百十仞；下則有不測之坑谷泉㵼其中，聲如震雷， 而僅以盈尺之板或半腐木枝架其上以度，甚可危也！又或林木蒙 翳，披一罅而入，數十百步，不見天日，與探虎穴無異。其出也， 木葉草刺粘帶滿襟裳。 Cai Qing also recounted the incident about some bandits from Zhangzhou encroaching on Anxi 安溪 county. The commoners, in a bid to escape, flocked into the city of Quanzhou. Many of them chose to run for their dear lives by sea but alas, there was insufficient number of boats and many innocent lives were lost in capsizals. Cai Qing voiced his opinions on what ought to be done: The building of bridges and roads comes under governmental responsibility (wangzheng 王政). Even though Zhuge Kongming 諸葛 孔 明 was tied down with pressing issues in the beginning of establishing the kingdom in Shu 蜀 , he treated the building of infrastructure as the principal task. Today, the state has been enjoying so many years of peace, and some officials choose to brush aside this matter…What I suggest is that during times when harvest is bountiful, have the supervisors to tell local powerful families to, or according to the convenience [about resource allocation] of the lijia 里甲 division, contribute [to the building of local infrastructure]. It is not necessary to engage in big projects as most roads are already present. For instance, [what is required is to] replace small and rotten duckboards that are 203 Cai Wenzhuang Gongji, 1.8-9. 81 used on streams to broad and durable ones. Another good solution will be to build a structure (fanglou 方樓) above streams. [The raw materials needed such as] wood and stones can be obtained easily nearby. Slashand-burn can be used to deal with overly profuse vegetation. This forces beasts to move deeper into the forest and there will be a lower possibility for travelers to encounter tigers and wolves. Affluent and powerful families nowadays spend extravagantly on illegal worship (yinsi 淫祀)…they can be asked to channel these resources to benefit others. Under effective supervision, they might be willing to help. If the people are short of resources, national wealth can be used to supplement them. During needy times, soldiers and the people (minbing 民兵) are particularly of great help. 204 橋梁道路亦王政一事。諸葛公倉皇立國於蜀，日不暇給，猶以此 為務。今職方内地，皇風清穆百餘年，而此等事，有司猶視為度 外……竊意可於嵗事稍豐之日，令有司督諭當地大姓或照里甲圖 分相地勢所便，以次分治之。非必大動工力，大抵皆有成蹊，如 傍崖之徑元用木度，則去其腐且小者，易以堅且闊者；或架方橋 于其上又善矣。其木石則取之左右無窮也。若林木叢翳處，則刋 之焚之，使獸蹄稍逺行人，不至卒與虎狼遇也。今之大姓，家有 204 Ibid., 1.18-20. Zhang Zhenman makes several detailed studies on the lijia system in Fujian. He mentions that during the Chenghua 成化 and Hongzhi 弘治 periods (which was also the active period of Cai Qing‟s life), the lijia system underwent some changes that were to have profound impact on Fujian‟s social structure. The partial collapse of the lijia system caused every household to end up self-managing tax, labor and land issues. Since then, the central bureaucracy‟s direct control over the local society diminished. The different units in the lijia system evolved to become clans. In a sense, changes in the lijia system bore the integration of clans and the local society. Though on the one hand, it became easier for the central authority to assert communal control the local society; on the other hand, this resulted in the nascent of a more independent and politically inclined local society and clans. See Zheng Zhenman, Xiangzu yu Guojia, 117-31. 82 餘資而濫費於淫祀……若令舍彼為此，督諭有方，蓋未必不幡然 樂趨也。如民力不足，雖佐以官錢，亦可也其於有事之日，兵民 尤為大助。 Cai Qing actually opined that the people could be independent in managing their daily affairs. Locales supplied them with natural materials and powerful local families provided monetary assistance. Problems could be solved under the management of local leadership. State interference was preferable when extra aid was needed. There might be another reason to persuade Cai Qing that people should not and could not depend entirely on the state. During his times, court officials were not serious about learning and were in no position to administer the people without departing from Li. In a conversation held between Cai Qing and Wang Shu who was then the Minister of the Bureau of Military Appointment-cum-Vice Director of the Ministry of Justice, of Nanjing, the former commented: Those who breed officials have yet to attain the ultimate of Dao. As for officials themselves, they are living in a period of peace and are too eager to flaunt their capabilities…Even if their knowledge of the classics is shallow, they are still recommended to attend schools (學 宮 )…Once they become jinshi, they know that they have secured themselves official posts [nothing then propels them to engage in correct learning]; being officials, they either have no time to study or they believe that there is no need to study anymore. Only a handful of them are still willing to learn…To make matter worse, when the 83 officials were in elementary schools, many of the things they learnt did not teach them how to be a man (ren 人).205 上之人所以養之者，本未盡其道；下之人又幸際時之昇平而售之 急耳……如生稍知章句訓詁，人便舉而進之於學宫矣……一中進 士則官已到手，或無暇於學，或自以為無用學矣。其仕而能學者， 無幾耳……況自幼入小學，而其所學者多非學做人之實事。 From the conversation, we observe that officials then did learn, but they had learnt for the wrong reason or were learning incorrectly. The things they learnt were not those that would enable them to become man (ren 人). Coupled with the fact that they had not acquired Dao, they were a far cry from being benevolent man. They were incapable of taking care of the people and the state. As a result, the people suffered: After the Three Dynasties, the well-field system has not been implemented, qian and kun was lost. The myriad creatures were in a state of confusion. Those who were supposed to supervise and right the people do not bother. Thought they claimed to be administrators, I am afraid they have yet to fulfill what they should as required by their positions. Neither do they care whether the people are poor or rich, nor whether the people have sufficient resources or are living in destitute conditions. Officials only know that when people have lands, the people are expected to pay rents; being able-bodies, the people are expected to labor for the state. Officials do not bother whether lands are in abundance or they are non-arable.206 205 206 Cai Wenzuang Gongji, 1.26. Ibid., 2.13-4. 84 三代以降，井牧之制不復，又别是一乾坤矣。天下之生紛紛董董， 上之人大槩都不甚照管。他號照管者，恐亦未盡其道，只是任他 自貧自富、自有自無，惟知有田則有租，有身則有庸而已。田連 阡陌由他，無卓錐之地亦由他也。 As a result of such lax discipline in the court, officials (who aspired to be contributive) could do nothing much. They were not even able to earn their keep and had to have their families suffered with them. There was once when Cai Qing was asked of his opinions concerning sourcing for some crème de la crème to serve the court. Cai Qing replied: Talented men have always been rare. Although today, those in positions are unqualified to be rare talents, scouting for talents in today‟s society is still not a hopeless case. It is however necessary to demand genuine abilities and appropriate conduct upon punctilious observation when selecting candidates. Candidates should be well aware of their own limits and not just recommend themselves to any selection hold by those in authority. The reason that propel them to take up any sort of responsibility should be because those responsibilities are able to satisfy their high aspirations (accordingly to Cai Qing‟s philosophy, these aspirations ought to be selfless as contrary to selfish ones) and encourage them [to engage in beneficial activities]. In any case, most talents are absorbed [into the government] by the examination system though there are still many out there who have been overlooked.207 207 Ibid., 1.25-6. 85 異才尤光岳所靳，亘古不多得。今日上之人雖未可，絶望當世之 無人，然亦不可。必求其人以實其科端教養，精舉察而己矣。至 於天下之人尤宜自量，不可因上之有求而妄應其選，以逺大自勵 而巳矣。況今天下人才大概以科目收盡矣，此外所遺異才，宜不 可多得。 Ensuring the people‟s welfare should be officials‟ top priority. Though the capability of officials then was not assuring, Cai Qing was not despaired. He analyzed the situation and tried to overcome obstacles. One of the solutions was to find talents based on their conduct. Cai Qing firmly believed, before one can be deemed as a capable official, one has to first attain Dao and be rectified. From the discussions so far, what can we know about the ideal relationship that Cai Qing suggested between the state and the people? It should be apparent by now how important and independent the people are within the state apparatus. The ultimate goodness of cultivation—Dao, neither does it belong to only those who have authority, nor is it confined to the political realm; it can be practiced everywhere by anyone without political implications. In fact, it has to stem from the family—the basic building blocks of the state. One is said to have achieved Dao when one is able to do what is required of one at one‟s position, while not forgetting to unceasingly illuminate the one‟s de and that of others.208 Our discussion so far has proven that there is simply one Li illuminating de and renewing the people. It is only when all the people are renewed, then can the universe be said to be equalized. Form another point of view, whether the universe is equalized or not depends on the moral state of the people. This is believed to be true and possible because the people and ruler alike share the same Li. Their common basic responsibilities include recovering the pristine nature and 208 Sishu Mengyin, 2.48-9. 86 exercising order in the clan. The people have to consider the “inner sphere” whereas the ruler and officials have also to consider the “outer sphere” which comprises the state and the universe.209 When one steps out of the clan and extends li to the state level of educating the masses, one‟s responsibility is not to teach others to serve the ruler, superiors or command the masses. The main message that is being conveyed is that to administer a state, it stems from first being able to exercise order in the clan. Cai Qing did not intend to persuade others that one should extend the reverence displayed in the clan at the state level; rather, he meant that when one is able to cohere to li when treating kin, the li can also be extended and be displayed at the state level since whether in the clan or the state, the same li functions. Exercising order in one‟s family is therefore not for the sake of educating the state. Neither did Cai Qing want us to read exhibiting filial piety as the dao to serve the ruler nor exhibiting brotherly love as the dao to be respectful to one‟s superiors. By doing so, one would have comprehended Li in the classics as a form of authoritarian-subservient relationship. This is a misinterpretation. The gist of the message is only to educate one to be filial, to practice brotherly love and compassion so that one can attune to Li. The connection between the three spheres—oneself, one‟s clan and the state—can be summarized as such: When one is able to achieve benevolence through self-cultivation, one is able to guide one‟s kin to act likewise. The state will be positively transformed as a result. When it comes to the management of practical affairs, Cai Qing believed they could be handled by the people themselves. Everyone was capable of being benevolent. Having official authority did not make one more capable of helping others. Locals did have their own means to ameliorate their life and so state involvement could be kept to 209 Ibid., 1.75. 87 a minimum when they could be independent. They should be encouraged and be given appropriate aid by the state so as to progress in this direction, to boot. At least during his times, state intervention was not unwelcomed but it was definitely not always necessary. It appears that Ximing comes into the picture again in Cai Qing‟s discussions of the roles of the state and locale by explicating cogently his ideals. The explanation of Heaven-Earth allowed him to accentuate the importance of filial piety and brotherly love. Cai Qing seemed to be persuading his readers that the smooth flow of qi that makes one be at ease and peace takes precedent over the type of position one has. Qi flows as long as one is at the rightful position. As long as one‟s heart-mind is just and in accordance with Li, it does not matter who one is. When can one feel like such? It is when one is in unison with the universe. This ideal serves to eliminate status difference between people. It calls forth equality (but not ignores differentiation altogether). Cai Qing farther accentuated the rightful existence of equality when he drew readers‟ attention to the point that Li is accessible to all by his explanation of the relationship between Dao, Li and heart-mind. There is a Li that threads all affairs. All affairs are able to be threaded because they share a common Li. All li or this Li are able to be embodied by one‟s heart-mind as long as one wills to learn.210 In essence, Ximing provided the basis to rationalize the importance of filial piety and brotherly love in Cai Qing‟s philosophical system, so as to reinforce the importance of the hierarchy system. It functioned as a blueprint for likeminded Neo-Confucians to persuade themselves and others that the more effective way to restore Dao in the government was to consider everyone as one‟s kin. The major steps to becoming a benevolent man to achieve the Supreme—illuminating one‟s de, 210 Ibid., 5.81-2. 88 exercising order in the clan, administering the state and equalizing the universe— together, they constitute Dao of the ruler (wangdao 王道). Ximing had considerable influence on Cai Qing, making him a proponent of establishing a hierarchy system within a unified empire. 89 Conclusion I have elucidated Cai Qing‟s philosophy by sorting it into three cultivation steps beginning with illuminating de of oneself; followed by illuminating that of one‟s kin, and finally, extending this practice to all who lay beyond the familial circle. To be more precise, these steps involve one successfully correcting oneself; one then extends the li acquired to ones‟ kin; finally, this li will be able to get to whatever is beyond through one‟s effort. The li displayed are subsumed principally into filial piety and brotherly love. The illumination of de is able to extend in such a manner because the world works according to Li, meaning that everyone is connected. My project is not merely to expound Cai Qing‟s philosophy. Several scholars have already done so and have offered many insights. What I have done is a step further: to see what his beliefs tell us about his ideal governmental system as well as the Ming society that he was responding to. Firstly, I demonstrated that Ximing provided Cai Qing the basis to rationalize the importance of filial piety and brotherly love so as to reinforce the importance of a hierarchal governing system. Ximing functioned as a blueprint for likeminded Neo-Confucians to persuade themselves and others that a more effective way to restore Dao in the government was to consider everyone as one‟s kin. Within this familial system, differentiation is acknowledged: the ruler as father, officials as butlers and the people as children. It is reflected clearly in the way how people should be treated according to their status. Cai Qing‟s views can be summarized by the following points: ① Benevolence can be practiced within or without the domicile. It can be practiced and attained by everyone regardless of status. ② The existence of cordial familial relationship attests to the presence of order and harmony in the state and universe. ③ Familial and political order have henceforth been 90 merged. They are attainable by the same cultivation process; notably the cultivation of filial piety and brotherly love. The difference lies in that one is exercised on a smaller scale while the other, on a bigger one. Cai Qing was a proponent of establishing a hierarchy system within a unified empire. The system was one that did not compromise the privileges or trivialize the resolution of the people. Another issue that I have touched on is how Cai Qing reacted to sociopolitical changes during his times. How did he try to cope with them? Cai Qing observed that officials then lacked morality and since cultivating the correct li was something everyone was able to do, he proposed it would be better off if central interference was avoided in certain instances. This accentuated the importance Cai Qing placed on individuals and clans. If these building blocks of locales were able to overcome obstacles they encountered, allow them to do so; if they were unable to, provide necessary assistance. This would facilitate governing. At the end of the day, efficient governance still had to stem from upright morality. The southerner Cai Qing believed that the state could learn from the wisdom of Confucians and address the root of governmental problems by starting with correcting oneself and then proceed to extending one‟s li. As de Bary has pointed out, the difference between Northern and Southern Song Neo-Confucians was that the latter were not so confidence of establishing Dao by the central authority and so supported individual, local and voluntary effort instead. Their aim was to bring about common welfare through mainly the effort of scholar-officials who were educated.211 In a way, Cai Qing still upheld the goal of active participation in reordering the world; not because he was a “Neo-Confucian,” but because he was indeed an official who contributed to ameliorating situation in the central bureaucracy and the welfare of 211 William. Theodore de Bary and Bloom, Irene et al, eds. Sources of East Asian Tradition, 336-8. 91 locals. Unlike some of his Northern Song predecessors, he was not in favor of tackling problems in an institutionalized manner. Cai Qing favored local and central effort to work jointly. Bol observes that around mid-Ming, locales were prospering as a result of the people‟s motivation to increase private wealth and their consequent successes. Local efforts such as lineages, academies, religious cults, and charitable enterprises were flourishing and competing with state-mandated institutions. He opines however that they were not done to show anti-state emotion as “it can be justified by the conviction that, when state systems are not effective, localist initiatives are one means of being responsible.”212 Cai Qing‟s ideal of a familial order would have supported and cohered with the doings of wealthier locales then. Cai Qing‟s idea of a harmonious clan was to extend benevolence and governance beyond to the universe. But is it justifiable to see mid-Ming NeoConfucians as always hoping to map the expectations they had for clans onto the state system? I have reservations taking Cai Qing as a representative of all southern literati, not to mention using him to represent all of mid-Ming literati. Koh Khee Heong‟s dissertation impels us to not to draw hasty conclusion. Koh sieves out three roles that clans played as thought of by Xue Xuan 薛瑄—a literatus form northern China, and by Yang Shiqi 楊士奇 and Fang Xiaoru 方孝孺—two literati from the south. He observes that Yang Shiqi and Fang Xiaoru, though both from the south, does not view the function of genealogy in the same way. Yang thought that genealogy was to be used by scholar-gentry to enhance humanness which would then be extended to other social aspects but the sense of local leadership was absent; Fang thought that the use of genealogy was to preserve the essence of good governance starting from one‟s clan. Peter K. Bol, “The „Localist Turn‟ and „Local Identity‟ in Later Imperial China,” Late Imperial China vol. 24, no. 2 (December, 2003), 4. 212 92 Though Yang and Fang differed on how genealogy can contribute to the ordering of the world, when compared with Xue Xuan—who thought that genealogy writing was to secure the well-being of the clan itself, especially for success in office, it is apparent that southerners had the vision of extending the benefits of genealogy writing beyond lineage to a larger social order. 213 Cai Qing‟s vision perhaps cohered with most southerners‟ view. But Koh‟s studies caution us against making generalizations across the entire China, not even across a geographically delineated region, as what the case of Yang and Fang has proven. So now, we see that Neo-Confucians from Southern Song to the time before the appearance of Wang Yangming had not inherited the vision of their Northern Song precursors which was to support instilling order in the universe through central effort. The case study of Cai Qing tells me that as a Neo-Confucian around mid-Ming, encouraging Dao to prevail stemming from individual‟s effort rather than by institutionalized coercion was his ideal choice. Decisions from the central authority need not be the main determinant causing any rupture (if there was) in Neo-Confucians‟ ideal system of government. It could well be a case where Neo-Confucians already had in mind a way to bring order to the world independent of how (reverent to Confucian teachings or despotic) rulers were. How literati thought the state should be governed was not in thrall to the nature and authority of rulers per se but rather, what literati felt was a more effective way to maximize and sustain the benefits of the people. Overcoming privation was just as instrumental as the determination to attain the apex of Dao that led to self-cultivation of the unity of man and the universe. For the reasons mentioned, I have proven another point. I have mentioned in my introduction that when Wang Yangming is being used as the figure to paint the intellectual scene in 213 Koh Khee Heong, “East of the River and Beyond,” 120-6. 93 Ming, scholars usually come to the conclusion that his teachings had been accepted because they appealed to the people in satiating their moral intent. The case study of Cai Qing proves to tell us more. Before the appearance of Wang Yangming, communal forces of the people were already gaining recognition. Cai Qing‟s emphasis on the functions of clans shows us how the people would have been able to govern themselves. The people were not only looking for moral retreat but also for a social structure that would allow them to be integrated into the governing system but not loses their importance as independent elements. Ming dynasty did not have to rely on the nascence of Wang Yangming‟s teachings to bear witness to the strength of grassroots effort. Chen Lai has observed the reality that study of Neo-Confucianism in Mainland China has been greatly restricted to philosophical and intellectual inquiries. To prevent from falling into the trap of grand narratives and subsequently come up with superficial and distorted understanding of Neo-Confucianism, modern scholars have tried to develop a sound understanding of Neo-Confucianism through philosophical inquiries. Chen evaluates that it will be a forthcoming trend that scholars will incorporate intellectual philosophy and social history effectively into the study of NeoConfucianism. By then, we will be better able to see the interaction between NeoConfucianism and the sociopolitical situation of corresponding times.214 While we anticipate the marriage of philosophy and history in Mainland China, we see relevant scholastic works appearing in other academic regions. There is a recent study on how clans have helped to spread the teachings of Wang Yangming at a grassroots level by Taiwanese scholar Zhang Yixi. He attributes the successful perpetuation of Wang‟s teachings at Jishui County 吉水縣 and Anfu County 安撫縣 of Chen Lai, preface to Song Ming Lixue 宋明理學 (Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 2003). 1-12. 214 94 Jiangxi Province to familial alliances, structure of family clans, social networks and the building of academies. Another important factor allowing the flourishing of Wang‟s teachings was that followers provided assistance such as ensuring social order that the government needed. They were playing the role of middlemen. Both the government and local families depended on these followers and this helped Wang‟s teachings flourish. While Lü Miao Fen‟s focuses on the literati community, Chang focuses on grassroots communities.215 We see that supporting the teachings of a certain intellectual figure was not merely about self-cultivation. A school of thought could yield a communal identity. Cai Qing enjoyed teaching in his hometown and found satisfaction from discussions with students. He supported the cooperation of the state and locale. Is it possible that Zhang Yixi‟s findings are applicable to Cai Qing‟s case? Were Cai Qing‟s teachings being used by local families to reinforce some sort of identity? These are areas which I think could be chewed over with related evidence to give us farther insights into the role Cai Qing‟s teachings played. Social forces are eclectic. What made Cai Qing‟s teachings took the centre stage during the sixteenth century but quickly faded into the background during Wanli reign? Why had his teachings not stood up to the test of Wang Yangmingism during the sixteenth century? Interestingly, it was also during Wanli reign that he was given the posthumous title of the Great Academician Wenzhuang and then bestowed another posthumous title of Vice Minister of Rites. 216 Were there any connections between these two incidents? The fact that officials would rally support for him to be given a title appears to be an interesting event. And why were he finally accepted by Emperor Zhang Yixi 張藝曦, Shequn, Jiazu yu Wangxue de Xiangli Shijian: Yi Mingzhong Wanqi Jiangxi Jian, Anfu Liangxian Weili 社群、家族與王學的鄉里實踐∶以明中晚期江西吉安、 安福兩縣爲例 (Taipei: Guoli Taiwan Daxue Chuban Weiyuanhui, 2006). 216 Minzhong Lixue Yuanyuankao, 55.9. 215 95 Yongzheng to be considered worthy of sacrificial rites? 217 Koh has conducted a detailed study of Xue Xuan‟s enshrinement in the Temple to Confucius. Xue Xuan was the first Ming Confucian to be enshrined on such a scale. Koh shows that Xue‟s enshrinement was a product of philosophical competition between followers of different schools of thought. During the competition, the paradigm for evaluating true Confucians and the definition of intellectual lineage were altered. This enshrinement issue was not a mere intellectual competition but one which also reflected regional and familial interests.218 These insights could perhaps answer some of my questions and make us think beyond superficial observations. My research focuses on the intellectual world of Cai Qing. I propose that he should be situated in a sociopolitical and intellectual narration. Evidence has shown that the welfare of locales was an indispensible area of concern for him. I believe I could have better substantiated my research project if I were to consider also the information of how influential he was in court as well as his vertical (relations of dependency) and horizontal (relations of equality) associations with his hometown. De Bary remarks that scholars of post-Confucian East Asia should reexamine their misreading of Neo-Confucian as an orthodoxy that represented “the unchanging core of Chinese thought,” a system of “authority and obedience,” and a metaphysic “accepted without question.” 219 I agree with him. Cai Qing, as an official who apparently had ample contact with Neo-Confucian orthodoxy, had proven not to fit any of the above descriptions. The so-called “central authority” that is being regarded as engendered by Neo-Confucianism—a thought believed to inculcate intellectual manipulation, is illusive. The actual impact of Neo-Confucianism on manipulating or 217 Shizongxian huangdi shengxun, 32.5-6. Koh Khee Heong, “Enshrining the First Ming Confucian,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol. 67, no. 2 (2007), 327-74. 219 William Theodore de Bary, preface to Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), x. 218 96 stifling literati‟s intellectual expression by the central authority warrants more discussions. The questions raised in the conclusion are many areas that I have not ventured into for further research due to the scope of my project but seem worthwhile to study. Regrettably, the answers have to await a future endeavor. 97 Bibliography Western Language: Books Bol, Peter K. Neo-Confucianism in History. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2008. Bol, Peter K. “This Culture of Ours”: Intellectual Transitions in T’ang and Sung China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992. Chang, Carsun. The Development of Neo-Confucian Thought. Vol. I. New York: Bookman Associates, 1957. Chang, Carsun. 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Lü Miao Fen 呂妙芬. “ Yiwen Shecharen Yijian” 〈評包 弼德《歷史上的理學》—兼論北美學界近五十年的宋明理學研究〉一文寨查人 意見 (Comments on the Article “Review of Peter K. Bol‟s “Neo-Confucianism in History” with the Inclusion of an Appraisal of the Studies of Song-Ming NeoConfucianism in North America over the Last Five Decades”). Xinshixue 新史學, vol. 21, no.2, (2010): 241-245. Xiang Shi-ling 向世陵 “Cai Qing‟s Development and Expansion from Zhu Xi‟s Original meaning of the Zhouyi—Taking his Annotations of Two Idioms as Case Studies” 蔡清對朱熹《本義》的折中修正—以“保合太和”與“繼善成性”的註 解為例, Zhouyi Yanjiu 周易研究, 2009, no. 2: 54-9. Zhou Tianqing 周天庆 “Xujing Gonfu yu Ming Zhonghouqi de Rudao Jiaoshe—Yi Zhu Xi Houxue Cai Qing Weili” 虛靜功夫與明中後期的儒道交涉—以朱熹後學蔡 清爲例, Dongnan Xuashu 東南學術, 2008, no. 6: 93-9. Chinese Language: Theses and Dissertations Koh Khee Heong 許齊雄, “An Appraisal of the Research of Intellectual Studies in North America over the Last Five Decades”《近五十年北美地區明代思想研究之回 顧》, MA. thesis, National University of Singapore, 2001. Zao Haifeng 趙海峰, “On the Study of Cai Qing's Philosophy Thought” 蔡清哲學思 想研究, MA. thesis, Xiangtan University, 2009). 104 [...]... to moral cultivation to attain self-perfection. 34 It was not as what Qing scholars had said that Ming intellectuals had had been interested only in speculation and not practical affairs because of the influence of Wang Yangming and his disciples A big bulk of Ching‟s study was consecrated to analyze Wang Yangming‟s philosophy which she understood as not concurring with the official Confucian ideal of... coupled with the fact that he is the only figure being given detailed study, these scholars arrived at the conclusion that Ming thought was speculative and metaphysical; that Wang Yangming‟s creativity brought about rationality, individualism and equality as what Shimade Kenji has also pinpointed 45 Wang‟s philosophy was meant to realize man‟s sagehood and ethico-religious aim 46 NeoConfucianism is understood... tranquil and very much at ease.” He believed that to learn, one has to cultivate a morally upright character and act in a morally upright way When one familiarizes oneself with the words of sages and reflect upon them, one will be able to discard archaic views and acquire new insights; one will experience changes as days pass by and transform oneself as months flow by.96 If Zhu Xi were regarded as... over officials‟ discipline; the second one was a recommendation made to promote over thirty officials It was recorded that these proposals were all approved by Wang Shu This particular incident which portrays Cai Qing as a Confucian erudite and responsible official has best be taken with a grain of salt.75 In any case, Cai Qing was later transferred to the Bureau of Honors, and was responsible for... Vice-education Intendant Censor of Jiangxi In 1506, Cai Qing went for an educational inspection He invited Chen Chen to accompany him The latter was then a provincial graduate and became the private tutor of his master‟s sons—Cunwei 存微 and Cunyuan 存遠 In the fourth month of the same year, they arrived at Hongdu 洪都 (present day Nanchang 南昌) Cai Qing, at his official residence, had a loft built for Chen Chen and. .. sees Song elite “in a local, as well as a national frame.” 54 Hymes comes to the conclusion that locality was growing in importance in elite social life and that there is a growing separation of elite from the state Elite were spending more time at and making more contribution to locales where they resided 55 There was a shift from a national strategy to a localist one This phenomenon was especially... teachings that propagated in this particular region were therefore those that inherited the authenticity of Han Confucianism Although Cai Qing was not able to fulfill his duties as a Confucian official during his several appointments, his teachings remained alive to educate the people for generations to come. 94 Cai Qing was commented to be a person who set his mind on learning at a young age and was enlightened... See Cai Qing 蔡清 Cai Wenzhuang Gongji 蔡文莊公集, Siku Quanshu Cunmu Congshu 四庫全書存目叢書 (Tainan: Zhuangyan wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1997), 2 .4- 6 87 Minzhong Llixue Yuanyuankao, 59 .4- 10 88 Mingru Yanxinglu, 6.20 29 depleting.89 Despite attaining an official rank of the fourth grade, he remained poor and was still willing to give others loans 90 He had always been filial to his parents and maintained cordial... associated I am going to demonstrate that Cai Qing suggested a hierarchal administrative system in which everyone treats one another like family members 71 The Li 理 that enables such 71 Readers should not confound this familial relationship from that described by Iwama in “Thought and Society in the Ming Period” where he argued that Wang Yangming advocated a society bound by a family-like relationship... world and physical self, expressed philosophically in a monism of qi…”; a return to the original essence of Confucianism, away from Song metaphysics and back to the personal example and teachings of Confucius.” 40 Contrasted with Northern Song Neo-Confucians, those in both Southern Song and Ming treated the question of the individual with an unprecedented level of interests Such a perception of Song-Ming ... to moral cultivation to attain self-perfection. 34 It was not as what Qing scholars had said that Ming intellectuals had had been interested only in speculation and not practical affairs because... arrived at the conclusion that Ming thought was speculative and metaphysical; that Wang Yangming‟s creativity brought about rationality, individualism and equality as what Shimade Kenji has also... approved by Wang Shu This particular incident which portrays Cai Qing as a Confucian erudite and responsible official has best be taken with a grain of salt.75 In any case, Cai Qing was later transferred