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Activism, academia, and new technologies the complicities of theorised and mobilised resistances in the globalising discourses of speed

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BETWEEN ACTIVISM AND ACADEMIA: THE COMPLICITIES OF ALTER-GLOBALIST RESISTANCES IN SPEED INGRID MARIA HOOFD (M. A. WOMENS STUDIES AND FILM STUDIES (HONS.), UTRECHT UNIVERSITY, THE NETHERLANDS) A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2006 Acknowledgements This dissertation is the culmination of many fruitful and instructive years spent in various activist and academic settings. I want to thank the Department of English Language and Literature and the University Scholars Project at the National University of Singapore for providing me with the excellent resources to my research and complete this dissertation. I also want to thank the Women’s Studies Department at Utrecht University for giving me the necessary background and enthusiasm to further pursue my research interest abroad. I also want to thank the various activist projects and groups I participate and have participated in over the years for all the dialogue, friendships, materials and insights. I extend my warmest thanks to Ryan Bishop for all his patience, suggestions, comments, humour, and inspiration throughout the last few years. The assistance of George Landow, Irina Aristarkhova and John William Phillips has also been invaluable. I am also grateful for all the loving support and encouragement my friends in Europe and Singapore, as well as my family in the Netherlands, have given me from nearby and from afar. Without them, this dissertation would not have found its completion. And last but not least, thanks to Sandra Khor Manickam for being my companion throughout the journey. ii Chapter One Complicities of resistance: activisms in terms of material and discursive production 1.1 The stakes and paradoxes of alter-globalist resistance 1.2 Complicating activisms: folding back what has been projected as ‘outside’ 1.3 Naturalising humanism: the productive foundation of activism 16 1.4 Romanticising the margins and forging alliances 26 1.5 The technological prosthesis and the increasing reproduction of inequalities 31 1.6 Discourses of the speed-elite 37 1.7 The aporetic productivity of the practice-theory dichotomy 46 1.8 Outlining alter-globalist activist strategies that are complicit in speed 54 Chapter Two Fantasies and tools of the speed-elite: radical new media theory and activism 2.1 Repetitions of acceleration: frantic hope, hidden despair 58 2.2 Radical new media thinkers: tactical media, autonomous zones and digital multitudes 69 2.3 Indymedia, the permanent autonomous zone? 80 2.4 Repeating the dream of speed: academia and Indymedia activism 97 2.5 Continuing deconstruction: from technology to mobility 101 Chapter Three Italian thought and the obsession with the migrant: the speed-elite’s daydream of radical alterity 3.1 The rise of a metaphor: radical thought and the migrant 106 3.2 Hypermodernism, the speed elite, and its narrative of redemption 115 3.3 Complicities of radical Italian thought: imagining an ‘ally par excellence’ 123 3.4 Empire and the self-serving rhetoric of the ‘subversive’ poor migrant 133 3.5 No-border theories, Italian thought, and new media activist rhetorics 141 iii 3.6 Radical Italian thought and European and Australian no-border activism 148 3.7 Productive migrations across the borders of nation and of other institutions 154 Chapter Four Dichotomies and spaces of the speed-elite: activism, academia, and the carrying forward of justice 4.1 The plot thickens: the quest for justice and its complicities in speed 159 4.2 The cry for activism: the etymology of a concept 166 4.3 The dispersed university: academia’s contingent borders 173 4.4 Concepts and borderlands, or how to loyally betray one’s productive foundations 178 4.5 Being on the border: the cry for activism within activist-research 186 4.6 Caught in the productive action-thought aporia 200 4.7 The necessity and complicity of justice and thought 208 Chapter Five The speed elite and beyond: empowering ourselves to death? 213 Bibliography 231 iv Summary This dissertation examines the ways in which several alter-globalist activist groups and thinkers, as well as left-wing academic theorists, mobilise discourses and divisions in an attempt to overcome gendered, raced and classed oppressions worldwide. In particular, this dissertation will draw out how these mobilisations and theorisations, despite (or because of) their liberatory claims, are actually implicated in the intensification of global hierarchies by repeatedly invoking narratives of transcendence, connection, progress and speed. Drawing from the quests for justice and truth that inspire current new media activism, radical Italian thought, and the concept of academia, this dissertation will argue that the humanist aporia that underlies all these practices, is what paradoxically also triggers the increasing disenfranchisement along lines of gender, class and race worldwide. Moreover, validating itself through the productive borderlines of academia and activism, this dissertation acknowledges that it is itself similarly implicated in these discourses and its concurrent reproduction of speed. Chapter One will outline the relevant theories of technologies (of the subject) and their entanglements with the contemporary globalisation of neo-liberalism and humanism. The chapter will propose to analyse connection of technologies and discourses of liberation and empowerment with neo-liberal capitalism through the notion of complicity, as well as through the idea of the aporia underlying the humanist utopia of liberation. Following this argument, the chapter will argue that these complicities facilitate foremost the emergence of a new global elite – the ‘speed-elite’. Next, Chapter Two will analyse the complicities of new media activism in the discourses and tools that underpin technocratic globalisation and this new ‘speed-elite’. In particular, the chapter will look at how the contradictions that underpin new media activism paradoxically lead to an increasingly problematic call for empowerment through virtualisation. Chapter Three will follow up on this analysis by critically examining the appearance of the migrant metaphor in radical Italian thought and activism. The chapter will point out that the rise of this metaphor is an effect of the desires of the ‘speed-elite’ to universalise humanism, cross borders and attain transcendence. The fantasy that such desires would be liberatory for ‘the oppressed’ erases the urgent analysis of the conditions of possibility that facilitate the ‘speed-elite’. Subsequently, Chapter Four will take the previous analyses to another plane by pointing out that the production of this dissertation itself is complicit in the very same discourses of speed. This is because it seeks to productively cross the borders of activism and academia as well as thought and action, arguing problematically that such a hybrid position is a location that speaks justice and truth. However, as with the analyses of activism, the play of the thought-action binary will be shown to be precisely the fundamental aporia that underlies the quest for speed as well as justice. Finally, Chapter Five will draw together the conclusions of the previous chapters and set out to question the stakes and consequences that these findings call forth. v Chapter One: Complicities of resistance: activisms in terms of material and discursive production “Let’s make things better.” Philips Electronics global brand campaign slogan. (2000) “Let us globalise the Struggle.” Slogan at the D14 anti-European Union protests. (2001) “Everyone resists, from gays and lesbians to rightist survivalists--so why not make the logical conclusion that this discourse of resistance is the norm today . ?” Slavoj Žižek, “A Symptom—of What?” (494, 2003) “The general ideology of global development is racist paternalism; its general economics capital-intensive investment; its broad politics . the subaltern as the rhetoric of their protest.” Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, A Critique of Postcolonial Reason. (373, 1999) 1.1 The stakes and paradoxes of alter-globalist resistance Let me, in order to plunge headlong into the complexity of the issues at stake, start this dissertation at one of those memorable protests against globalisation my feminist and anarchist friends and I participated in, which took place in Brussels on December 14, 2001. The targets of these D14 protests, which were attended by as many as 70000 people that day, were the latest decisions of the European Union and its capitulation to the demands of global capital. The European Union’s increasingly neo-liberal capitalist policies were condemned by the protesters for aggravating the gender, race and class gaps both within Europe and worldwide. We argued that these new policies would lead to an increasing feminisation of poverty and to the exclusion of ever more people from access to education, transport and (new) technologies. We understood policymaking within the European Union itself as an elitist practice, equal to those of corporate finance policies of exploitation, and only in favour of those people who were already rich, male, white and comfortable. Since we felt that the corporate media were not to be trusted for very much the same reasons, an ad-hoc Independent Media Centre and website were set up in an old deserted cinema building in the centre of Brussels, in order to enable the protesters to make public the ‘truth’ about the alter-globalist and liberatory ideas and intentions of the D14. Furthermore, word of the protests was supposed to spread this way, creating and enforcing alliances around the globe between us protesters and all oppressed peoples under the spread of neo-liberal capitalist globalisation. A few months later, in February 2002, some of my feminist colleagues and I were attending a European Union meeting on education and new technologies. I attended in the capacity of my post as a New Media Project Coordinator at a Women’s Studies department of a Dutch university, which had hired me partly because of my knowledge of and ties to new media and feminist activist groups ‘outside’ the university. The questions addressed at the particular meeting were varied: how to bridge the gender, race, and class disparities within Europe; how to create access to education and new technologies through, for instance, online learning programmes for those who are disabled or who have no money to travel abroad to get a degree, and how to enable and increase physical student mobility and lifelong learning so that people get more opportunities to empower themselves through knowledge-gathering. Most of the organisers of the meeting were women, and large sums of money were allocated during the meeting to tackle the issues discussed – all off which hopefully would create equal wealth and opportunity for all within Europe, as well as in the long run for all worldwide. The logic of this fight between protesters and policy makers was repeated several months later in a public debate organised by a student activist group in my home university. The student protesters accused the Dutch university rectors and heads of having fallen for the evils of neo-liberal capitalism by signing the European Union Bologna convention – a convention set up to facilitate inter-university travel, third-party sponsoring and international conversion of diplomas and grades. Students empowered themselves by putting themselves discursively in the position of the imagined ‘moral voice of the people of Europe’, by asserting that what the university originally stood for, it should continue to stand for: the pursuit of ‘untainted’ knowledge, truth and reason as a moral obligation to liberate and empower people. This was an obligation that should be carried out objectively, and which should be disconnected from ‘dirty’ politics, such as corporate economics. Of course, the rectors replied in desperation that the upholding and saving of the university’s main function in society as a moral place in which the quest for knowledge and reason can continue was exactly what made them sign the Bologna Treaty and introduce third-party funding. The broad similarities between the discourses of truth and empowerment employed by both on the surface seemingly oppositional groups – the anti-EU- and student-protesters and the university- and EU-policymakers – may strike the reader as extraordinary. Both groups clearly operated with the good intentions of a democratising and empowering politics. But the point of my recollecting these personal memories is not to claim that the alter-globalist activists are completely deluded in their resistance against and critique of the European Union, nor that these European Union and university policies and decisions are totally benevolent. Instead, it is to introduce the reader to the likelihood that these similarities on the level of rhetoric may not be accidental, and that determining whose claims are repressive and whose are actually helping the oppressed, may not be as easily made as it seems at first glace. More particularly, the similarities suggest that every activist claim to be on ‘the oppressed’ side, to ‘really do’ something about injustices, as well as every subsequent demonisation of certain institutions as the ‘evil oppressor’ or as merely privileged or elitist, whether this be academia or the European Union, marks exactly activism’s complicity in such reproductions of inequality. This is because such activism accuses those institutions of doing what activism itself also does. Perhaps then, in the cases of the above D14 and student protests examples, the very same forces that constitute the European Union make possible the very protests against the European Union, and the counter-voices put up by students and protesters in effect reproduce the founding myths of the institutions they are protesting against. I must warn readers here that the aim of mapping out such complicities is not eventually to claim that a certain type of politics or activism is possible that may transcend such complicities and become ‘liberating for all’. Such a claim would itself reproduce those myths that underlie the discourse of truth and liberation it inevitably seeks to critique. Instead, I suggest that complete non-complicity is essentially an impossibility, whether it is on the level of alter-globalist protests or on the level of this individual dissertation and its entanglements with certain institutions that facilitate latecapitalist production. This impossibility marks the continuing desire to identify with and uphold a narrative of emancipatory progress – both within activisms and within academia. This may draw our attention to what are perhaps the stakes of such tainted struggles: no less than the survival of certain groups and their linguistic arrangements into the next century, as these groups and arrangements suffer gradual erasure in a world of increasing military intensification and casualty. The standpoint claim to be ‘on the oppressed side’ is therefore no mean feat or frivolity, and it is not my aim to denounce such a politics at all: it is serious business with very serious consequences. My suggestion is that perhaps such a politics may end up biting itself in the tail when it is not aware of its reproduction of those hierarchies that facilitated its own self-image as ‘truly resistant and subversive’ in the first place. 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New York: Routledge (2003). 246 [...]... productive in a more unsettling and hopefully more loving and just way because it is this quest for justice that stands at the basis of my own personal activist and academic endeavours, commitments and responsibilities The interesting ‘accident’ of the growth within the alter-globalist movement of these reciprocal annoyances and fights which each other, is then that the event of the coming together of such... function and be productive, and that it is here (in the double sense of the adverb), at this moment of enunciation, that it’s fundamental complicities arise As such, a drawing out of complicities will trace back, or fold back into the surface of an action or standpoint, the contingencies of those founding ideas that had been made ‘hidden’ or ‘othered’ in the process of enunciation of that very standpoint Interestingly... evolution and action (whether capitalist or liberatory), relies upon the constant precarious ‘reproduction of 26 marginality’ For instance, Spivak, in the interview with Elizabeth Grosz entitled “Criticism, Feminism, and The Institution,” interestingly talks about the turn of the nonWest towards the West in terms of a “command.” (8) By this she implies that, while the taking up of the position of a feminist... engaged in, result in one particularly pervasive discursive strategy that in the light of recent alter-globalist activism deserves further attention This strategy consists of the conception of an ‘ideal other’ that is in essence a projection of the self In “Marginality in the Teaching Machine,” Gayatri Spivak discusses how the revalidation of the West and the fantasy of the autonomous agent as the proper... allows The breeding of awareness and gesturing towards otherness is therefore also important in the face of the new technologies instilling an erasure of how that which one (as activist or as an academic) enjoys or feels empowered in doing affects others and eventually affects oneself 1.4 Romanticising the margins and forging alliances According to Derrida, the ‘double affirmation’ or ‘first and second... But the belief of breaking with a heritage, the belief in emancipation, then confirms its humanist heritage by internalising it, says Derrida In The Future of the Profession,” Derrida performs at length what we, whether being activists or theorists professing to a mode of humanist truth, are in fact repeatedly choosing without the memory of this aporia’s trace It is this gap, and the discursive and. .. condition that drives these praxes and institutions forward The activisms under scrutiny in the following chapters perpetuate the problematic universalisation of humanism both by their professing claims for utopias of liberation, as well as through exacerbating the ‘doing’ versus ‘thinking’ binary typical of metaphysical viewpoints Since both idealistic academics and inspired activists, pressing for liberatory... of the margin.” (59) As such, they seemingly prove and extend the universal applicability of the humanist subject and its technologies The identification of the (voice from the) margin, like the oppressed’ or the Third world’, then taps into the Enlightenment aspiration to extend its own humanist belief system This is not to say that ‘naming the margin’ cannot be empowering or productive – on the. .. speed elite’ They argue that this results in a material strengthening of neo-liberal hegemony through the exponential use of technologies of mobility, connection, and border-crossing desired by this elite, eventually enforcing and spreading humanist and modernist myths such as ‘freedom’ and ‘transcendence from constraints.’ The dominant discourses of technologies, and in particular the fantasy of ‘freedom... as to the genealogies of what they reproduce By the same token, the possibility of my writing this dissertation by means of strategically toggling between critique and deconstruction is a sign of my continuation of and responsibility towards these activisms and the grounding notions they require I am therefore greatly indebted to these activisms, in particular to the tensions that result from the aporia . 1.4 Romanticising the margins and forging alliances 26 1.5 The technological prosthesis and the increasing reproduction of inequalities 31 1.6 Discourses of the speed- elite 37 1.7 The aporetic. borders of nation and of other institutions 154 Chapter Four Dichotomies and spaces of the speed- elite: activism, academia, and the carrying forward of justice 4.1 The plot thickens: the. responsibilities. The interesting ‘accident’ of the growth within the alter-globalist movement of these reciprocal annoyances and fights which each other, is then that the event of the coming together of such

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