Mapping english linguistic capital the case of filipino domestic workers in singapore

MAPPING ENGLISH LINGUISTIC CAPITAL: THE CASE OF FILIPINO DOMESTIC WORKERS IN SINGAPORE BEATRIZ PAREDES LORENTE (M.A. Literature, Ateneo de Manila University; M.A. Linguistics, Ohio University) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE Acknowledgements When I started this dissertation, I did not know where my questions would take me. My thanks go to the institutions and people who have been my oases, lighthouses and travelling companions. First and foremost, I am grateful to the women who participated in this study who shared their time and their stories with me, and who constantly asked why I was researching about English when there were more dramatic things I could write about. I am thankful to them, to my students at the Bayanihan Centre and to the volunteers of the Filipino Overseas Workers of Singapore (FOWS) skills training program for keeping me grounded in the everyday realities of using English. My supervisor, Anne Pakir, believed in what I had to say before I found the words to talk and write about my topic coherently. She patiently and constantly challenged me to clarify my thoughts and unstintingly supported me through more than six years of writer’s block, life changes and new work demands. My thanks go to friends and former colleagues at the Asia Research Institute of the National University of Singapore, especially the Asian migrations cluster who exposed me to research on transnational migration. My thanks also go to colleagues at the Language and Communication Centre of Nanyang Technological University. I owe adobo to Francesco Cavallaro, Ng Bee Chin and Tan Ying Ying. I am also grateful to Chan Ling Ling and Lee i Acknowledgements ii Hwee Hoon who found ways to help me manage my full teaching load and my writing between January to March 2007. Friends read early versions of some of my chapters and discussed the issues in this dissertation with me at various times. I am particularly grateful to Shanthini Pillai, Noorashikin Abdul Rahman, and T. Ruanni F. Tupas for being critical readers and wonderful traveling companions. This dissertation would not have been completed without a supportive family. I am grateful to my mother, Amelia P. Lorente, for believing in my work and my sister, Lora Frances P. Lorente, for help in inputting and organizing data and keeping me sane. Finally, I am especially grateful to my husband, Bruno Trezzini, who read through and critically commented on drafts of my dissertation and who took care of everything else so I could concentrate on writing. Thank you for everything. This dissertation is dedicated to my late father, Felino L. Lorente, a teacher, writer and scholar, who showed me just how rewarding asking questions could be. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements .i Table of Contents . iii Summary .vi List of Tables and Figures viii Acronyms ix English Voices in an Unequal World System .1 English as a site and means of symbolic struggle .2 English in an unequal world system .4 Voices in English The case study: English-speaking Filipino domestic workers in Singapore Research questions 10 Relevance of the study 11 Outline of the study 15 Linguistic Capital in Transnational Arenas 17 Language and globalization 17 Theorizing voice .21 Revisiting linguistic capital .22 Inequalities in the world system 28 The world system .28 Transnational arenas .30 Agency and negotiated identites 32 Agency .32 Negotiated identities .35 Remapping linguistic capital 38 The macro-level of analysis .39 The micro-level of analysis .41 Summary .43 Listening to Voices: Methodology and Data Collection .44 The Bayanihan Centre 46 Secondary data sources .49 Class cards 49 Self-selection bias 50 Statistical profile of FDWs who attended English classes 51 In-depth interviews with Filipino domestic workers 53 The in-depth interviews .54 The interview participants .61 Attitudinal survey .65 Additional data sources .68 iii Table of Contents iv In the Grip of English: The Philippine State and the Making of Overseas Filipino Workers 70 The Philippines as a labor-sending state .70 History of labor migration from the Philippines .73 Patterns of labor migration from the Philippines 77 The feminization of migrant Filipino labor .81 The grip of English .86 The history of English in the Philippines 89 The making of English-speaking overseas Filipino workers 93 English in shifting indexicalities 98 Re-indexing competitiveness .101 Re-indexing nationalism 106 Summary .114 The Script of Servitude: Maid Agencies in Singapore and the Positioning of English-speaking Products .115 Maid agencies as mediating and centering institutions 116 The mediating and centering functions of transnational labor brokers .117 Maid Agencies in Singapore .120 Positioning English-speaking products .129 Representations of Filipino domestic workers in Singapore .129 The relative values of English linguistic capital 135 Styling the domestic worker .139 Performing the script of servitude .143 Displaying servitude 153 Summary .160 Translating Selves: Filipino Domestic Workers in Singapore and the Trajectories of English .162 Trajectories of English 163 Translating selves .164 English in the Philippines 164 English in Singapore 168 “I have lost my English” 168 “You’re the one who adjusts, not them, right?” .173 “’Yung madam/Madonna ko” 177 “Pa-English-English” in the Philippines .185 “Lord, help me to English my tongue” 189 Summary .191 Mapping Voices: Filipino Domestic Workers in Singapore and the Symbolic Values of “Good English” .192 The symbolic values of “good English” .192 Good English is “puro Ingles” 193 Singlish is not “good English” 195 Mapping voices .201 Positioning employers .201 Table of Contents v Employers who speak Singlish and/or who are not fluent in ‘standard’ English 202 Expatriate employers and Singaporean employers who speak ‘standard’ English 207 A hierarchy of desirable employers? 210 Positioning domestic workers 213 More than just a maid .213 Indonesian domestic workers .217 Locating belonging .222 Accents of non-belonging 222 In-group codes and offstage identities .224 Summary .227 Conclusion: Towards Conditions of Possibility .228 English linguistic capital and symbolic struggles .229 Inequalities and English 231 Mobilizing English .233 Enabling conditions of possibility 235 Appendix 1: Sample of a “Maid Test” .239 Appendix 2: Sample Biodata of a Domestic Worker .243 Appendix 3: Questionnaire (English Translation) .244 Bibliography 248 Summary Current studies of global English have been criticized for being caught between dichotomies – between arguments about homogeneity or heterogeneity, linguistic imperialism or linguistic hybridity – which not allow for sufficiently complex understandings of what is currently happening to English and to the communities, groups and individuals who are appropriating it. This study examines how, as linguistic capital, English is both a resource for and a domain of symbolic struggles in transnational social fields or arenas. This is contextualized by remapping English in macro- and microlevels of analysis to account for how it is embedded in structural inequalities and how it is mobilized in the immediate struggles of individuals. In this regard, this study draws from the case of Filipino domestic workers in Singapore. The case presents a unique opportunity to explore how the inequalities of the world system and the acts of English identification of individuals are configured in the context of the flows of migrant women between the Philippines and Singapore, two post-colonial states in contrasting stages of development, that had and that continue to have a historical and cultural formation negotiated in or mediated by English. To unpack the different dimensions of the case, the study focuses on how macro- and micro-level social actors in the transnational arena of domestic work appropriate English and what the effects of these appropriations may be, at their levels. These social actors are the Philippine vi Summary vii state, transnational maid agencies in Singapore and the Filipino domestic workers in Singapore themselves. In particular, the study describes how, in the transnational field, English is appropriated by: (1) the Philippine state in its discourse about the competitiveness of its migrant workers; (2) maid agencies in Singapore, in their script of servitude for Filipino domestic workers; and (3) the Filipino domestic workers in Singapore in how they negotiate the everyday realities of their marginalized position in Singapore society. This study argues that English is embedded in multiple interconnected sites of symbolic struggle. The appropriations of English at different levels and their effectiveness at generating uptake are contingent on the spacespecific distribution of valuable material and symbolic resources. This has particular implications for marginalized groups such as the Filipino domestic workers who mobilize English in their immediate struggles to reconstitute the everyday impositions of structural power on their lives. An understanding of the interactions between structural inequalities engendered by English and agentive appropriations of English should inform strategic interventions. List of Tables and Figures Table 1: General biographical profile of interview participants at time of interview 57 Table 2: Profile of interview participants: education, previous work experience and reasons for coming to Singapore 58 Table 3: Annual deployment of overseas Filipino workers, 1984-June 2005 .78 Table 4: Top 10 destinations of overseas Filipinos, as of December 2004 .79 Table 5: Top 10 destinations of landbased overseas Filipino workers (rehires and new hires), 2004 and 2005 .80 Table 6: Skill category, selected years (in %) 81 Table 7: Deployed overseas Filipino workers (new hires, top 10 occupational groups by sex), 2005 82 Table 8: Annual deployment of new hires by skill category (female percentage in brackets), 1992-2002 .83 Table 9: Top 10 destinations of overseas Filipino workers and percent female in OFW population, 2002 85 Table 10: Estimated stock of transnational domestic workers in Singapore, 1986-2004 122 Table 11: Generalized levels of English proficiency among transnational domestic workers in Singapore .130 Table 12: Prevailing stereotypes of Filipino, Indonesian and Sri Lankan transnational domestic workers in Singapore 131 Table 13: Prevailing stereotypes of foreign domestic workers in Canada .137 Table 14: Forms of address/reference: Domestic workers for employers .179 Table 15: Preferred forms of reference: Employers for domestic workers .181 Table 16: Forms of address/reference: Domestic workers for their employers’ children .182 Table 17: Preferred forms of reference: Employers’ children for domestic workers 183 Table 18: Words used to refer to (a) employers and experiences with domestic work and (b) activities, etc. on their days off .226 Figure 1: Posters on the glass door of a maid agency in Lucky Plaza .124 Figure 2: Rules posted on a glass door of a maid agency in Lucky Plaza .155 viii Acronyms 3D AB BEP BS BSP DepEd DH DOLE DOLOP EOI FDI FDW FOWS FUSE GDP HB HSW LCP MOI MOM NC2 NSO OFW OPA OWWA POEA SWS TESDA UNIFEM Dirty, degrading, dangerous Bachelor of Arts Bilingual education policy Bachelor of Science Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas Department of Education Domestic helper Department of Labor and Employment DOLE Labor Opportunities Program Export-oriented industrialization Foreign direct investment Filipino domestic worker Filipino Overseas Workers in Singapore Foundation for Upgrading the Standard of Education Gross domestic product House Bill Household service worker Live-in Caregiver Program Medium of instruction Ministry of Manpower National Certificate II National Statistics Office Overseas Filipino worker Overseas performing artist Overseas Workers Welfare Administration Philippine Overseas Employment Administration Social Weather Station Technical Education and Skills Development Authority United Nations Development Fund for Women ix 245 Appendix 6. I like reading English magazines or books. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree 7. I feel shy to speak in English. Strongly Agree Agree 8. My English will help me find work in other countries. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree 9. I would feel confident speaking to an American or a British. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree 10. I would like to speak like my employer does. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure 11. My English skills will help me get a better-paying job. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree 12. I like the Singaporean pronunciation of English. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure 13. I like reading Tagalog magazines or books. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure 14. I like the British pronunciation of English. Strongly Agree Agree 15. Filipinos speak good English. Strongly Agree Agree 246 Appendix 16. My present employers speak good English. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree 17. I speak good English. Strongly Agree Agree 18. Filipino nurses in Singapore speak good English. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure 19. Indonesian maids speak good English. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure 20. Americans and British speak good English. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure 21. Filipino maids speak good English. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure 22. Singaporeans speak good English. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure 23. The staff at the Philippine embassy speaks good English. Strongly Agree Agree Not Sure Disagree Strongly Disagree 24. Before I came to Singapore, I thought my English was: Very Good Good Average Poor Very Poor 25. My first employer in Singapore thought my English was: Very Good Good Average Poor Very Poor Average Poor Very Poor 26. Now I think my English is: Very Good Good 247 Appendix 27. My present employers think my English is: Very Good Good Average Poor Very Poor 28. If I ever work in another country, maybe my English will become: Very Good Good Average Poor Very Poor Which countries are you thinking of going to? ____________________________ 29. If I stay on in Singapore, maybe my English will become: Very Good Good Average Poor Very Poor 30. If I go home to the Philippines to work, maybe my English will be: Very Good Good Average Poor Very Poor ________________________________________________________________________ Would you be willing to be interviewed by me for my study? Yes No How can I interview you? (Please check all that apply) ( ) By phone My phone number is _____________________. You can call me on these days: _____________ at these times: __________________________. 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[...]... are we to contextualize these voices in English in the inequalities of the world system? What are the conditions of possibility that shape their voice? These are some of the questions this study explores The case study: English- speaking Filipino domestic workers in Singapore To develop the aforementioned themes, this study draws from the case of FDWs in Singapore Migrant Filipino women have come to... trajectories of the FDWs’ English Chapter 7 centers on how FDWs define and mobilize the symbolic values of “good English In Chapter 8, I revisit the main themes that underpin this study and point to further research 2 Linguistic Capital in Transnational Arenas In this chapter, I lay out the theoretical framework that informs how I contextualize English linguistic capital in the case of FDWs in Singapore. .. examine how centering institutions, namely the Philippine state and the maid agencies in Singapore appropriate English to construct the identities and index the social positions of FDWs I also look at how FDWs in Singapore themselves appropriate English in their acts of English identification Relevance of the study This study contributes to three main areas of inquiry: (1) language and migration in the. .. from the Philippines in general, and FDWs in Singapore in particular Outline of the study In the next chapter, I discuss the theoretical underpinnings of the study I describe my data collection methods in Chapter 3 Chapters 4 to 7 discuss different dimensions of the case study In Chapters 4 and 5, I analyze Chapter 1 16 centering institutions at the macro-level Chapter 4 focuses on how the Philippine... varieties there may be of this thing called English, but rather what kind of mobilizations underlie acts of English use or learning (Pennycook, 2007b, p 171) Finally, this study contributes a sociolinguistic perspective to the already rich literature on the Filipino diaspora There is a dearth of sociolinguistic studies on the Filipino diaspora despite there being more than eight million Filipinos overseas... into contact in the transnational field of domestic work would need to be considered In the case of the letter writer and Myrna, this would mean, among other things, examining the mechanisms of and processes involved in the labor flows between the Philippines and Singapore, two Southeast Asian countries in contrasting stages of development, two postcolonial states that had and that continue to have... children who, presumably, would be in the process of acquiring and learning English at home and in school The FDWs competence in English is striking because this would mean that they, a marginalized social group, possess linguistic capital that is central in the world system and highly valuable in the linguistic economy of Singapore Research questions In this light, the research questions which this... was how they deployed “straight English , i.e “unmixed English , during arguments with Singlish-speaking employers; this mobilization of “straight English seemed to have the effect of silencing employers, rendering them unable to continue scolding or shouting at the FDW In using linguistic capital, i.e “straight English , the FDW is evoking, if not wealth then authority She temporarily subverts the asymmetrical... particularly in the case of Filipino domestic workers (FDWs) in Singapore Threading through this study are three interrelated themes: the centrality of language as a resource for and a site of symbolic struggles, the structural inequalities of the world system and the conditioned agency of language users Firstly, as observed by Heller (2001a), “language is both a key domain of struggle over difference and inequality,... and Singapore, and the oilrich countries in the Middle East.7 FDWs are transmigrants and their travels are marked by multiple departures, returns and detours A migrant Filipino 7 Filipino women are not the only transnational domestic workers There are also increasing numbers of transnational Indonesian domestic workers in the Middle East, Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan Transnational Sri Lankan domestic . Agencies in Singapore 120 Positioning English- speaking products 129 Representations of Filipino domestic workers in Singapore 129 The relative values of English linguistic capital 135 Styling the. about the competitiveness of its migrant workers; (2) maid agencies in Singapore, in their script of servitude for Filipino domestic workers; and (3) the Filipino domestic workers in Singapore in. from the case of Filipino domestic workers in Singapore. The case presents a unique opportunity to explore how the inequalities of the world system and the acts of English identification of individuals