Media representation of indonesia in the sydney morning herald from 2004 to 2009 1

CHAPTER Introduction and Theoretical Perspectives 1.1 Introduction to Thesis This study deals with media representations constructed by one country’s newspaper about another country. In particular, it examines how Indonesia was represented in one Australian broadsheet, The Sydney Morning Herald (SMH), from 2004 to 2009. This chapter discusses the motivation, the research questions, the purpose and the theoretical perspectives of this study. 1.1.1 Motivation for the Study This study takes the perspective that what gets reported in the news should not be understood as the same as what actually happened. Rather, it is the author’s version of what happened. The news about an event should be distinguished from the event itself (van Leeuwen, 2008), because it has undergone recontextualization processes of being selected and made relevant and appropriate to the news discourse (Fairclough, 2003; van Leeuwen, 2008). It has also been framed in such a way (D’Angelo and Kuypers, 2010, Johnson-Cartee, 2005) due to the writers’ knowledge, experience, ideology, culture, and purpose of writing. In this process, some participants in the event may be foregrounded while some others backgrounded in the news, and their actions dramatized or generalized. Above all, reporters may also share their own judgments or opinions about the event, the participants and their actions. News representation, that is, the portrayal or construal of people and events in the news, is a complicated matter. Representations that reporters make in the news can be explicit or implicit, and not all readers are able to interpret them accurately because they also have different background knowledge, experience, exposure levels, and purpose of reading. Readers tend to accept and believe what is reported in the news, because they realize they are limited by distance and access to the events. Readers may not realize that news reports are only the reporters’ representations about the events; that’s why, different reporters produce different representations of the same people and events. Nevertheless, news has become pervasive in human’s life (Alterman, 2003), and the effects of news have significantly influenced all segments of life. From politics (e.g., Graber, 2011), economy and business (e.g., Cai, 2011), education (e.g. Buckingham, 2000) and environmental education (e.g., Stevenson and Dillon, 2010) to the more mundane day-to-day interests of people such as the weather, fashion, transportation, food and health, most human activities are influenced by the latest news. Journalists claim that they report the event as real as it is, are objective and balanced, and avoid biased reporting. However, informed readers or media analysts have found evidences of explicit and implicit misrepresentations in the news, for example, those towards women (e.g., Stevens-Gupta, 2011; Merskin, 2011), minority groups (e.g., Harding, 2006; Merskin, 2011; Richardson, 2004a; Pietikainen, 2003; van Dijk, 2000), immigrants (e.g. KhosraviNik, 2009), ethnic or religious groups (e.g., Richardson, 2004b), the disabled (e.g., Darke, 2005), and the ageing (e.g., Bailey, 2010). Most of these studies dealt with news representations of certain groups of people living in the same community with the reporters and the readers. They were negatively represented in the news media and treated as an ‘out-group’ against another group assumed to be the mainstream society such as male, employed, healthy, active and of ethnic majority. This condition is characterized as racism in the media (e.g., van Dijk, 2000; Richardson, 2004b). Such negative depiction in the news may generate racism in the society, because news can construct public opinion (Lippmann, 1922 [2007]). Racist representations of minority groups may influence the readers’ and society’s perceptions about those groups. Not only that, soon the negative stereotypes in the news can result in racist behaviors towards those groups and unfair treatment and discrimination from the mainstream government and lawmakers towards them. For example, the negative representations in some British newspapers and tabloids about Asian immigrants living in Britain caused racist behaviors of the local British people towards those immigrants (e.g., KhosraviNik, 2009). This study, however, aims to analyze the media representation about a foreign country, namely, representations in an Australian newspaper about Indonesia. Physically, Australia and Indonesia are separated by the Indian Ocean, which is each country’s border. Socially, they are separated and develop in different cultures. Concerning the effects of the news, what is reported in Australia about Indonesia will shape the perceptions of the Australian readers, including the government officials and people, about Indonesia. For example, following the footage in ABC news about the inhumane slaughtering of Australian cattle in Indonesia’s abattoirs in 2011 (http://www.abc.net.au/lateline/content/2012/ s3441902.htm), the Australian government suspended the export of Australian cattle to Indonesia for some time. In the cross-border contexts such as in the case of Australia and Indonesia where the border is an ocean, however, the Indonesians in Indonesia may not be directly affected by its negative representations in the Australian news. Negative stereotypes about Indonesia may be formed and may affect some Indonesians living in Australia and interacting with Australians, but the media effect will not be as strong and direct as that in the same-community context. Thus, some concepts in media representation studies need to be adapted in order to more fully appreciate cross-border representations. In the process of representing another country or culture, reporters perceive that country or culture through their ‘cultural goggles’ (Nesbitt, 1971). This means they interpret the social practices they see in that country through their own cultural codes. In case of Australia and Indonesia, what happens and commonly done in Indonesia are observed through the western standard, and this is greatly different from the Indonesian or particularly Javanese traditions which the reporters see during their assignment in Indonesia. In construing Indonesia in the news, the reporters put Indonesia as the object of representation which they share to the Australian readers. Both reporters and readers share the same cultural codes which they use to interpret and evaluate events in Indonesia. The interpretation by Australian readers will definitely different from that of Indonesian. Indonesians who not read Australian newspapers may not know that they have perhaps been ‘misrepresented’ (presented in a wrong or negative way) so they could not counter it. Although Australian journalists may not so on purpose, the pattern is the same: negative stereotypes of Indonesians tend to be recycled among Australians from generation to generation (Freedman, 2000). This study is also motivated by personal experience. As an Indonesian studying in Australia under the Australian Government’s scholarship, and then teaching Australian Studies upon returning to Indonesia, I have been reading Australian newspapers and have become more interested in reading their news on Indonesia. I was often struck by the negative images of Indonesians reported for the consumption of Australian public. On one hand, I cannot say that those representations were not true because I saw similar events or read about them in the local press. On the other hand, there is a danger of constantly presenting predominantly negative representations about Indonesia to non-Indonesian readers. Over time Australian readers may build biased stereotypes of Indonesia, because they may never visit Indonesia, get to know Indonesians personally or experience living in the country themselves. They rely only on these mediated representations written by Australian correspondents for their ideas of Indonesia and Indonesians. In terms of future bilateral relationships, such a situation may prove detrimental. As discussed earlier that news representation is a complicated matter, in foreign media representations the complication is more intense due to the different cultural codes used to interpret a foreign culture. Studies on foreign media representation are even very rare. After using search engines and accessing the websites of several universities and libraries, I found only two studies on foreign media representation. One was conducted by Wasburn (2002), who analyzed how the United States of America was politically represented in Japanese, Indonesian, British, French, Canadian and Russian print and electronic media. He concluded that the representations of the US in the media of other countries were very much influenced by the political and historical contexts of the country’s relationships with the US. For example, in the Japanese media the US was perceived as a business competitor, in the Indonesian media as the world police (in a negative sense), in the Russian media as a former enemy, and in the British, French and Canadian media as a far-away friend. Such representations were very general and referring to the country or government only. My study, on the contrary, analyzes the foreign media representations of different kinds of people of another country: from the presidents to the scavengers. The other study was Mahony (2006, 2010a, 2010b) which focused on the construction of Indonesian Islam in Australian news in the context of ‘war on terrorism’. While my research topic is similar to hers, Mahony limited her subjects to muslim Indonesians only. In Australian news after the series of bombings in Indonesia in 2002-2005, especially the Bali bombing in 2002 and the bombing of the Australian Embassy in Jakarta in 2004, unsurprisingly there was a very negative sentiment towards Islamists. Since then Australia supported the United States of America’s programs in fighting terrorism. Thus, framed and perceived within a skewed context from the outset, the news representations of the Islamists were understandably negative. The present study, however, wishes to observe a relatively unbiased outsider’s perception and representation of Indonesia. That is why the chosen news for this study are about Indonesia’s domestic issues which the Australians had no vested interest. Moreover, the Indonesians analyzed in the news are from all walks of life, from presidents and government officials, to food vendors and other ordinary Indonesians, including the Islamists. This study attempts to see the representations of Indonesia which are constructed from a set of diverse issues, in order to avoid the bias of particular topics, such as the Islamists and the war on terrorism. The data were gathered from The Sydney Morning Herald (SMH) from 2004 to 2009. SMH is the mainstream broadsheet published and distributed mainly in Sydney and the New South Wales. Among approximately one-hundred texts on Indonesia published each year in SMH, this study selected only articles about Indonesia’s national, domestic, social and cultural issues, and excluded news about Indonesia but relating to Australia and those affecting Australia-Indonesia relations. Thus, articles on bilateral disputes, such as East Timor, Papua, asylumseekers, Bali Nine (nine Australian drug mules arrested and imprisoned in Bali), Shapelle Corby (jailed for bringing marijuana into Indonesia), the prosecution and execution of the Bali bombers, or Merauke Five (five Australians without visas stranded in Papua) were not selected. The decision was made because the representations of Indonesia in such news articles may be characterized by what van Dijk called ‘ideological square’ (van Dijk, 2000). Applied to news items in Australia, this means that the Australian newspaper, like any writer or speaker, will emphasize the good of ‘self’ and the bad of ‘others’, and de-emphasize the bad of ‘self’ and the good of ‘others’. Concerning controversial political issues, many scholars in political science from both countries have discussed and debated these, for example, Silalahi (1991), Evans (1995), Aspinall and Fealy (e.g., 2010), Lindsey (e.g., 2000), Crouch (e.g., 2010), and Mietzner (e.g., 2006, 2009). Linguistic and media studies research on Australia and Indonesia relations are, on the contrary, very few, although language, news and the media are integral materials in the studies of political, bilateral relations. Thus, this study attempts to fill the linguistic and media gap in the collection of studies about Indonesia and Australia. This study decided to observe news representations of Indonesians in Australian press from social, cognitive and cultural perspectives. In particular, the social perspective is based on Fuller (2010) and Schudson (2003), the cognitive and sociocognitive perspectives follow van Dijk and Kintsch (1983), and van Dijk (1988a, 1988b, 2008), and the cultural perspective follows Berkowitz (2011) and Zelizer (1997). These theoretical perspectives, which will be discussed in Section 1.2., show that news representation invites multi-interpretation from the readers and thus need a multi-perspectival approach to analyze. Therefore, this study also attempts to propose a linguistic framework towards analyzing news representations which take into consideration the Indonesian news actors and the Australian reporters who produced the representations. The framework, consisting of three analyses of ‘news actors’, ‘news actions’ and ‘author evaluation’, will be presented in Chapter Three. The term ‘news actor’, adapted from van Leeuwen’s (2008) ‘social actor’, specifies the social actors in the news articles. ‘News action’, also adapted from van Leeuwen’s (2008) ‘social action’, deals with the actions of the news actors which get reported in the news. The ‘author evaluation’ framework, following Martin and White’s (2005) appraisal system, analyzes the reporters’ comments or opinions about the news actors and their actions which they communicate to the readers. Their opinions are categorized into a number of aspects of evaluation and whether the evaluation is expressed explicitly or implicitly. In general, the reporters’ opinions about news actors and their actions mainly frame the whole representations they produce in the news. Because the first and the second analyses deal with personal attributes and behaviors of the news actors, and the third analysis deals with the reporters’ opinions or comments about the actors, the proposed three-dimensional analytical framework complement each other in observing representations of news actors and their actions in the news. 1.1.2 Research Questions The main research question to be answered in this study is how Indonesia is represented in the selected news articles published in The Sydney Morning Herald (SMH) from 2004 to 2009. This question will be investigated by examining how Indonesian news actors and their actions are verbally portrayed by the Australian reporters in the news articles and what the reporters ‘say’ about them. In particular, this study will answer the following questions: 1. How are Indonesian news actors represented in the Australian newspaper? 2. How are their actions represented in the newspaper? 3. In what aspects of evaluation are the news actors and their actions mainly represented in the newspaper? By answering these questions, this study hopes to characterize the representations of Indonesia and/or Indonesians in the Australian newspaper. These news actors are categorized based on the levels of their political involvement; thus, the objects of representation are the presidents and some presidential candidates, the government officials, and the ordinary people of Indonesia. 1.1.3 Purpose of the Study This study aims at finding out how Indonesian news actors were portrayed in the Australian newspaper in 2004-2009. As studies in media representations about another country are rare, this study hopes to contribute towards understanding the dynamic and complex negotiations involved in representing a foreign country in one’s news. 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Timor’s independence made relations with Indonesia tense, because it had been made the 27th province of the Republic of Indonesia Indonesia accused the Australian media for interfering its domestic matters and being insensitive to its culture (Kingsbury, 19 97: 7) Tensions further escalated with the publication of articles in The Sydney Morning Herald in 19 86 about Soeharto who was suspected to have... representing something” A photograph of a person is definitely not the person but the substitution of the person in the scene of the photograph The third meaning of representation according to Gronbeck is an extension of the second, but in this case, discourse, speech act or language is attached to the 34 meaning of representation Referring to Sut Jhally’s production, Gronbeck said that this type of representation. .. cognitively internalized by the reporters (e.g., van Dijk and Kintsch, 19 83) and the result is offered back to the community in the form of news Thus, the whole process of producing and comprehending news in the society runs in a spiralling mode, meaning that the news article produced and comprehended will become the input of other people and news writers in further cycles The theoretical foundation of this... other non-indigenous Indonesians According to The World Factbook of CIA (https://www.cia.gov/library/publications /the- worldfactbook/geos/id.html), 13 .3% or almost thirty millions of the population live below poverty line Australian population today, on the other hand, is composed of people from a great variety of origins in the world since the implementation of Multicultural Acts in 19 75 According to. .. easy Historically, Australia is remembered as a strong supporter of the independence declaration of Indonesia in August 19 45, the only Western-bloc country to do so” (Brown, 19 96: p 1) Australia mediated the Linggarjati Treaty that later brought the full recognition of Indonesia s independence by the Dutch in 19 48 However, Australia was also suspected of holding back when it did not support the inclusion... roles and influences of news in society As stated, news processes are those involved in the production and comprehension of news Prior to being able to produce a representation of an event in the form of news articles, reporters as members of a society receive all forms of inputs from other members of that society in three ways These include the informal education from parents and relatives, the formal... concepts in theories ranging from frame theory (Minsky, 19 88), script theory (Schank and Abelson, 19 77), scenario (Sanford and Garrod, 19 81) , schema theory and schemata (Rumelhart, 19 98; Bartlett, 19 32), mental models (Johnson-Laird, e.g., 19 83, 2006; Garnham, 19 96, 19 99a, 19 99b) to text-world theory (Gavins, 2007) In essence, mental representation is perceived as the backbone of the storage of knowledge... constituency in general election) and in business (e.g., in marketing/survey) This typification in democratization is not used in the analysis of data in this study Media representation can include all the four meanings above, but news representation mainly refer to the second and third meanings, that is, the substitution and the discursive meanings of representation The pictures or videos accompanying the. .. and economically welcoming for foreign trade and investments However, friction emerged when Indonesia invaded East Timor in 19 75 Five Australian-based journalists were brutally killed while secretly filming the invasion and another one when investigating the killings (Kingsbury, 19 97: 1- 8) For the Australians and as reported in the Australian media, the invasion and the killing of unarmed civilians were . Indonesian or particularly Javanese traditions which the reporters see during their assignment in Indonesia. In construing Indonesia in the news, the reporters put Indonesia as the object of. published in The Sydney Morning Herald (SMH) from 2004 to 2009. This question will be investigated by examining how 10 Indonesian news actors and their actions are verbally portrayed by the Australian. on terrorism. The data were gathered from The Sydney Morning Herald (SMH) from 2004 to 2009. SMH is the mainstream broadsheet published and distributed mainly in Sydney and the New South Wales.