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35. 65-Notes (Newsletter of the HP-65 Users’ Club) 2: 1 (January 1975): 7. HP-65 customers were overwhelmingly male; the newsletter made a special note of the first female member to join the users club, a year after its founding. 36. Weizenbaum, Computer Power, 116. 37. Paul Freiberger, Fire in the Valley: the Making of the Personal Computer (Berkeley, CA: Oxborne=McGraw-Hill, 1984). 38. In addition to a regular column that appeared in ‘‘HP-65 Notes,’’ cited above, the author has found similar comparisons in a Texas Instruments users club newsletter, as well as in ‘‘Display,’’ a newsletter for calculator owners published in Germany in the late 1970s. 39. Ted Nelson, Computer Lib (South Bend, IN: Ted Nelson, 1974). 40. The ‘‘von Neumann’’ argument came from the fact that most calculators, unlike general-purpose computers, stored their programs in a memory deliber- ately kept separate from data. In fact, the program was stored on the same chips as the data, but the calculator manufacturers erected a ‘‘wall’’ to prevent the twain from meeting. This was done to make the machine easier to use by nonspecialists. A common memory is often regarded as a central defining feature of a true computer. Another property, which most programmable calculators did have, was ‘‘conditional branching’’: the ability to select alternate sequences of instructions based on the results of a previous calculation. That was a property lacking in the machines of the immediate precomputer era: the Harvard Mark I, the early Bell Labs relay computers, and the early Zuse computers. 41. ‘‘The Programmable Pocket Calculator Owner: Who Does He Think He Is?’’ HP-65 Notes 3: 6 (1976): 2. 42. HP-65 Notes 2: 1 (1975): 4–7. 43. Gordon E. Moore, ‘‘Progress in Digital Integrated Electronics,’’ Proceedings International Electron Devices Meeting (December 1975): 11–13. Robert Noyce stated that Moore first noticed this trend in 1964: Noyce, ‘‘Microelectronics,’’ Scientific American (September 1977): 63–69. Moore predicted that the rate would flatten out to a doubling every two years by 1980. That has led to confusion in the popular press over what exactly is meant by ‘‘Moore’s Law.’’ Bell, Mudge, and MacNamara (Computer Structures, 90) state the law as doubling every year from 1958 until 1972, then every eighteen months thereafter. Memory chip density, from the 1970s to the time of this writing, has been doubling every eighteen months. 44. Clifford Barney, ‘‘He Started MOS From Scratch,’’ Electronics Week (October 8, 1984): 64. 45. Hoff recalls a book by Adi J. Khambata, Introduction to LSI, published in 1969, as very influential. The book gave modern version of the dilemma faced by 392 Notes to Pages 215–217 Henry Ford and his Model T: the very same mass-production techniques that made the Model T a high-quality, low-priced car made it difficult if not impossible for Ford to change the Model T’s design as the market evolved. 46. Trudy E. Bell, ‘‘Patented 20 Years Later: the Microprocessor’s True Father,’’ The Institute (IEEE) 14: 10 (November 1990): 1; also National Museum of American History, Division of Electricity, curatorial files, Texas Instruments collection; also Don Clark, ‘‘High-Stakes War Over Chip Patents,’’ San Francisco Chronicle (September 8, 1990): b1–b3; also Michael Antonof, ‘‘Gilbert Who?’’ Popular Science (February 1991): 70–73. 47. See for example Robert Noyce and Marcian Hoff, ‘‘A History of Micro- processor Design at Intel’’; IEEE Micro 1 (February 1981): 8–22. 48. Kenneth A. Brown, interview with Hoff, in Brown, Inventors at Work (Redmond, WA: Tempus Books): 283–307. 49. William Barden Jr., How to Buy and Use Minicomputers and Microcomputers (Indianapolis: Howard Sams, 1976): 101–103. 50. Intel Corporation, Corporate Communications Department, ‘‘A Revolution in Progress: a History of Intel to Date’’ (Santa Clara, CA: Intel, 1984): 12. 51. Electronic News (November 15, 1971). 52. Intel, ‘‘A Revolution in Progress,’’ 21. 53. Elvia Faggin, ‘‘Faggin Contributed to First Microprocessor,’’ letter to the Editor, San Jose Mercury News (October 3, 1986): 6b; reply by Marcian Hoff, ‘‘Patents Don’t Tell Whole Microprocessor Tale,’’ ibid. (October 12, 1986): 10b; also ‘‘If Hyatt Didn’t Invent the Microprocessor, Who Did?’’ ibid. (December 2, 1990): 27. 54. Hoff, ‘‘Patents Don’t Tell Whole Microprocessor Tale,’’ 106. 55. Noyce and Hoff, ‘‘A History of Microprocessor Design’’; also Lamont Wood, ‘‘The Man Who Invented the PC,’’ American Heritage of Invention & Technology (Fall 1994): 64. 56. Intel, ‘‘A Revolution in Progress,’’ 14. 57. Noyce and Hoff, ‘‘A History of Microprocessor Development.’’ 58. Computer Museum Report 17 (Fall 1986): 10–11. 59. Intel Corporation, ‘‘A Revolution in Progress,’’ 13. 60. Robert Slater, Portraits in Silicon (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992): 251–261. 61. Noyce and Hoff, ‘‘A History of Microprocessor Design at Intel,’’ 14. Notes to Pages 217–224 393 62. This statement is based on conversations with several Intel employees who were involved with early microprocessor development, including Ted Hoff and John Wharton. Intel systems were used to keep scores during the 1976 Summer Olympics. That was the year Nadia Comaneci received a perfect ‘‘10’’ in gymnastics, a score that the system was unable to display, as it had not been programmed to display anything over ‘‘9.99.’’ That limit, however, had nothing to do with the fact that the Intel systems had a shorter word length than the minicomputers it replaced. 63. Susan Douglas, ‘‘Oppositional Uses of Technology and Corporate Competi- tion: the Case of Radio Broadcasting,’’ in William Aspray, ed., Technological Competitiveness (New York: IEEE, 1993): 208–219. 64. The construction of the World Trade Center obliterated Radio Row, but by then integrated electronics was well underway. A single microprocessor might contain more circuits than the entire contents of every store on Radio Row. 65. QST (March 1974): 154. 66. Stan Veit, Stan Veit’s History of the Personal Computer (Asheville, NC: World- Comm, 1993): 11; also Thomas Haddock, A Collector’s Guide to Personal Computers (Florence, AL: Thomas Haddock, 1993): 20. 67. ‘‘Build the Mark-8, Your Personal Minicomputer,’’ Radio-Electronics (July 1974): cover, 29–33. 68. Ibid. The users club became the Digital Group, an influential company in personal computing for the next several years. See Jonathan Titus, letter to the Computer Museum, June 18, 1984, Computer Museum, Boston, Personal Computer archives. 69. NMAH Collections; also Steve Ditlea, ed., Digital Deli (New York: Workman, 1984): 37. 70. ‘‘Build the Mark-8,’’ 33. 71. Don Lancaster, ‘‘TV-Typewriter,’’ Radio-Electronics (September 1973): cover, 43–52; Felsenstein is quoted in the Computer Museum Report 17 (Fall 1986): 16. 72. H. Edward Roberts and William Yates, ‘‘Exclusive! Altair 8800: the Most Powerful Minicomputer Project Ever Presented—Can be Built for Under $400,’’ Popular Electronics (January 1975): cover, 33–38. 73. Not long after the Altair’s introduction, journalists began calling these machines ‘‘microcomputers,’’ an accurate but also ambiguous term, as it could imply two different things. A microcomputer used a microprocessor, and minicomputers did not. That was true at the time, although eventually nearly every class of machine would use microprocessors. The other definition was that a microcomputer was smaller and=or cheaper than a minicomputer. The Altair was both, but its low cost was more important than its small size. 394 Notes to Pages 224–228 74. Intel, ‘‘A Revolution in Progress,’’ 14; also Veit, Stan Veit’s History of the Personal Computer, 43; Veit stated that Roberts obtained chips that had cosmetic flaws, but Roberts and Intel both state flatly that the 8080 chips used in the Altair were not defective in any way; see ‘‘Computer Notes,’’ MITS 1: 3 (August 1975): 2 (National Museum of American History, Mims-Altair file). The fact was that the 8080 cost Intel very little to manufacture, and it had little sense of what a fair market price to the PC market should be. 75. Spelled ‘‘buss’’ in the Popular Electronics article. 76. Veit, in Stan Veit’s History, argues that it is to Railway Express’s ineptitude that we owe the momentous decision to have a bus; others claim the decision came from Roberts’s finding a supply of 100-slot connectors at an especially good price. The design change made the Altair more like the minicomputers of the day, though it made it more difficult to assemble. 77. Roberts and Yates, ‘‘Exclusive!’’ 34. 78. See, for example Steven Manes and Paul Andrews, 64. 79. Jim Warren, ‘‘Personal Computing: an Overview for Computer Profes- sionals,’’ NCC Proceedings 46 (1977): 493–498. 80. These included ‘‘Multichannel data acquisition system,’’ ‘‘Machine control- ler,’’ ‘‘Automatic controller for heat, air conditioning, dehumidifying,’’ as well as ‘‘Brain for a robot,’’ and others. 81. Veit, Stan Veit’s History,57–64, gives the main differences between the IMSAI and the Altair. 82. This is the reason that the acronyms TTY for Teletype and LPT for line printer survived into the operating systems of personal computers, long after both input=output devices fell from use. 83. Veit, Stan Veit’s History. 84. Pugh et al., IBM’s 360 and Early 370 Systems (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991): 510–521. 85. Clifford Barney, ‘‘Award for Achievement [Alan F. Shugart], ’’ Electronics Week (January 14, 1985) 40–44. 86. Jon Eklund, ‘‘Personal Computers,’’ in Anthony Ralston and Edwin Reilley, eds., Encyclopedia of Computer Science, 3rd ed. (New York: van Nostrand Reinhold, 1993): 460–463. 87. Forrest Mims III, ‘‘The Tenth Anniversary of the Altair 8800,’’ Computers and Electronics (January 1985): 62. Robert’s account has been disputed by others and remains controversial. Notes to Pages 228–233 395 88. Stephen Manes and Paul Andrews, Gates: How Microsoft’s Mogul Reinvented an Industry, and Made Himself the Richest Man in America (New York: Doubleday, 1993): 63. 89. MITS Corporation, Computer Notes 1: 2 (July 1975): 6–7, National Museum of American History, Altair files. 90. Digital Equipment Corporation, ‘‘Introduction to Programming’’ (Maynard, MA, 1972): 9=4–9=5. Microsoft BASIC also broke with Dartmouth by allowing multiple statements on a line, by having ‘‘Let’’ and ‘‘End’’ optional, by recom- mending that a programmer ‘‘delete all REM [remark] statements delete all unnecessary spaces from your program.’’ (MITS Altair BASIC Reference Manual, 56; National Museum of American History, Altair Curatorial File.) 91. Manes and Andrews, Gates, chapters 2 and 3; for a discussion of John Norton, see Billy Goodman, ‘‘Practicing Safe Software,’’ Air & Space=Smithsonian (Septem- ber 1994): 60–67; also Paul Ceruzzi, Beyond the Limits (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989), chapter 9. 92. This, too, is a matter of great dispute. Roberts insists that MITS had the rights to BASIC. In a letter to the newsletter ‘‘Computer Notes’’ on April 1976, Gates stated, ‘‘I am not a MITS employee,’’ but that was written after his rift with Roberts had grown deep. See also Stephen Manes and Paul Andrews, Gates. 93. MITS Corporation, ‘‘Computer Notes’’ (February 1976): 3. The open letter was distributed to many hobbyist publications and was widely read. 94. C. Gordon Bell, interview with the author, June 1992, Los Gatos, CA; Mark Bramhall, telephone interview with the author, 10 May 1997. 95. This term had been used, for example, with the IBM System=360 beginning in the late 1960s; see Pugh (1991), chapter 6. 96. C. Gordon Bell, interview with the author. Bell stated that he was the author of the PIP program, which found its way onto CP=M and in variations to MS- DOS; he says the name came from Edward Fredkin. 97. Pearson, Digital at Work,64–65, 86; also C. Gordon Bell, interview with the author, June 1992. 98. Gary Kildall, ‘‘Microcomputer Software Design—a Checkpoint,’’ National Computer Conference 44 (1975): 99–106; also Kildall, quoted in Susan Lammers, ed., Programmers at Work (Redmond, WA: Microsoft Press, 1989): 61. 99. Gary Kildall, ‘‘CP=M: A Family of 8- and 16-Bit Operating Systems,’’ Byte, (June 1981): 216–229. Because of the differences between DEC minicomputers and the 8080 microprocessor, the actual code of CP=M was different and wholly original, even if the syntax and vocabulary were similar. 396 Notes to Pages 233–238 100. The above argument is based on PDP-10 and CP=M manuals in the author’s possession, as well as conversations with Kip Crosby, to whom I am grateful for posting this question over an Internet discussion forum. 101. Jim C. Warren, ‘‘First Word on a Floppy-disc Operating System,’’ Dr. Dobb’s Journal (April 1976): 5. 102. Robert Slater, Portraits in Silicon (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1982), chapter 23. 103. Ibid.; also Stan Veit, Stan Veit’s History, 64; and Digital Research, ‘‘An Introduction to C=M Features and Facilities’’ (1976), manual in the author’s possession. Chapter 8 1. C. Gordon Bell, interview with the author, 16 June 1992, Los Altos, California. 2. Dick Rubenstein, interview with the author; also Bell, interview. 3. Bell, interview. 4. C. Gordon Bell et al., Computer Engineering: a DEC View of Hardware Systems Design (Bedford, MA: Digital Press, 1978), graph on page 195. 5. Ibid., 13. 6. Perkin-Elmer later became known for its role in building the Hubble Space Telescope mirror; it was less well-known for building the critical optics assemblies needed to produce the photo masks used in chip-making. 7. Gould Electronics, ‘‘A Young Company with Deep Roots,’’ undated brochure, ca. 1984; John Michels, ‘‘The Mega-mini Succeeds the Model T,’’ Datamation (February, 1974): 71–74. 8. The word ‘‘virtual’’ later became popular as part of the term ‘‘virtual reality.’’ It appears to have originated with IBM’s marketing of System=370 and its memory-management architecture. The use of that word may have come from its use among Rennaissance artists, who spoke of a ‘‘virtual image’’ produced by a lens or a camera obscura. 9. Arthur Burks, Herman Goldstine, and John von Neumann, ‘‘Preliminary Discussion of the Logical Design of an Electronic Computing Instrument,’’ 2nd ed., 2 September 1947, (Princeton, NJ: Institute for Advanced Study) 2, 4–7; Simon Lavington, ‘‘History of Manchester Computers,’’ privately printed, Manchester, UK, 1975, 32–33; also T. Kilburn et al., ‘‘One-Level Storage System,’’ IRE Transactions on Electronic Computers, EC-11 (1962): 223–235. 10. Lavington, ‘‘History of Manchester Computers,’’ 34. 11. Franklin Fisher, IBM and the US Data Processing Industry (New York: Praeger, 1983): 343–344. Notes to Pages 238–246 397 12. Bell, Mudge, and McNamara, Computer Engineering: a DEC View of Hardware Systems Design (Bedford, MA: Digital Press, 1978): 405–428. 13. Pearson, Digital at Work, 73. 14. Tracy Kidder, The Soul of a New Machine (Boston: Little, Brown, 1981). Kidder recounts how Data General resisted the use of a VAX-style ‘‘mode bit’’ to provide compatibility with its older line. One of the book’s most dramatic episodes describes how Tom West, the engineer in charge of the new computer, surreptitiously opened a VAX at a customer site and disassembled it to see how it was designed (31–32). 15. I have been unable to verify this statement but have heard it from several sources. In light of DEC’s weak support for UNIX, it suggests that Olsen did not care for the operating system; but others, more sympathetic, have said that he was only referring to a general trend (c.f. JAWS) that everyone wanted UNIX even though they did not know what to do with it. 16. One indication of this was the ‘‘Internet Worm,’’ unleashed in 1988, which brought the Internet down. It was written by a student at Cornell and took advantage of some obscure flaws in VAX system software. A few years later such an attack would have been less damaging because the VAX no longer was the dominant machine. 17. Fisher et al., IBM and the U.S. Data Processing Industry, 442–-444. 18. Bob O. Evans, ‘‘IBM System=360,’’ Computer Museum Report (Summer 1984): 17. 19. D. C. Dykstra, ‘‘IBM’s Albatross: A History Lesson for Micro Makers,’’ Computerworld 18 (December 10, 1984): 134. 20. Partial copies are located at the Hagley Museum, Wilmington, Delaware, and at the Charles Babbage Institute, Minneapolis, Minnesota. The following summary of the trial is based on an examination of the transcripts at the Hagley. A synopsis of the trial, in agreement with its outcome, is found in Franklin Fisher’s two books, cited above: Franklin Fisher et al., the IBM and U.S. Data Processing Industry (New York: Praeger, 1983); and Franklin Fisher, John J. McGowan, and Joel E. Greenwood, Folded, Spindled, and Mutilated: Economic Analysis and U.S. vs. IBM (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). A book that draws the opposite conclusion is Thomas Delamarter, Big Blue: IBM’s Use and Abuse of Power (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1986). 21. U.S. v. IBM, testimony of F. Withington, 55989. 22. DeLamarter, Big Blue,xv. 23. Paul Carroll, Big Blues: the Unmaking of IBM (New York: Crown, 1994); the IBM that Carroll’s book describes is one that apparently began with the introduction of the personal computer in 1981; also Charles Ferguson and 398 Notes to Pages 246–249 Charles Morris, Computer Wars: the Fall of IBM and the Future of Global Technology (New York: Times Books, 1994). 24. The discussion of Palevsky’s amassing a personal fortune of hundreds of millions of dollars in less than a decade was noted with some interest by the judge. 25. Fisher et al., IBM, 438; also Roy A. Bauer, Emilio Collar, and Victor Tang, The Silverlake Project: Transformation at IBM (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). 26. Ivan T. Frisch and Howard Frank, ‘‘Computer Communications: How We Got Where We Are,’’ Proceedings NCC 44 (1975): 109–117. 27. Lamont Wood, ‘‘The Man Who Invented the PC,’’ American Heritage of Invention & Technology (Fall 1994): 64; also Pearson, Digital At Work,90–92. 28. Pugh, IBM’s 360, 606. 29. Ibid., 545–549. 30. Ibid., 550. 31. ‘‘AESOP: A General Purpose Approach to Real-Time, Direct Access Manage- ment Information Systems’’ (Bedford, MA: MITRE Corporation, June 1966), Report AD-634371, 7. 32. Datamation (October 1968): 17; also Robert Glass, Computing Catastrophes (Seattle: Computing Trends, 1983): 57–69; also W. David Gardner, ‘‘Route 128: Boston’s Hotbed of Technology,’’ Datamation (November 1981): 110–118. 33. Ibid.; also Viatron file, Box A30, Computer Museum, Boston, Historical Collections. 34. Letter, Daniel Whitney to Computer Museum, Ibid. 35. An Wang, Lessons (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1986). 36. Pearson, Digital at Work, 38; C. E. MacKenzie, Coded Character Sets: History & Development (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1980); Calvin Mooers, interview with Jon Eklund, Smithsonian Computer History Project, National Museum of American History. 37. Pugh, IBM’s 360, 613. 38. Edwin McDowell, ‘‘ ‘No Problem’ Machine Poses a Presidential Problem,’’ New York Times (March 24, 1981): C-7; see also Ibid., March 20, 26; March 16, 1, and March 27, 26. The Times editorial on March 20, with tongue in cheek, lamented that word processors would deprive future historians of the joy of uncovering a great figure’s early thoughts, as recorded on rough drafts of manuscripts. Notes to Pages 249–256 399 39. Charles Kenney, Riding the Runaway Horse: the Rise and Decline of Wang Laboratories (Boston: Little, Brown, 1992). 40. Kenney, Riding the Runaway Horse,68–73; also Wang, Lessons, 182. 41. Datamation (June 1976): 48–61; also June 1, 1985, 50–51, 65; also Stephen T. McClellan, The Coming Computer Industry Shakeout: Winners, Losers, and Survivors (New York: Wiley, 1984), chapter 15. 42. The following account is based on a number of secondary sources, primarily Douglas Smith and Robert Alexander, Fumbling the Future: How Xerox Invented, Then Ignored, the First Personal Computer (New York: William Morrow, 1988), and George Pake, ‘‘Research at Xerox PARC: a Founder’s Assessment,’’ IEEE Spectrum (October 1985): 54–75. 43. Quoted in David Dickson, The New Politics of Science (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984): 122. 44. Arthur Norberg and Judy O’Neill, with Kerry Freedman, ‘‘A History of the Information Processing Techniques Office of the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency’’ (Minneapolis, MN: Charles Babbage Institute, 1992). 45. Ibid.; also C. Gordon Bell and John E. McNamara, High Tech Ventures: the Guide for Entrepreneurial Success (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1991): 101; also Pake, ‘‘Research at Xerox PARC.’’ Metcalfe was getting his Ph.D. from Harvard, but at the time he was recruited by PARC he had an ARPA-funded job at MIT. 46. J. C. R. Licklider, ‘‘Man-Computer Symbiosis,’’ IRE Transactions on Human Factors 1 (March 1960): 4–11; Licklider and Taylor, ‘‘The Computer as a Communication Device,’’ Science and Technology (April 1968). 47. Norberg and O’Neill, ‘‘A History of the Information Processing Techniques,’’ 33–60. 48. Engelbart, in Adele Goldberg, ed., A History of Personal Workstations (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1988): 191. 49. William English, Douglas Engelbart, and Melvyn Berman, ‘‘Display-Selection Techniques for Text Manipulation,’’ IEEE Transactions on Human Factors in Electronics 8 (March 1967): 5–15. 50. Douglas C. Engelbart and William English, ‘‘A Research Center for Augmenting Human Intellect,’’ Proceedings Fall JCC 33-1 (1968): 395–410; also Goldberg, History of Personal Workstations, 202–206. 51. Douglas Smith and Robert Alexander, Fumbling the Future: How Xerox Invented, Then Ignored, the First Personal Computer (New York: William Morrow, 1988); Robert Metcalfe, ‘‘How Ethernet was Invented,’’ Annals of the History of Computing 16: 4 (1994): 81–88; Tekla Perry and John Voelcker, ‘‘Of Mice and Menus: Designing the User-Friendly Interface,’’ IEEE Spectrum (September 1989): 46–51. 400 Notes to Pages 256–261 52. Larry Press, ‘‘Before the Altair: the History of the Personal Computer,’’ (1993): 27–33. 53. Goldberg, History of Personal Workstations, 265–289. Apparently Flip Wilson ad-libbed the phrase on an episode in 1969, while cross-dressed as his alter ego Geraldine Jones; see Annals of the History of Computing 17: 1 (1995), 5. 54. David Smith et al., ‘‘Designing the Star User Interface,’’ Byte (April 1982): 242–282. 55. Phillip Ein-Dor, ‘‘Grosch’s Law Re-revisited,’’ CACM 28: 2 (1985): 142–151. 56. Peggy Kidwell and Paul Ceruzzi, Landmarks in Digital Computing (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1994): 97. 57. Steven Manes and Paul Andrews, Gates: How Microsoft’s Mogul Reinvented an Industry, and Made Himself the Richest Man in America (New York: Doubleday, 1993): 111. As this is being written (1997), Microsoft has agreed to invest a few hundred million dollars in Apple to rescue it. 58. Steven Wozniak, ‘‘The Apple II,’’ Byte (May 1977); also interview of Wozniak by Gregg Williams and Rob Moore, ‘‘The Apple Story, Part 2,’’ Byte (January 1985): 167–180. 59. Steven Wozniak, ‘‘The Making of an Engineer and a Computer,’’ Computer Museum Report (Fall 1986): 3–8; also interview by Gregg Williams and Rob Moore, Byte (January 1985): 167–172. 60. Advertisement for Apple, Byte (July 1978): 14–15. 61. Steven Burke, ‘‘Visicalc Says Goodbye,’’ Infoworld (June 24, 1985): 20–21; also Daniel Bricklin, ‘‘Visicalc and Software Arts: Genesis to Exodus,’’ Computer Museum Report (Summer 1986): 8–10; also Susan Lammers, ed., Programmers at Work (Redmond, WA: Microsoft Press, 1989): 131–160. 62. Briklin, in Computer Museum Report, ibid., 9. 63. The IBM PC was not inherently restricted to addressing only 640 K of memory, but soon that became a de facto limit. It soon became the curse of the PC line of computers. 64. Jan Chposky, Blue Magic: the People, Power and Politics Behind the IBM Personal Computer (New York: Facts on File, 1988); also ‘‘Machine of the Year: the Computer Moves In,’’ Time (January 3, 1983): cover, 14–37. 65. David Bradley, ‘‘The Creation of the IBM PC,’’ Byte (September 1990): 414– 420. 66. There are many variations of this story, including who chose the 8088 chip. In this brief summary I have relied on the account of Manes and Andrews in Gates, chapter 11. Notes to Pages 261–270 401 [...]... early 1998, DEC was sold to Compaq 53 Eric Weiss, ‘‘Eloge: AFIPS,’’ Annals of the History of Computing 13: 1 (1991) 100 Notes to Pages 308–313 407 Chapter 10 1 Unlike Microsoft, of course, Apple is primarily a hardware company But its software defines its identity as a company as much as, or more than, its hardware innovations, which are often quite advanced as well 2 MacWrite had full WYSIWYG capabilities,... starved for affection At rival Netscape, programmers were allowed to bring their dogs to work, an amenity the company was very proud of Terms like death march and broken are also peculiar to Microsoft and its peers among software developers 12 Access had its roots in a database offered by Fox Software, which Microsoft purchased in 1992 13 For an amusing story of how PowerPoint was first developed and... Raskin claimed that Jobs’s boast was idle; he did not steal from Xerox after all! Only Steve Jobs can have his reputation tarnished by charges that he is not a thief 16 As that litigation proceeded, Apple and Microsoft entered an agreement to license a technology for displaying and printing type fonts, which later became a fundamental feature of Windows 17 Jerry Kaplan, Start Up: A Silicon Valley Adventure... Notes to Pages 340–346 413 manuals for free software According to Stallman, those manuals are an integral part of the software and should be free as well 81 Microsoft executive James Allchin was quoted by Andrew Leonard, ‘‘Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Free Software,’’ Salon.com (on-line), February 15, 2001 82 The basic outline of this story has been taken from Andrew Leonard’s on-line history of open... generation of workstations Likewise, Microsoft’s operating system ‘‘Windows NT’’ is a direct competitor to UNIX-based workstations and also runs on personal computers Perhaps the workstation may vanish as a class as a result 33 The term ‘‘Packet Switching’’ probably originated with Donald Davies of the National Physical Laboratory in the U.K See Martin Campbell-Kelly, ‘‘Data Communications at the National... at the National Physical Laboratory (1965–1975),’’ Annals of the History of Computing 9 (1988): 221–247 It may have been independently discovered by Paul Baran of the RAND Corporation at the same time The RAND work was initially classified 34 Janet Abbate, ‘‘From ARPANET to Internet: a History of ARPA-Sponsored Computer Networks, 1966–1988’’ (Ph.D diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1994): 109 35 For this... 1984): 162–165; also Manes and Andrews, Gates, 360–361 Martin Campbell-Kelly has pointed out that the pricing of programs like Lotus 1-2-3 in the range of $350–$550 was not based on any classical models of economics Few economic theories applied to PC software 15 Jobs quoted Picasso, who allegedly said ‘‘Great artists steal.’’ Some critics of Jobs claim that Picasso never said that As if that were not... 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