The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics Part 90 docx

subject exerting a high degree of (mental) control and the shorter, middle form marks spontaneous situations involving the subject acting as an undergoer or experiencer. This contrast is common in Dutch (pronoun zichzelf vs. the light pronoun zich), Hungarian (pronoun magat vs. the verbal suffix -kod- or -koz), Turkish (pronoun kendi vs. affix -in-), Latin (clitic se vs. suffix -r), Greek (reflexive pronoun afto vs. inflected middle), and many other languages. An eloquent example from Dutch illustrates the lower degree of subject control in the middle construction (57b): (57)a.Jan zag zichzelf naast zijn ouders staan op de foto. Jan saw hrm next his parents stand on the picture ‘Jan saw himself [i.e., he conjured up a picture of himself] standing next to his parents in the picture.’ b. In gedachten zag Jan zich in de gevangenis belanden in thoughts saw Jan lrm in the prison land ‘Jan saw himself [i.e., had a mental picture of himself] ending up in prison.’ (based on van der Leek 1991: 455) Given the previous contrasts, the idea that the middle develops from the re- flexive has commonly been accepted (Faltz 1985; Fagan 1988; Givo ´ n 1990; Kemmer 1993b, 1994). On that view, the middle occupies a position one stage down the cline from the position occupied by reflexives; in other words, just like reflexives reduce transitive subject/object differentiation by having subject and object co-refer, middles further reduce the split representation to the point where the two co- referring participants are no longer distinguishable. Now, the commonly accepted assumption that middles necessarily develop from reflexives has been misguided by the idea that all languages have the transitive action-chain model as their base line. According to cognitive analyses, however, languages may start construing an event from the dominion of the subject such that interaction with another participant and action involving no other participant are simply two alternative, equally natural conceptualizations (Manney 1998, 2000; Maldonado 1999; Nava and Maldonado 2004; Nava 2005). As pointed out by Tuggy (1981) in reference to Nahuatl reflexives, the way we interact with ourselves differs a great deal from the way we interact with others. While routine self-care, mental or emotional interactions may be natural, what is really awkward is to have a partic- ipant interacting with the ‘‘self’’ as if it where a different participant. Reflexives are thus conceptually marked in opposition to middle and transitive constructions. 5 The nature of the middle construction as independent from the reflexive is also observable in other languages. As Manney (2000) has shown, in Modern Greek the Figure 32.10. Kemmer’s distinguishability hypothesis 860 ricardo maldonado middle is separate and distinct, both synchronically and diachronically, from the reflexive. While the (inflected) middle depicts one-participant events with a high degree of affect and a low degree of volition, the use of the reflexive involves marked situations with a higher degree of volition. In a typical agentless middle situation (the case of hitting oneself unintentionally, as when bumping against the edge of a table), the middle construction constitutes the unmarked coding (57a); when the action is intentional, the reflexive prefix afto- is added (57b), while the use of the periphrastic reflexive (57c) is either marginal or ungrammatical: (57)a.Travmat  ııs-tike. injure-3sg.mid.pst ‘He injured himself /was injured.’ b. Afto-travmat  ııs-tike. self-injure-3sg.mid.pst ‘He injured himself (intentionally).’ c. ?/*Travma ´ -tise ton eaft  ootu. injure-3sg.act the.acc self.acc gen.3sg ‘He injured himself.’ (strange or unacceptable) In Modern Greek as well, there are many basic contrasts between the middle and the active without implying the reflexive construction: (58)a.Stenaxori-  eeme me tin iy  ııa tu. Worry-1sg.mid.prs with the.acc health 3sg.poss ‘I am worried about his health.’ (I am very worried) b. iiy  ııa tu me stenaxor  ıı. the.nom health 3sg.poss 1sg.acc worry.3sg.prs.act ‘His health worries me.’ (I am less worried) Other unrelated languages illustrate the basic nature of the middle in even more dramatic terms. In Tarascan (Mesoamerican), middles and reflexives con- trast iconically in the way pointed out by Haiman for Russian (see example 56): the short form in (59) designates the middle, which is the unmarked situation, while the long, reflexive form in (59b) conveys the emphatic meaning: (59)a.Dora kwata-ra-s-Ø-ti. Dora soft-mid-perf-prs-ind.3 ‘Dora is/got tired.’ b. Dora kwata-kurhi-s-Ø-ti. Dora soft-refl-perf-prs-ind.3 ‘Dora is fed up (tired herself of doing something).’ In Tarascan middles, two patterns can be distinguished: (i) the middles either show up in equipollent contrast with active transitive constructions, or (ii) they simply constitute the base form for deriving active transitive constructions (Nava 2005)— the reflexive is a marked construction deriving either from a transitive or from a middle construction. In the second case, the reflexive is in contrast with grammatical voice in cognitive grammar 861 the transitive as will be shown below (Nava and Maldonado 2004). With regard to the first pattern, Tarascan has a number of middle/active duplets that desig- nate the trajector’s location/position or a variety of the trajector’s properties. The complex stem k  ee-nti ‘move angle’ must take either the middle -ku or the transitive - ta, whereby no form is more basic than the other: (60)a.Dora k  ee-nti-ku-s-Ø-ti. Dora move-angle-mid.angle-perf-prs-ind.3 ‘Dora hid in the corner.’ b. Marcos€ı Dora-ni k  ee-nti-ta-s-Ø-ti. Marcos Dora-obj move-mid.angle-act-perf-prs-ind.3 ‘Marcos made Dora hide in the corner.’ In the second pattern, a causative morpheme must be added to the middle- marked stem to obtain an active-transitive construction. The middle marker -pi designates attributes such as color, texture, shape, and consistency. The active- transitive preserves the middle marker as it is derived by means of a causative -ra, as in (61). The same is true for locative situations, change of body posture, and spontaneous events. (61) Its€ıs€ıranta-ni ch’era-pe-ra-s-Ø-ti. water paper-obj wrinkle-mid-caus-perf-prs-ind.3 ‘The water wrinkled the paper.’ Crucially, if a reflexive marker is used, it will take up the slot of the transitive marker. Even more significantly, the reflexive may appear for emphatic purposes after the middle, as in (62), thus contrasting with the basic middle construction in (60a): (62) Dora k  ee-nti-ku-kurhi-s-Ø-ti. Dora move-angle-mid-refl-perf-prs-ind.3 ‘Dora hid herself in the corner.’ While the reflexive -kurhi constitutes a marked construction contrasting with the middle and the transitive, the middle constitutes a basic voice pattern. The basic nature of the middle and the marked status of the reflexive can be attested in a variety of unrelated languages: Balinese (Artawa 1994), Amharic (Shibatani 2001), Otomı ´ (Palancar 2004), and Toba (Messineo 2002). For all of them, there are middle stems which contrast with transitive constructions. The reflexive may come as a marked construction deriving either from the middle or from the transitive stem. There are also languages like Otomi in which there is no reflexive construction at all. In order to achieve a reflexive meaning, Otomi exploits the genitive construction. We may conclude that, while the middle may evolve from the reflexive in some languages whose base form is the transitive construction, in other languages it con- stitutes a category in its own right, for it corresponds to a basic conceptualization of 862 ricardo maldonado a vast variety of actions developing within the subject’s dominion and may in fact be the source not only for reflexive but also for transitive constructions. This con- ceptual pattern is represented in figure 32.11, where transitive and middle contrast while the reflexive construction derives from the transitive having two coreferential participants. The last point to consider for the proper understanding of middle voice systems is the fact that in languages with middle voice there is always a list of deponent verbs, that is, verbs that only occur as middles (e.g., Latin: oblivisco-r ‘forget’, vereo-r ‘tear’; Gugu Yimidhirr: daga-adhi ‘sit down’; Spanish: jactarse ‘brag’, quejarse ‘complain’). Little needs to be said about deponent verbs given the approach suggested here. Deponent middles correspond to situations that naturally fall in the subject’s do- minion. Most situations refer to internal mental, psychological, or physical changes or states for which the middle is the natural form. In principle there is nothing in these situations to imply any type of interaction with another participant. To the degree that the middle encodes ‘events in the subject’s dominion’, corresponding to situations that involve only the subject, the middle may be as basic as a transitive action-chain situation involving two participants. 8. Conclusions Syntactic Voice has been defined as a complex category by which the arguments of the verb may receive different prominence status in the clause. While I accept in general terms Cooreman’s four-way voice contrast in terms of topicality, Cognitive Gram- mar affords us further insights into the problem. I have proposed that voice alter- nations depend crucially on the starting point from which languages construe basic events. Accusative languages take the active as the base form and use the passive to Figure 32.11. Nonderived middle grammatical voice in cognitive grammar 863 allow the Theme to become the event trajector. Ergative languages diminish the natural prominence of the absolutive Theme to afford primary figure status to the Agent. The inverse construction can have more than one starting point since there are different realms in which the natural organization of a social community and its conceptualization of the world can be reversed. For languages having verbs un- specified for trajector, as is the case for the languages of the Philippines, voice is very productive and flexible. Indeed, the selection of a particular participant as the tra- jector determines the voice pattern in which the event is construed. In these lan- guages, the selection of a participant as the trajector of the clause implies no de- motion of other participants. In this respect, Philippine languages behave in a way precisely opposite to languages having middle voice. In middle constructions, only one participant is chosen for maximal prominence to the detriment of all other nominal forms. From a cognitive perspective, then, syntactic voice can be defined as the set of grammaticized patterns emerging from the speaker’s ability to construe events in ways that differ from a language’s prototypical coding strategy. NOTES I would like to thank Enrique Palancar and Maura Vela ´ zquez for invaluable comments on different versions of this chapter. I am also very thankful to Ken Cook and Matt Shibatani for very fruitful discussions on different matters of voice. 1. With nonenergetic intransitive verbs, the rule applies by default since the subject will be the only participant in the event. However, in languages with intransitive splits (Guaranı ´ , Dakota, and Seneca), the energetic participant tends to align with a (the agentive subject in Dixon’s 1980 notation) while the nonenergetic with O (the thematic subject). 2. The term ‘‘perfective’’ as referred to aspect contrasts with the term ‘‘imperfect’’ and denotes a situation seen as concluded. The event is conceptualized as a whole with- out considering the internal temporal composition of the verb (Comrie 1976). 3. Reciprocals have been the attention of recent analyses (Kemmer 1993a; Evans 2004). Reciprocals show differences parallel to the ones found between reflexives and middles. In simplex reciprocals the interaction between two participants is seen as one. Complex reciprocals designate situations where separate actions by each participant can be observed. 4. The example may be grammatical with an emphatic self-benefactive reading; for further analysis, see Maldonado (2000). 5. Evidence from language acquisition of Spanish middle-reflexive se (Jackson, Mal- donado, and Thal 1998) reveals that by 28 months of age children have mastered transitive, intransitive, and middle constructions—the reflexive, however, is not available yet. The use of the middle is distributed as follows: motion middles (se fue ‘he left’), 32%; sudden or unexpected changes (se cay  oo ‘it fell down’, se mojo ‘it got wet’), 30%; change of state (se va a dormir ‘she is going to sleep’), 10%; and impersonal standard procedures (se corta as  ıı ‘It is cut in this way’), 9%. These facts suggest that the middle is a basic, not a depen- dent construal. 864 ricardo maldonado REFERENCES Aissen, Judith. 1987. The Tzotzil clause structure. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Reidel. Artawa, K. 1994. Ergativity in Balinese syntax. PhD dissertation, La Trobe University, Australia. Bell, Sarah. 1983. Advancements and ascensions in Cebuano. In David Perlmutter, ed., Studies in relational grammar 1: 143–218. Chicago: University of Chicago press. Bittner, Maria. 1987. On the semantics of the Greenlandic antipassive and related con- structions. International Journal of American Linguistics 53: 194–231. Cennamo, Michela. 1993. The reanalysis of reflexives: A diachronic perspective. Naples, Italy: Liguori Editore. Chung, Sandra. 1978. Case marking and grammatical relations in Polynesian. Austin: University of Texas Press. Comrie, Bernard. 1976. Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University press. Cook, Kenneth. 1988. The semantics of Newari case-marking distinctions. Linguistic Notes from La Jolla 14: 42–56. Cook, Kenneth. 1997. The Samoan transitive suffix as an inverse marker. In Marjolijn Vespoor, Kee Dong Lee, and Eve Sweetser, eds., Lexical and syntactical constructions and the construction of meaning 347–61. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Cooreman, Ann. 1987. Transitivity and discourse continuity in Chamorro narratives. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Cooreman, Ann. 1988. Variations on the Theme of transitivity. In Masayoshi Shibatani, ed., Passive and voice 561–93. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Cooreman, Ann. 1994. A functional typology of antipassives. In Barbara Fox and Paul Hopper, eds., Voice: Form and function 49–87. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Dahlstrom, Amy. 1986. Plains Cree morphosyntax. PhD dissertation, University of Cali- fornia at Berkeley. Dayley, John. 1985. Tsutsujil grammar. Berkeley: University of California Press. Dixon, R. M. W. 1980. The languages of Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. England, Nora. 1988. Mam Voice. In Masayoshi Shibatani, ed., Passive and Voice 525–45. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Evans, Nicholas. 2004. Complex events, predicate overlay and the special status of recip- rocal clauses. Plenary lecture, Conceptual Structure Discourse and Language Con- ference, University of Alberta, October 8–10. Fagan, Sarah. 1988. The English middle. Linguistic Inquiry 19: 181–203. Faltz, Leonard. 1985. Reflexivization: A study in Universal Syntax. New York: Garland. Givo ´ n, Talmy. 1990. Syntax: A functional typological introduction. Vol 2. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Givo ´ n, Talmy. 1994. The pragmatics of de-transitive voice: Functional and typological aspects of inversion. In Talmy Givo ´ n, ed., Voice and inversion 3–46. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Givo ´ n, Talmy, and Lynne Yang. 1998. The rise of the English get-passive. In Masayoshi Shibatani, ed., Passive and Voice 119–49. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Haiman, John. 1983. Iconic and economic motivation. Language 59: 781–819. Jackson-Maldonado, Donna, Ricardo Maldonado, and Donna J. Thal. 1998. Reflexive and middle markers in early child language acquisition: Evidence from Mexican Spanish. First Language 18: 403–29. grammatical voice in cognitive grammar 865 Jespersen, Otto. 1924. The philosophy of grammar. London: Allen and Unwin. Kemmer, Suzanne. 1993a. Marking oppositions in verbal and nominal collectives. Faits de Langues: Revue de Linguistique 2: 85–95. Kemmer, Suzanne. 1993b. The middle voice. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Kemmer, Suzanne. 1994. Middle voice, transitivity and events. In Barbara Fox and Paul Hopper, eds., Voice: Form and Function 179–230. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Keenan, Edward L. 1976. Toward a universal definition of ‘‘subject.’’ In Charles Li, ed., Subject and topic 247–302. New York: Academic Press. Keenan, Edward L. 1985 . Passive in the world’s languages. In Timothy Shopen, ed., Lan- guage typology and syntactic description 1: 243–81. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Klaiman, M. H. 1991 . Grammatical voice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lakoff, Robin. 1971. Passive resistance. Chicago Linguistic Society 7: 149–62. Langacker, Ronald W. 1982. Space grammar, analysability and the English passive. Lan- guage 58: 22–80. Langacker, Ronald W. 1985. Observations and speculations on subjectivity. In John Hai- man, ed., Iconicity in syntax 109–50. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Langacker, Ronald W. 1987a. Foundations of cognitive grammar. Vol. 1, Theoretical pre- requisites. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Langacker, Ronald W. 1987b. Nouns and verbs. Language 63: 53–94. Langacker, Ronald W. 1990. Concept, image, and symbol: The cognitive basis of grammar. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Langacker, Ronald W. 1991. Foundations of cognitive grammar. Vol. 2, Descriptive appli- cation. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Langacker, Ronald W. 2000. Grammar and conceptualization. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Langacker, Ronald W. 2003 . Grammar as image: The case of voice. Paper presented at the Imagery in Language Conference, Ło ´ dz ´ University, September 28–30. Lyons, John. 1968. Introduction to theoretical linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Maldonado, Ricardo. 1988. Energetic reflexives in Spanish. Berkeley Linguistics Society 14: 153–65. Maldonado, Ricardo. 1992. Middle voice: The case of Spanish ‘se’. PhD dissertation, University of California at San Diego. Maldonado, Ricardo. 1993. Dynamic construals in Spanish. Studi italiani di linguistica teorica e applicata 22: 531–66. Maldonado, Ricardo. 1999. A media voz: problemas conceptuales del cl  ııtico se en espa ~ nnol. Mexico: Instituto de Investigaciones Filolo ´ gicas, Universidad Nacional Auto ´ noma de Me ´ xico. Maldonado, Ricardo. 2000. Conceptual distance and transitivity increase in Spanish re- flexives. In Zygmunt Frajzyngier and Traci S. Curl, eds., Reflexives: Forms and func- tions 153–86. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Maldonado, Ricardo. 2002. Objective and subjective datives. Cognitive Linguistics 13: 1–65. Manney, Linda Joyce. 1998. The reflexive archetype and its various realizations in Modern Greek. Studies in Language 22: 1–48. Manney, Linda Joyce. 2000 . Middle voice in Modern Greek: Meaning and function of a morphosyntactic category. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Messineo, Cristina. 2002. La marcacio ´ n verbal activa/inactiva en toba (guaycuru ´ ) y sus motivaciones. L  ıınguas Ind  ııgenas Americanas 2: 49–62. Milner, George. 1966. Samoan dictionary. London: Oxford University Press. 866 ricardo maldonado Mosel, Ulrike. 1989. On the classification of verbs and verbal clauses in Samoan. In Ray Harlow and Robin Hooper, eds., Vical 1: Oceanic languages: papers from the Fifth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Auckland, New Zealand, January 1988 377–98. Auckland: Linguistic Society of New Zealand. Nava, Fernando. 2005. Voz media en tarasco. PhD dissertation, Universidad Nacional Aunto ´ noma de Me ´ xico. Nava, Fernando, and Ricardo Maldonado. 2004. Basic voice patterns in Tarascan (P’or- hepecha). In Michel Achard and Suzanne Kemmer, eds., Language, culture, and mind 461–78. Stanford, CA: CSLI publications. Palancar, Enrique. 2004. Middle voice in Otomi. International Journal of American Lin- guistics 70: 52–85. Payne, Thomas. 1982. Role and reference related subject properties and ergativity in Yup’ik Eskimo and Tagalog. Studies in Language 6: 75–106. Perlmutter, David, and Paul Postal. 1983. Toward a universal characterization of passivi- zation. In David Perlmutter, ed., Studies in relational grammar 1: 3–29. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Perlmutter, David, and Paul Postal. 1984. Impersonal passives and some relational laws. In David Perlmutter and Carol Rosen, eds., Studies in relational grammar 2: 126–70. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Postal, Paul. 1971. Cross-over phenomena. New York: Holt. Reid, Lawrence. 2002. Philippine languages in focus and out of focus. Paper presented at the Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Linguistics Seminar, University of Hawaii. October 4. Schachter, Paul. 1976. The subject in Philippine languages: Topic, actor, actor-topic, or none of the above. In Charles Li, ed., Subject and topic 491–518. New York: Academic Press. Schulze, Wolfgang. 2000. Towards a typology of the accusative-ergative continuum. General Linguistics 37: 71–155. Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1984. Passive and related constructions: A prototype analysis. Lan- guage 61: 821–48. Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1988. Voice in Philippine languages. In Masayoshi Shibatani, ed., Passive and voice 85–142. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Shibatani, Masayoshi. 2001. Syntactic voice lectures. Departamento de Lingu ¨ ı ´ stica, Uni- versidad Auto ´ noma de Quere ´ taro, Mexico. November 19–23. Słon ´ , Anna. 2000. Coding a demoted initiator in Polish and English passive constructions: A Cognitive grammar analysis. In Bozena Rozwadowska, ed., Papers in language studies: Proceedings of the 8th annual conference of the Polish association for the study of English 259–69. Wrocław: Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Talmy, Leonard. 1985. Force dynamics in language and thought. Chicago Linguistic Society 21, vol. 2 (parasession): 293–337. Talmy, Leonard. 2000. Toward a cognitive semantics. Vol. 1, Concept structuring systems. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Tsunoda, Tasaku. 1988. Antipassives in Warrungu and other Australian languages. In Masayoshi Shibatani, ed., Passive and voice 595–650. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Tuggy, David. 1981. The transitivity-related morphology of Tetelcingo Nahuatl: An ex- ploration in space grammar. PhD dissertation, University of California at San Diego. van der Leek, Frederike. 1991. Iconicity and two-form reflexive systems. Chicago Linguistics Society 27: 447–63. Verhagen, Arie. 1992. Praxis of linguistics: Passives in Dutch. Cognitive Linguistics 3: 301–42. grammatical voice in cognitive grammar 867 Zavala, Roberto. 1997. Functional analysis of Akatek voice constructions. International Journal of American Linguistics 63: 439–74. Zavala, Roberto. 2003. Verb classes, semantic roles and inverse in Olutec. In Paulette Levy, ed., Del Cora al Maya Yucateco: Estudios lingu ¨  ıısticos sobre lenguas ind  ııgenas mexicanas 179–268. Mexico: Instituto de Investigaciones Filolo ´ gicas, Universidad Nacional Au- to ´ noma de Me ´ xico. 868 ricardo maldonado chapter 33 MODALITY IN COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS tanja mortelmans 1. The Notion of Modality and Some of the Questions It Raises It is well known that the semantic category of modality is not as easily defined as tense or aspect (Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca 1994: 176). Van der Auwera and Plungian (1998: 80) hold that ‘‘modality and its types can be defined and named in various ways,’’ and that ‘‘there is no one correct way.’’ Some linguists even question the status of modality as an independent category. According to Lampert and Lampert (2000: 296), for instance, modality ‘‘as a cognitively valid category is simply gratuitous’’; the only incentive, they claim, to entertain a separate category of modality is the fact that it provides a unitary semantic label for the formal cat- egory of modal verbs. Much of the research on modality within a cognitive linguistic framework has indeed focused on modals, more specifically, on the English modals, and this language bias has undoubtedly shaped the typical understanding of modality as the cognitive semantic category roughly corresponding to the meanings expressed by modal verbs. Cognitive linguistic studies of other ‘‘modal’’ expression types— moods (e.g., Achard 1998, 2002; Mejı ´ as-Bikandi 1996; Mortelmans 2001, 2002, . Indeed, the selection of a particular participant as the tra- jector determines the voice pattern in which the event is construed. In these lan- guages, the selection of a participant as the trajector. the middle is the natural form. In principle there is nothing in these situations to imply any type of interaction with another participant. To the degree that the middle encodes ‘events in the. and diachronically, from the reflexive. While the (inflected) middle depicts one-participant events with a high degree of affect and a low degree of volition, the use of the reflexive involves marked