Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 2 - Oceania - O ppt

Ontong Java 253 The hypnotic trances into which the shamans fell were thought to be spirit possession. During a trance the spirit would express its wishes and would provide information and divinations through the shaman. Breadfruit and other natural products were believed to be possessed of a soul or spirit. Each person was thought to have two souls, with the primary soul (ngun) going to its sib heaven at death. The souls of stronger individuals could elect to undergo a series of trials and become sib heroes. See also Kapingamarangi, Pohnpei, Truk Bibliography Marshall, Mac (1975). 'Changing Patterns of Marriage and Migration on Namoluk Atoll." In Pacific Atoll Populations, edited by Vem Carroll, 160-211. ASAO Monograph no. 3. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii. Nason, James D. (1974). "Political Change: An Outer Island Perspective." In Political Development in Micronesia, edited by Daniel T. Hughes and Sherwood G. Lingenfelter, 119-142. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Tolerton, Burt, and Jerome Rauch (1949). Social Organiza- tion, Land Tenure, and Subsistence Economy of Lukunor, Nomoi Islands. Coordinated Investigation of Micronesian Anthropology, Report no. 26. Washington, D.C.: Pacific Sci- ence Board. Ontong Java ETHNONYMS: Lord Howe, Lord Howe's Group, Luangiua Orientation Identification. Ontong Java is a coral atoll in the Solo- mon Islands and is one of the so-called Polynesian outliers, a number of islands and atolls located outside of the Polyne- sian triangle that are inhabited by people who are Polyne- sian in their language and culture. The name "Ontong Java" was bestowed in 1643 by the Dutch explorer Abel Tasman, who apparently was reminded of Java. In 1791, Captain Hunter of the Waaksamhey'd named it "Lord Howe's Group." In official publications of the Solomon Islands government it is listed as "Ontong Java," although some Solo- mon Islanders continue to refer to it by the name of "Lord Howe." Most of what is known about traditional life on Ontong Java is based on the anthropological research of Ernst Sarfert in 1910 and Ian Hogbin in 1927-1928. Much has changed since then and more recent information is de, rived from research by Timothy Bayliss-Smith and the au- thor's conversations with Ontong Java people while doing research on neighboring islands. Location. Ontong Java is located at 5°30' S, 160" E. The atoll, one of the largest in the world, is 72 kilometers across at its greatest length and its width varies from 11 to 26 kilometers. It has 23 passages into the lagoon and more than 100 islets. The climate is tropical. Demography. Ontong Java suffered a severe population decline in the early twentieth century. Some estimates place its nineteenth-century population as high as 5,000 inhabitants, but it is more likely that it was about 2,000. It dropped to fewer than 600 in the 1930s. Since then the population has stabilized and begun increasing; it had reached at least 1,400 in 1986. In addition, in recent years, people have migrated away from the atoll and reside in other parts of the Solomon Islands. Linguistic Affiliation. Linguists place the language within the Samoic-Outlier Group of Polynesian languages in the Oceanic Branch of Austronesian languages. History and Cultural Relations According to a local legend, the ancestors of the present population arrived from the overpopulated island of "Ngiua" (which cannot be identified) and named their new home "Lua Ngiua," literally "Second Ngiua." Other legends refer to immigrants who arrived from the north and "Ko'olau," which could be Kiribati or Tuvalu. Comparative studies of language and material culture indicate strong affinities with Samoa and Tuvalu and probable contacts with Micronesia. The atoll was first sighted by Europeans in 1616 and occasionally vis- ited during the following two centuries. In the nineteenth century the atoll's inhabitants were hostile toward foreign traders and whalers. The British bombarded the atoll in 1875 in retaliation for the slaughter of the crew of a trading ship. Afterward, traders established permanent businesses there. Germany administered Ontong Java from 1893 until 1900, when it was turned over to Great Britain, which placed it 254 Ontong Java within the British Solomon Islands Protectorate. In the twentieth century the atoll adopted and incorporated many West- em institutions and practices including Christianity, formal education, labor for wages, and governmental administrative services. When the Solomon Islands became an independent nation in 1978, Ontong Java was administratively incorporated into Malaita Province. Settlements Luangiua, in the southeast, and Pelau, in the northeast, are among the few islets containing swamps suitable for the cultivation of taro, a major staple in the diet. Throughout the history of Ontong Java, these two villages have been the centers of economic, political, and ceremonial life. Almost everyone maintains permanent residences in one of these two villages, although people leave them to stay on smaller islets when col- lecting coconuts, trochus shell, and biche-de-mer (trepang). At present, there is a large settlement of Ontong Java migrants residing at the mouth of the Matanikau River in Honi- ara, the capital of the Solomon Islands. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The main indigenous foods are fish, coconuts, and tam (Cyrtosperma charms- sonis and Colocasia esculenta); other local food includes bananas, sweet potatoes, shellfish, turtles, chickens, and pigs. At present, imported foods such as rice, flour, sugar, and canned products are purchased at one of several small stores .n each village and make up approximately 50 percent of the total diet. With its long reef and large number of islets, On- tong Java has very valuable resources for trade, especially copra and biche-de-mer. The money earned from selling these goods is used to purchase a variety of commodities including imported food, tools, clothing, gasoline, outboard en- gines, and fiberglass boats. IndustrWl Arts and Division of Labor. The main division of labor on the atoll is based upon sex. Men fish and dive; women care for young children, tend gardens, and plait Tradi- tionally men made clothing out of hibiscus fibers on a back- strap loom, but at present clothing material is usually purchased in stores. Many Ontong Java people, especially male migrants living away from the atoll, also participate in the Westernized economic system in the Solomon Islands. They work as teachers, businesspeople, laborers, church officials, and medical workers and in other occupations and professions. Land Tenure. The land-tenure system must be under- stood in terms of the settlement patterns and kinship groups. Patrilineal descent groups ("joint families") have rights to most land where coconut trees are planted, including most of the islets other than Pelau and Luangiua. On the latter, rights to house sites and taro gardens are inherited through women. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Kinship-based groups include the family, the household, the house-owning group, the garden-owning group, the cooperating or fishing group, and the joint family. With regard to those groups beyond the family and household, rights to house sites on Luangiua and Pelau are held by house-owning groups that trace their ances- try through females. Men, as sons and brothers of these women, also have interests in the house sites. The garden. owning group is also formed around females: daughters in- hert their rights to taro gardens from their mothers, and they may decide to divide their garden land. The cooperating or fishing group is an informal group of closely related males, often brothers and their sons, who fish together and cooper- ate informally in other activities. The members of a joint family usually are related through patrilineal descent from an ancestor who lived about six generations earlier. In some cases, nonagnates (e.g., the offspring of a member's sister) can be incorporated into the joint family. Members of the joint family share rights to land planted with coconut trees, most nota- bly the islets others than Luangiua and Pelau. Joint families have leaders, usually the oldest males. The patrilineal principles followed with regard to joint families apparently developed in response to the increased importance of the copra trade in the late nineteenth century. There are many land dis. putes in present-day Ontong Java, and tracing genealogies is important in litigating and adjudicating them. Kinship Terminology. Ontong Java uses a Hawaiian- type, or generational, kinship terminology system, with one notable exception: the mother's brother and his sister's children address one another by a reciprocal term, lamoku, and their relationship entails special obligations. Marriage and Family Marriage. In traditional times, some marriages were ar- ranged although it is also clear that sometimes such arrangements could be avoided. Early sources also indicate that some women were prostitutes and some men transvestites. Resi- dence in the villages of Pelau and Luangiua is normally uxori- local, at the house site of the wife. When residing on the islets away from these villages, the couple usually lives on land controlled by the husband's joint family. Traditionally, divorce could arise from adultery by either husband or wife, laziness on the part of either, ill treatment by the husband, or incom- patibility. The couple would simply stop cooperating and live in separate places, sometimes to reunite later. Currently, divorce is affected by Christian beliefs about marriage and it is subject to the laws of the Solomon Islands. Domestic Unit. The family consists of a husband, wife, and their offspring. A household includes those families (or people) who are residing together. Inheritance. Rights to land for coconut groves are held by joint families, which are formed through patrilineal descent, while rights to taro gardens are inherited from a mother by her daughters; rights to house sites are inherited through females, passing from mothers to their offspring. Personal property is inherited according to sex: a woman's property goes to her daughters, and a man's to his sons; the oldest offspring sometimes have a larger share. Socialization. Children of both sexes are primarily cared for by their mothers until about the age of three. As they ma- ture, boys generally associate with older males, including those from outside their household. Girls associate with older females but not so often with people from outside the household as boys do. Formerly, there were numerous behavioral avoidances between brothers and sisters that derived from in- Orokaiva 255 cest prohibitions. In adolescence, both sexes are influenced by their peer groups. Sociopolitical Organization Political Organization. Before 1800, there was no central- ized political authority within either village. During the nineteenth century, however, there were rivalries between the lead ers of prominent joint families for dominance and certain individuals emerged, especially in Luangiua, who held considerable power. During the protectorate period the British estab. lished Western political institutions. At the time of national independence in 1978, Pelau and Luangiua were separate wards with local administrative services. Each village sends an elected representative to the Malaita Provincial Assembly. Ontong Java and Sikaiana together elect one representative to the national parliament Social Control. Informal sanctions, such as public opinion, are important mechanisms for social control. Also, in their traditional religion the Ontong Java people believed that the spirits of the deceased, kipua, took an interest in human affairs and could punish with sickness and death of- fenses such as incest, adultery, or failure to fulfill social obligations. More formally, a leader of a joint family could tempo- rarily bar a disobedient member from using land. At present, Ontong Java is part of a court system established by the Brit- ish and now administered by their provincial and national governments. Conflict. In the nineteenth century, there was constant feuding as various leaders tried to consolidate their power. By the end of the century each village had one ruler who was able to settle some disputes and punish people. At present, land disputes are a major source of tension and conflict. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The traditional ritual system centered on the sanga ceremony, which was performed to honor the island's legendary founders and to ensure that taro, coconuts, and fish would be plentifuL It was also believed that the spirits of deceased ancestors, kipua, were aware of all human events and could interfere in them. By 1927, the traditional religious system was disintegrating as a result of culture contact, and at present most people are members of the Church of Melanesia, which was originally established by Anglican missionaries. Religious Practitioners. Formerly, the maakua, who were the leaders of certain joint families, supervised the perform- ance of the sanga ceremony. In times of famine or pestilence, the maakua were held responsible for the community's misfortune and were either put to death or asked to resign their positions. Other traditional beliefs centered on spirit medi- ums who were able to contact the spirits of deceased ancestors (lcipua) to learn of their intentions and enlist their aid. At present, people participate in various Christian offices and organizations. Ceremonies. Apart from the church calendar, there are frequent occasions for dances and song performances in the present-day life of Ontong Java. These performances include traditional musical, dance, and song genres. In addition there are new genres, such as guitar music and songs that derive from culture contact. Arts. Men formerly wore nose ornaments and even now some people are tattooed, although not as extensively as in former times. Women still cover themselves with turmeric when dancing. Medicine. In traditional times, most sickness and death were attributed to the actions of kipua (ancestor spirits). Death and Afterlife. When people died, their relatives stopped most work activities and mourned the deceased by weeping and singing dirges. The Ontong Java buried their dead in a cemetery with slabs of coral rock for grave markers. Upon death, a person became a kipua. Nowadays, Christian beliefs are prevalent See also Malaita, Samoa, Tuvalu Bibliogralphy Bayliss-Smith, Timothy (1986). Ontong Java Atoll: Popula- tion Economy and Society, 1970-1986. South Pacific Small- holder Project Occasional Paper no. 9. Armidale, N.S.W., Australia: University of New England. Friedlander, Jonathan S., et al. (1987). The Solomon Islands Project: A Long-Term Study of Health, Human Biology, and Culture Change. New YorLk Oxford University Press. Hogbin, H. Ian (1931). "The Social Organization of Ontong Java." Oceania 1:399-425. Hogbin, H. Ian (1934). Law and Order in Polynesia: A Study of Primitive Legal Institutions. London: Christophers. Reprint. 1961. Hamden, Conn.: Shoe String Press. Keopo, John, comp. (1981). Kelaungiu: Ngakakala, Ngalue, Nga'ai: Stories from Luangiua, OntongJava. In Journal of Oral Tradition and Contemporary History. Vol. 1. Honiara: Na- tional Museum of the Solomon Islands. Sarfert, Ernst, and Hans Damm (1931). 'Luangiua und Nukumanu." In Ergebnisse der Sidsee Expedition, 1908-1910, edited by Georg Thilenius. II. Ethnographic; B. Mikronesien, vol. 12. Hamburg: Friedrichsen. WILLIAM W. DONNER Orokaiva ETHNONYMS: Aiga, Binandele, Hunjara, Mambare, Wasida Orientation 1dentiiaon. 'Orokaiva" is the name for a number of culturally similar tribes in Papua New Guinea who speak mu- tually intelligible dialects. Although the tribes did not have 256 Orokaiva an inclusive name for themselves until 'Orokaiva" was introduced by Westerners, they generally distinguished among themselves as the river people (umo-ke), saltwater people (eva'embo), and inland people (periho). Location. The Orokaiva reside in the Oro Province of Papua New Guinea and are concentrated in the Popondetta district in an area reaching from the coast at Buna Island to the northern slopes of Mount Lamington and in the regions to the north of this general line. This area is a humid tropical lowland, and uniformly high temperatures and rainfall provide a year-round growing season. The wet season, from De- cember to March, is characterized by northeasterly or north, westerly winds, high temperatures and humidity, and late-aftemoon thunderstorms, while the dry season, from May to October, produces northeasterly winds, lower temperatures, less cloud cover, and less-predictable rainfall. Demography. The indigenous population of the Popon- detta district totals some 36,500, of whom 26,500 are Oro- kaiva in the central lowland area. The number of Orokaiva at the time of Western contact is not known. linguistic Affiliation. Orokaiva is classified in the Binan- dere (or Binandele) Family of eight languages spoken in most of the more densely populated parts of Oro Province. Oro- kaiva is spoken by about half of the population in the Oro- kaiva-Binandere area. Dialect divisions within the Orokaiva language area are minor, the boundaries of the area coincide with those of the region administered by the Higaturu Local Government Council, which covers the Saiho and most of the Sohe-Popondetta census divisions. While there are considerable vocabulary differences between the Binandere languages, there is a close resemblance in grammar and enough similarity in vocabulary to make a limited degree of communication possible. History and Cultural Relations In response to Australian pressure, the British government annexed Papua in 1888. Gold was discovered shortly there- after, resulting in a major movement of prospectors and min- ers to what was then the Northern District. Relations with the Papuans were bad from the start, and there were numerous killings on both sides. The Protectorate of British New Guinea became Australian territory by the passing of the Papua Act of 1905 by the Commonwealth Government of Australia. The new administration adopted a policy of peace- ful penetration, and many measures of social and economic national development were introduced. Local control was in the hands of village constables, paid servants of the Crown. Chosen by European officers, they were intermediaries between the government and the people. In 1951 an eruption occurred on Mount Lamington, completely devastating a large part of the area occupied by the Orokaiva. Survivors were provided with food, medicine, and other relief by the government and were maintained in evacuation camps. Large-scale, expertly planned social, economic, and political development began in Papua around 1960 with the intro- duction of cash crops, agricultural extension work, land- tide improvement, road improvement, and educational development. Settlements Small villages with populations not exceeding 720 are the typical units of settlement, with houses dispersed in a more or less rectangular form around a central earth or grass "square." Villages are in flat clearings where the grass is scrupulously cut and kept free of rubbish. Houses are built by the men, each house normally being occupied by one nuclear family. Bachelors' houses, of the same size and construction, are also built. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The household is the basic unit of production and consumption, with swidden horticulture as the subsistence base. The main crop is taro, which occupies about 90 percent of the cultivated land. A variety of other plants are grown as well, including bananas, sugarcane, edible pitpit, and a few introduced cultigens such as pineapples, tomatoes, beans, and sweet potatoes. Al- though the Orokaiva traditionally tended coconut, sago, betel-nut, and a few other varieties of trees in gardens, villages, and in the bush, their arboriculture was rudimentary in comparison to their precise and detailed attention to tubers, especially taro. In response to Australian pressure during the colonial period, rubber, coffee, and coconut palms for copra have been planted, providing the Orokaiva with a reliable and substantial cash income in recent years. A good deal of plant and animal food is obtained by foraging, especially in the tropical rain forest that covers most of the Northern District. Foraged animal foods include grubs, frogs, snails, rats, and bush eggs. Foraged plant foods are valued during the dry season, when roots, leaves, and fern fronds make up part of a meal. Fish are an important resource, being used not only for consumption but for trade. Hunting is less important; the usual quarry consists of small marsupials, birds, and pigs. Pigs, dogs, and fowl have been domesticated and each man has one or more small dogs that he uses for hunting but that are ultimately destined for the pot Fowl are a useful source of meat, eggs, and feathers for decoration on headdresses, spears, etc. Domestic pigs are slowly disappearing from the villages, due to a government campaign to eliminate pig hus- bandry in an attempt to improve village hygiene. Industrial Arts. Items produced include rafts and canoes, pottery, bark cloth (tapa) from the paper mulberry, mats and baskets of coconut and pandanus leaves, wooden bowls, various musical instruments, and weapons. Trade. Intertribal trade was mainly in animal products, betel-nut products, feathers, and certain artifacts known to be of high quality in particular districts. Although small in volume, trade was politically important in providing a motive for terminating warlike disputes. Division of Labor. Cooperation among men is common during hunting and house-building. Cooperation of a total village is rare, but there are cooperative hunting and fishing expeditions. There is also a sharp sexual division of labor. Men hunt; prepare tools and equipment; make sago; plant all crops, both traditional (taro, yams, sweet potatoes) and introduced (rubber, coffee); maintain the yams and rubber, harvest rubber, and market coffee. Women cook, care for the sick, maintain the taro and sweet potatoes, harvest taro, and market root crops. Men and women both fish, build fences, Orokaiva 257 collect firewood, maintain and harvest the coffee crop, and market rubber. Land Tenure. Various land rights may be given to the clan branch, the lineage, or an individual, the relative significance of each varying with the locality and population density. More than one descent group may have rights in a single piece of land. In many instances, the clan branch functions as a reference group, with all land being associated with it. How- ever, it may also function as a primary right-holding group for those hunting areas distinct from current garden land, typically the grasslands. Primary rights to garden land are normally vested in the lineage. Nevertheless, all such land is ultimately identifiable with individuals who may distribute land (and property) prior to their death not only to their immedi- ate family but also to more distant kin. Traditional tree crops are not planted in stands or groups like cash-crop trees but are widely scattered and are as likely to be planted on patri- monial land as on the land of affines or matrilateral kin. In- heritance of rights to trees usually does not bring rights to the land on which they stand. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Every Orokaiva is recruited by birth into the clan of his or her father. All members of a clan claim, but cannot necessarily trace, common descent from a usually eponymous ancestor. Each clan is subdivided into named subgroups or lineages that trace their origin to a named ancestor. Kinship Terminology. Kinship terminology is of the Iroquois type. Marrage and Family Marriage. Polygyny among the Orokaiva is accepted but rare. Clan exogamy is preferred, but not strictly enforced. Vil- lages are not exogamous. A large bride-price is required for ar- ranged marriages, although in the past wives were also obtained through capture. Postmarital. residence is ideally patrilocal, but in practice people have a wide choice between the villages of patrilateral or matrilateral kin or of affines, and residence may be changed at any time. The distribution of clan branches through a number of villages is closely related to access to the group's land, hence the initial motivation for a long-term change in residence may be influenced by proximity to land intended to be brought into cultivation. Divorce is allowed, with custody of minor children going to the father, except for infants. Domestic Unit. The basic domestic and economic unit is the household, composed of either a nuclear or extended family. Inheritance. Inheritance is usually patrilineal. Socialiation. Errant children are subject to beating and especially to scolding. Education is predominantly through a system of mission schools, partly financed by the government's department of education. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The social system is characterized by flexibility in arrangements for group membership and for transmission of rights to land. A village normally contains more than one clan branch and consequently is not necessarily a landholding unit. Residents may have closer kinship ties to residents of other villages than with some of their coresi- dents. Nevertheless, common residence implies some community of interest and a degree of group solidarity that is rein- forced by government policy, which recognizes villages rather than descent groups as functional entities. Marriages between members of different clan branches within the village also re- inforce this solidarity, which is expressed in ways such as daily food gifts, cooperation in certain tasks, and joint ceremonial activities. On the average, a lineage comprises three households. Usually, several clans are represented in a village, with members of a single clan (clan branches) being scattered among a number of neighboring villages. Lineages are more localized in character, frequently being confined to a single village and tending to occupy one section of it. Political Organizaton. Political organization incorpo- rates no central authority or hereditary leadership. Instead, it is characterized by big-men (embo dambo) and an ascendancy of elders who have proved themselves equal to the task. Such men command the respect of the village, based upon ob- served qualities of generosity, diligence, wealth, ability to make wise decisions, and skill in arranging ceremonial activities. This status confers no sanctioning authority, however. The Orokaiva tribes, around twelve in number, are very loose units politically and recognize no single leader. The largest unit is the tribe, which has a common territory usually demar- cated from neighboring tribal territories by a belt of uninhabi- ted land. Social Control. There are customary restrictions upon feuding within the tribe, which exist in sharp contrast to the standard acceptance and formalization of hostility between tribes. Formerly, official legal penalties, generally violent, were meted out to criminals. Fear of the ancestors and desire to avoid unfavorable public opinion remain the major mechanisms of social control. Conflict. Prior to European contact, aggression against the members of another tribe took the form of organized, often cannibalistic raids. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The traditional beliefs of the Orokaiva, though in many respects vague and locally variable, focused primarily on the "spirits of the dead" and their influence on the living. The Orokaiva had no high god. Formerly, they were animists, believing in the existence of souls (asisi) in hu- mans, plants, and animals. The taro spirit was of particular importance and was the inspiration and foundation of the Taro Cult. The Orokaiva have been swept recently by a series of new cults, indicative of their religious adaptability in the face of fresh experience. Mission influence is strong in the Northern District. Religious training is provided almost ex- clusively by the Anglican church, although mission influence has not totally eradicated traditional beliefs, producing an air of mysticism about the resultant religious system. Religious Practitioners. Orokaiva shamans, or 'taro men' serve as healers, weather magicians, and sorcerers. Ceremonies. Dances are held often, sometimes accompanied by music, singing, and drums. From time to time, big- men sponsor large redistributive feasts, featuring pig sacrifices 258 Orokaiva and food distribution. Activities associated with the taro cult (the "Kava Keva" cult) are the major ritual activity. The Taro Cult began about 1915 and soon evolved into ritual practices meant to placate the spirits of the dead (sovai) who control the taro crop. Thus, it is both a fertility cult and a cult of the dead. Taro men lead the ritual which includes choral singing, drumming, feasting, and violent shaking movements. Arts. The Orokaiva decorate all manner of artifacts with abstract and representational figures. They are especially fond of music and in the past produced wooden drums and pipes, conch and wooden trumpets, and Jew's harps of bamboo. Medicine. Illness and misfortune are attributed to the sprits of the dead, to the actions of sorcerers, or to natural causes such as an accident or the weather. Since illness is generally seen as caused by a foreign element entering the body, most cures used by curers (those who have sivo, or special power and knowledge) are designed to extract the foreign element. These methods include producing noxious odors, rub- bing the affected area, and extracting a foreign object by sucking. Death and Afterlife. The Orokaiva believe that upon death the human soul is released and becomes a sovai. Ini- tially, the sovai roam the village, but they ultimately depart to special places of the dead, such as rock outcroppings and stagnant pools of water. Sovai often chastise errant kin by bringing upon them misfortune, illness, and even death. Death is appraised with particular realism, although it is still considered to be ultimately the result of supernatural causes. Bibliography Keesing, Felix M. (1952). "The Papuan Orokaiva vs. Mount Lamington: Cultural Shock and Its Aftermath." Human Or- ganization 11:16-22. New Guinea Research Unit (1966). Orokaiva Papers. New Guinea Research Bulletin no. 13. Canberra: Australian Na- tional University Press. Oostermeyer, W. J., and Joanne Gray, eds. (1967). Papuan Entrepreneurs. Canberra: Australian National University, New Guinea Research Unit. Schwimmer, Erik G. (1973). Exchange in the Social Structure of the Orokaiva. New York: St. Martin's Press. Schwimmer, Erik G. (1979). 'Reciprocity and Structure: A Semiotic Analysis of Some Orokaiva Exchange Data." Man 14:271-285. Williams, Francis Edgar (1930). Orokaiva Society. London: Oxford University Press. CHRISTOPHER S. LATHAM Orokolo ETHNONYMS: Elema, Ipi, Western Elema Orientation Identificaton. The term "Orokolo" generally refers to all of the Western Elema people living around Orokolo Bay in Papua New Guinea, although the name also refers to one of the five languages in the Eleman Language Family, to the major dialect of this language, and also to one of the five major Orokolo villages (Arihava, Yogu, Orokolo, Auma, and Vailala). The Orokolo are similar to the Eastern Elema people (sometimes called Toaripi) in both language and culture. Location. The Orokolo live in the Gulf Province of Papua New Guinea, between the mouths of the Vailala River (to the east) and the Aivel River (to the west) at 8° S and 145° E. Their villages are located along the beaches of the 20-mile- wide Orokolo Bay in the Gulf of Papua. Orokolo territory consists of a wide coastal strip, fringed by coconut palms, be- hind which lie the sago swamps that provide much of the people's food. The area is tropical, but, due to an unusual local pattern, the monsoon rainfall patterns are the reverse of those generally prevalent in New Guinea. Hence the northwest monsoon, from October to April, brings a comparatively pleasant, drier season of relative calm, whereas the normally mild southeast trade winds blow directly into the gulf, bringing heavy rains and restless surf for the balance of the year. Demography. In 1937, the ethnographic present for this report (when F. E. Williams concluded his major monograph on the Orokolo), the population was 4,500. Today it is in ex- cess of 7,500. Linguistic Affiliation. Orokolo is a member of the Eleman Language Family, a group of about five closely related, mutu- ally intelligible Non-Austronesian languages generally placed within the Purari-Eleman Stock. The Eleman Family has about eight different dialects. The major Eleman linguistic distinction, like the major cultural division, is between the Eastern Eleman and Western Eleman groups of languages, which are bisected by an only distantly related language called Raepa Tati, spoken near the provincial headquarters at Kerema. History and Cultural Relations European contact along the Gulf of Papua began well before the turn of the century and was quite extensive. Missionaries and labor recruiters were active, and the entire area was considered "controlled' before 1912. By 1919, there were reports of the "Vailala Madness"-one of the first recorded manifes- tations of a Melanesian cargo cult-among the Orokolo. These cargo cults are generally thought to be linked to mental confusion surrounding rapid sociocultural change associated with European contact and to a breakdown of traditional culture. "Vailala Madness" involved mass hysteria, in which large numbers of people became giddy, appeared to lose control of their limbs, and reeled about. This condition was known locally as haro heraipe, meaning 'one's head is turning around." These psychosomatic symptoms were associated with teachings that the spirits of the dead would return and Orokolo 259 that the old ceremonies and cultural practices should be elim- inated. In Eastern Orokolo villages, bullroarers and masks associated with sacred ceremonies were taken from men's houses and burned in front of women and uninitiated boys. After several years, however, traditional practices were re- sumed in this area on a more limited basis. Settlements Villages, perhaps 800 meters in length but only about 54 meters in width, stretch out along the beach. Large areas are fenced to keep pigs either in or out. There are some vacant spaces, however, so that the entire village resembles a series of very elongated rectangles. Inside the rectangles lie the houses, built in several alternative styles but generally on piles, with veranda platforms and small entrances. Dominating the ordi- nary dwellings are the large men's houses, called eravo, some 30 meters long and 15 meters tall, accompanied by one or two smaller versions, nominally for boys. The rectangular enclo- sures are generally kept meticulously clean of weeds and debris. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Orokolo are predominantly dependent on the sago palm for their live- lihood. Sago grows in such profusion that there is no need to tend trees or plant suckers. The other main sources of staples are gardens that are communally fenced and divided into in- dividually tended lateral strips. Main garden crops are yams, taro, and bananas. Coconuts and domestic pigs are also eaten. Hunting-generally with bows and arrows, sometimes with spears, and often aided by dogs-is practiced. Larger quarry include wild pigs and cassowaries, while smaller prey include marsupials and birds. Orokolo also fish, employing a variety of techniques: most commonly they use nets or fish with bows and arrows or spears from pedestals in the water. However, considering the Orokolo's proximity to the sea, maritime produce contributes relatively little to their diets. Industial Arts. Orokolo adults are generalists, commonly producing nearly all of the art, craft objects, tools, and clothing used in their daily lives. There are different individuals who are acknowledged experts in making dugout canoes, drums, ceremonial masks, and carvings, but these crafts are not in any sense commercial activities. Trade. Orokolo engage in utilitarian barter among themselves and in some rather limited trade for ornamental shells with groups to the east, but historically their most important intertribal exchange is the anthropologically well-known hiri trade with the Motu people of the Central Province. Because of prolonged dry spells and resultant food shortages in their territory, the Motu made annual voyages to the eastern Gulf of Papua to exchange clay pots, shell ornaments, and stone blades for gulf sago. The Orokolo obtained their cooking pots in this fashion. The medium of communication between the tribes that developed through this trade was a pidginized form of Motu, combining a limited Motu vocabulary with a structure grammatically and syntactically similar to Toaripi (and Orokolo). This language, called 'Police Motu" or "Hiri Motu," subsequently became the lingua franca of all Papua and is today one of Papua New Guinea's three official languages. Division of Labor. As in most tribal societies, division of labor is primarily based on age and sex. Orokolo often say that women's work is in the village and men's work is abroad, although this description is not entirely accurate. Women tend to the children, cook, clean the house and grounds, feed the pigs, provide the water and firewood, and do skilled- craftwork, including the making of nets. Another important part of their work is making sago, a task shared with men. Men fell the trees, split the trunks, and scrape out the pith, while women wash and beat the sago and carry it home. Men do virtually all of the gardening, hunting, fishing, and building. Land Tenure. Land is not in particularly short supply, and land tenure and ownership are quite flexible. Ownership of land is nominally vested in the bira'ipi, a rather fluid group based on both residence and descent. In actuality, it is subdivided among larava, patrilineal kinship groups that might best be termed lineages. The senior male of the lineage (based on principles of descent) is the "controller" of the land. In practice, however, permission to use land is freely given, and sometimes an entire village segment will garden on land tech- nically belonging to just one of its constituent lineages. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Orokolo have a series of about ten named, totemic, exogamous patrilineal clans subdivided into patrilineal lineages. Each clan has an extensive mythol- ogy, including art forms associated with the myths, that re- lates to the clan ancestors and totems. Kinship Terminology. Kinship terminology is of the Iro- quois type. Manage and Family Marriage. Marriage rules, like many other rules among the Orokolo, are flexible. Most marriages are monogamous, but polygyny is permitted. Traditionally, young men generally married immediately after emerging from the age-grade seclusion associated with male initiation; there was thus a marriage 'season." Young women generally married one of their age mates at this time. It is preferred that women marry outside their lineages but within their villages. Bride-price, in the form of shell ornaments and a live pig, is paid to the wife's family by the husband's, and the two families also exchange shell valuables. After marriage, the bride generally lives with the husband's family, although matrilocal postmarital residence is not uncommon. Marriages are mostly permanent, although they may be severed by the restitution of shell ornaments. Domestic Unit. The basic domestic unit is the household, generally consisting of a married couple and their children. In polygynous marriages, both wives live together in the same household. Households often include related individuals, such as widowed parents, unmarried or newly married sib- lings, or orphaned children, on a temporary or permanent basis. Inheritance. Inheritance is normally patrilineal. Socialization. Among the Orokolo, direct coercion of any individual, and most particularly physical coercion, is considered inappropriate behavior. Children are no exception, and, 60 'JUClrUxt by Western standards, children are indulged. Parents frequently play with children, and they do not order them about; even small children enjoy a considerable freedom of will and action. Children learn by watching and imitating the actions of their elders. They have very few 'duties." Young men pass through a series of age grades that traditionally included a period of seclusion lasting some six to twelve months at about the age of 14 or 15. Each age grade was associated with a particular costume. Women have no such age grades, but they do have a recognized age-group membership corresponding to that of men. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. Social organization is very complex, consisting of a great many crosscutting units, primarily based on residence, descent, and age affiliation. In terms of residence, the Elema people are divided into tribes, of which the Orokolo is one, and subdivided into village groups, villages, and units called karigara, or village segments. Each village segment is normally associated with a men's house or eravo. These eravo communities are further subdivided into bira'ipi, units that combine descent and residence principles. In terms of descent, Orokolo have the previously described patrilineal clans and lineages. They also recognize a variety of fictive friendship relationships, as well as numerous named age groups that pass through a series of eight age grades. Political Organization. The Orokolo are fundamentally an egalitarian culture, and influential people typically achieve their status through a combination of individual competence, force of personality, age, and experience. Each eravo or men's house community has a dual division, with each half techni- cally headed by a 'chief." The entire group also has a "village chief," a descendant of one of the original settlers who owned and controlled village land, although this chief is often one of the eravo chiefs. In practice, these chiefs cannot command action and have very little power, since decisions are usually reached through group consensus. Social Control. In the absence of a coercive tradition, social control within the group is maintained largely through the strength of public opinion and the fear of supernatural retribution. Since reciprocity is so important in Orokolo ac- tivides, individuals who do not meet their social obligations soon have problems. Sexual infidelities and perceived ine- qualities in exchange are common causes of conflict within the village. Cases are usually settled in group meetings with the aid of influential men who act as mediators. Tradition- ally, each clan had a "chief" (bukari) with particular legiti- macy to stop conflicts and achieve settlement by virtue of his control over the clan bullroarer. Conflict. Before European contact, warfare between tribes was not uncommon, though it was very rare within the tribe. Religion and Expressive Culture Religion Beliefs. Traditional Orokolo have no belief in a high god or gods, and, in some sense, the exact nature of their beliefs is rather vague. There is a fundamental animistic no- tion of a sort of mana or impersonal force present in certain objects. However, the most important aspects of their religion involve two categories of spirits: spirits of the dead, or ghosts; and spirits of the natural environment. While both groups are considered to be capable of affecting human affairs, the latter spirits-who once lived, whose exploits are told of in myth, and who now haunt parts of the natural environment-are the focus of most religious magic. Individuals seek to control events through partial reenactments of mythological episodes. Religious Practitioners. While all people practice magic, there are part-time specialists who are acknowledged as particularly proficient in garden magic, in diagnosing and in treating sicknesses, and in sorcery. Ceremuoies. Traditional Orokolo ceremonial life is ex, tremely rich and varied. Like all of the Elema people, Orokolo have a bullroarer cult and a series of elaborate ceremonies characterized by distinctive and ornate masks. For the Oro- kolo, the most important masked ceremonies are the kovave and hevehe. The latter ceremony involves a series of stages linked in a ritual cycle taking as long as twenty years to complete. Arts. All sorts of mundane and ritual objects are elaborately decorated by the Orokolo. Wooden objects, including musical instruments (especially bullroarers and drums), are often carved with stylistic designs. By far the most spectacular of the Orokolo decorative arts involves the large (9- or 10- foot) elaborately constructed and decorated hevehe masks. Medicine. Traditional notions of medicine are related to the belief in sorcery. Medical practitioners are of two broad types: diagnosticians (locally known as "men who see sickness with their eyes") and actual practitioners (referred to as "men who treat sickness"). Treatments frequently involve "blood sucking" (removing surplus blood from areas where it is thought to cause pain and sickness), "phlegm sucking" (doctors spitting out mouthfuls of phlegm as if it had been drawn from the patient's body), and extraction of miscella- neous objects (like crocodile teeth or glass fragments) thought to have been introduced by a sorcerer. Death and Afterlife. A death in the village generally re- sults in the suspension of all but the most essential activities. Bodies are shallowly interred, traditionally within the village compound but now outside it, with feet facing the sea. Deaths are accompanied by considerable public mourning and a series of mortuary feasts. Spirits of the dead are thought to hover about their homes for a time, able to influence human affairs, before departing for a vague "land of the dead." See also Motu Bibliography Brown, Herbert A. (1973). "The Eleman Language Family." In The Linguistic Situation in the Gulf District and Adjacent Areas, Papua New Guinea, edited by K. Franklin, 279-376. Pacific Linguistics, Series C, no. 26, Canberra: Australian National University. Holmes, John Henry (1924). In Primitive New Guinea. Lon- don: Seely Service. Williams, Francis Edgar (1923). The Vailala Madness and the Destruction of Native Ceremonies in the Gulf Division. Terri- tory of Papua Anthropology Report no. 4. Port Moresby: Government Printer. 260 . Ontong Java 25 3 The hypnotic trances into which the shamans fell were thought to be spirit possession. During a trance the spirit would express its wishes and would provide information and divinations through the shaman. Breadfruit and other natural products were believed to be possessed of a soul or spirit. Each person was thought to have two souls, with the primary soul (ngun) going to its sib heaven at death. The souls of stronger individuals could elect to undergo a series of trials and become sib heroes. See also Kapingamarangi, Pohnpei, Truk Bibliography Marshall, Mac (1975). 'Changing Patterns of Marriage and Migration on Namoluk Atoll." In Pacific Atoll Populations, edited by Vem Carroll, 160 -2 1 1. ASAO Monograph no. 3. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii. Nason, James D. (1974). "Political Change: An Outer Island Perspective." In Political Development in Micronesia, edited by Daniel T. Hughes and Sherwood G. Lingenfelter, 11 9-1 42. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Tolerton, Burt, and Jerome Rauch (1949). Social Organiza- tion, Land Tenure, and Subsistence Economy of Lukunor, Nomoi Islands. Coordinated Investigation of Micronesian Anthropology, Report no. 26 . Washington, D.C.: Pacific Sci- ence Board. Ontong Java ETHNONYMS: Lord Howe, Lord Howe's Group, Luangiua Orientation Identification. Ontong Java is a coral atoll in the Solo- mon Islands and is one of the so-called Polynesian outliers, a number of islands and atolls located outside of the Polyne- sian triangle that are inhabited by people who are Polyne- sian in their language and culture. The name "Ontong Java" was bestowed in 1643 by the Dutch explorer Abel Tasman, who apparently was reminded of Java. In 1791, Captain Hunter of the Waaksamhey'd named it "Lord Howe's Group." In official publications of the Solomon Islands government it is listed as "Ontong Java," although some Solo- mon Islanders continue to refer to it by the name of "Lord Howe." Most of what is known about traditional life on Ontong Java is based on the anthropological research of Ernst Sarfert in 1910 and Ian Hogbin in 1 927 -1 928 . Much has changed since then and more recent information is de, rived from research by Timothy Bayliss-Smith and the au- thor's conversations with Ontong Java people while doing research on neighboring islands. Location. Ontong Java is located at 5°30' S, 160" E. The atoll, one of the largest in the world, is 72 kilometers across at its greatest length and its width varies from 11 to 26 kilometers. It has 23 passages into the lagoon and more than 100 islets. The climate is tropical. Demography. Ontong Java suffered a severe population decline in the early twentieth century. Some estimates place its nineteenth-century population as high as 5,000 inhabitants, but it is more likely that it was about 2, 000. It dropped to fewer than 600 in the 1930s. Since then the population has stabilized and begun increasing; it had reached at least 1,400 in 1986. In addition, in recent years, people have migrated away from the atoll and reside in other parts of the Solomon Islands. Linguistic Affiliation. Linguists place the language within the Samoic-Outlier Group of Polynesian languages in the Oceanic Branch of Austronesian languages. History and Cultural Relations According to a local legend, the ancestors of the present population arrived from the overpopulated island of "Ngiua" (which cannot be identified) and named their new home "Lua Ngiua," literally "Second Ngiua." Other legends refer to immigrants who arrived from the north and "Ko'olau," which could be Kiribati or Tuvalu. Comparative studies of language and material culture indicate strong affinities with Samoa and Tuvalu and probable contacts with Micronesia. The atoll was first sighted by Europeans in 1616 and occasionally vis- ited during the following two centuries. In the nineteenth century the atoll's inhabitants were hostile toward foreign traders and whalers. The British bombarded the atoll in 1875 in retaliation for the slaughter of the crew of a trading ship. Afterward, traders established permanent businesses there. Germany administered Ontong Java from 1893 until 1900, when it was turned over to Great Britain, which placed it 25 4 Ontong Java within the British Solomon Islands Protectorate. In the twentieth century the atoll adopted and incorporated many West- em institutions and practices including Christianity, formal education, labor for wages, and governmental administrative services. When the Solomon Islands became an independent nation in 1978, Ontong Java was administratively incorporated into Malaita Province. Settlements Luangiua, in the southeast, and Pelau, in the northeast, are among the few islets containing swamps suitable for the cultivation of taro, a major staple in the diet. Throughout the history of Ontong Java, these two villages have been the centers of economic, political, and ceremonial life. Almost everyone maintains permanent residences in one of these two villages, although people leave them to stay on smaller islets when col- lecting coconuts, trochus shell, and biche-de-mer (trepang). At present, there is a large settlement of Ontong Java migrants residing at the mouth of the Matanikau River in Honi- ara, the capital of the Solomon Islands. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The main indigenous foods are fish, coconuts, and tam (Cyrtosperma charms- sonis and Colocasia esculenta); other local food includes bananas, sweet potatoes, shellfish, turtles, chickens, and pigs. At present, imported foods such as rice, flour, sugar, and canned products are purchased at one of several small stores .n each village and make up approximately 50 percent of the total diet. With its long reef and large number of islets, On- tong Java has very valuable resources for trade, especially copra and biche-de-mer. The money earned from selling these goods is used to purchase a variety of commodities including imported food, tools, clothing, gasoline, outboard en- gines, and fiberglass boats. IndustrWl Arts and Division of Labor. The main division of labor on the atoll is based upon sex. Men fish and dive; women care for young children, tend gardens, and plait Tradi- tionally men made clothing out of hibiscus fibers on a back- strap loom, but at present clothing material is usually purchased in stores. Many Ontong Java people, especially male migrants living away from the atoll, also participate in the Westernized economic system in the Solomon Islands. They work as teachers, businesspeople, laborers, church officials, and medical workers and in other occupations and professions. Land Tenure. The land-tenure system must be under- stood in terms of the settlement patterns and kinship groups. Patrilineal descent groups ("joint families") have rights to most land where coconut trees are planted, including most of the islets other than Pelau and Luangiua. On the latter, rights to house sites and taro gardens are inherited through women. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Kinship-based groups include the family, the household, the house-owning group, the garden-owning group, the cooperating or fishing group, and the joint family. With regard to those groups beyond the family and household, rights to house sites on Luangiua and Pelau are held by house-owning groups that trace their ances- try through females. Men, as sons and brothers of these women, also have interests in the house sites. The garden. owning group is also formed around females: daughters in- hert their rights to taro gardens from their mothers, and they may decide to divide their garden land. The cooperating or fishing group is an informal group of closely related males, often brothers and their sons, who fish together and cooper- ate informally in other activities. The members of a joint family usually are related through patrilineal descent from an ancestor who lived about six generations earlier. In some cases, nonagnates (e.g., the offspring of a member's sister) can be incorporated into the joint family. Members of the joint family share rights to land planted with coconut trees, most nota- bly the islets others than Luangiua and Pelau. Joint families have leaders, usually the oldest males. The patrilineal principles followed with regard to joint families apparently developed in response to the increased importance of the copra trade in the late nineteenth century. There are many land dis. putes in present-day Ontong Java, and tracing genealogies is important in litigating and adjudicating them. Kinship Terminology. Ontong Java uses a Hawaiian- type, or generational, kinship terminology system, with one notable exception: the mother's brother and his sister's children address one another by a reciprocal term, lamoku, and their relationship entails special obligations. Marriage and Family Marriage. In traditional times, some marriages were ar- ranged although it is also clear that sometimes such arrangements could be avoided. Early sources also indicate that some women were prostitutes and some men transvestites. Resi- dence in the villages of Pelau and Luangiua is normally uxori- local, at the house site of the wife. When residing on the islets away from these villages, the couple usually lives on land controlled by the husband's joint family. Traditionally, divorce could arise from adultery by either husband or wife, laziness on the part of either, ill treatment by the husband, or incom- patibility. The couple would simply stop cooperating and live in separate places, sometimes to reunite later. Currently, divorce is affected by Christian beliefs about marriage and it is subject to the laws of the Solomon Islands. Domestic Unit. The family consists of a husband, wife, and their offspring. A household includes those families (or people) who are residing together. Inheritance. Rights to land for coconut groves are held by joint families, which are formed through patrilineal descent, while rights to taro gardens are inherited from a mother by her daughters; rights to house sites are inherited through females, passing from mothers to their offspring. Personal property is inherited according to sex: a woman's property goes to her daughters, and a man's to his sons; the oldest offspring sometimes have a larger share. Socialization. Children of both sexes are primarily cared for by their mothers until about the age of three. As they ma- ture, boys generally associate with older males, including those from outside their household. Girls associate with older females but not so often with people from outside the household as boys do. Formerly, there were numerous behavioral avoidances between brothers and sisters that derived from in- Orokaiva 25 5 cest prohibitions. In adolescence, both sexes are influenced by their peer groups. Sociopolitical Organization Political Organization. Before 1800, there was no central- ized political authority within either village. During the nineteenth century, however, there were rivalries between the lead ers of prominent joint families for dominance and certain individuals emerged, especially in Luangiua, who held considerable power. During the protectorate period the British estab. lished Western political institutions. At the time of national independence in 1978, Pelau and Luangiua were separate wards with local administrative services. Each village sends an elected representative to the Malaita Provincial Assembly. Ontong Java and Sikaiana together elect one representative to the national parliament Social Control. Informal sanctions, such as public opinion, are important mechanisms for social control. Also, in their traditional religion the Ontong Java people believed that the spirits of the deceased, kipua, took an interest in human affairs and could punish with sickness and death of- fenses such as incest, adultery, or failure to fulfill social obligations. More formally, a leader of a joint family could tempo- rarily bar a disobedient member from using land. At present, Ontong Java is part of a court system established by the Brit- ish and now administered by their provincial and national governments. Conflict. In the nineteenth century, there was constant feuding as various leaders tried to consolidate their power. By the end of the century each village had one ruler who was able to settle some disputes and punish people. At present, land disputes are a major source of tension and conflict. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The traditional ritual system centered on the sanga ceremony, which was performed to honor the island's legendary founders and to ensure that taro, coconuts, and fish would be plentifuL It was also believed that the spirits of deceased ancestors, kipua, were aware of all human events and could interfere in them. By 1 927 , the traditional religious system was disintegrating as a result of culture contact, and at present most people are members of the Church of Melanesia, which was originally established by Anglican missionaries. Religious Practitioners. Formerly, the maakua, who were the leaders of certain joint families, supervised the perform- ance of the sanga ceremony. In times of famine or pestilence, the maakua were held responsible for the community's misfortune and were either put to death or asked to resign their positions. Other traditional beliefs centered on spirit medi- ums who were able to contact the spirits of deceased ancestors (lcipua) to learn of their intentions and enlist their aid. At present, people participate in various Christian offices and organizations. Ceremonies. Apart from the church calendar, there are frequent occasions for dances and song performances in the present-day life of Ontong Java. These performances include traditional musical, dance, and song genres. In addition there are new genres, such as guitar music and songs that derive from culture contact. Arts. Men formerly wore nose ornaments and even now some people are tattooed, although not as extensively as in former times. Women still cover themselves with turmeric when dancing. Medicine. In traditional times, most sickness and death were attributed to the actions of kipua (ancestor spirits). Death and Afterlife. When people died, their relatives stopped most work activities and mourned the deceased by weeping and singing dirges. The Ontong Java buried their dead in a cemetery with slabs of coral rock for grave markers. Upon death, a person became a kipua. Nowadays, Christian beliefs are prevalent See also Malaita, Samoa, Tuvalu Bibliogralphy Bayliss-Smith, Timothy (1986). Ontong Java Atoll: Popula- tion Economy and Society, 197 0-1 986. South Pacific Small- holder Project Occasional Paper no. 9. Armidale, N.S.W., Australia: University of New England. Friedlander, Jonathan S., et al. (1987). The Solomon Islands Project: A Long-Term Study of Health, Human Biology, and Culture Change. New YorLk Oxford University Press. Hogbin, H. Ian (1931). "The Social Organization of Ontong Java." Oceania 1:39 9- 425 . Hogbin, H. Ian (1934). Law and Order in Polynesia: A Study of Primitive Legal Institutions. London: Christophers. Reprint. 1961. Hamden, Conn.: Shoe String Press. Keopo, John, comp. (1981). Kelaungiu: Ngakakala, Ngalue, Nga'ai: Stories from Luangiua, OntongJava. In Journal of Oral Tradition and Contemporary History. Vol. 1. Honiara: Na- tional Museum of the Solomon Islands. Sarfert, Ernst, and Hans Damm (1931). 'Luangiua und Nukumanu." In Ergebnisse der Sidsee Expedition, 190 8-1 910, edited by Georg Thilenius. II. Ethnographic; B. Mikronesien, vol. 12. Hamburg: Friedrichsen. WILLIAM W. DONNER Orokaiva ETHNONYMS: Aiga, Binandele, Hunjara, Mambare, Wasida Orientation 1dentiiaon. 'Orokaiva" is the name for a number of culturally similar tribes in Papua New Guinea who speak mu- tually intelligible dialects. Although the tribes did not. of this general line. This area is a humid tropical lowland, and uniformly high temperatures and rainfall provide a year-round growing season. The wet season, from De- cember to March, is characterized by northeasterly or north, westerly winds, high temperatures and humidity, and late-aftemoon thunderstorms, while the dry season, from May to October, produces northeasterly winds, lower temperatures, less cloud cover, and less-predictable rainfall. Demography. The indigenous population of the Popon- detta district totals some 36,500, of whom 26 ,500 are Oro- kaiva in the central lowland area. The number of Orokaiva at the time of Western contact is not known. linguistic Affiliation. Orokaiva is classified in the Binan- dere (or Binandele) Family of eight languages spoken in most of the more densely populated parts of Oro Province. Oro- kaiva is spoken by about half of the population in the Oro- kaiva-Binandere area. Dialect divisions within the Orokaiva language area are minor, the boundaries of the area coincide with those of the region administered by the Higaturu Local Government Council, which covers the Saiho and most of the Sohe-Popondetta census divisions. While there are considerable vocabulary differences between the Binandere languages, there is a close resemblance in grammar and enough similarity in vocabulary to make a limited degree of communication possible. History and Cultural Relations In response to Australian pressure, the British government annexed Papua in 1888. Gold was discovered shortly there- after, resulting in a major movement of prospectors and min- ers to what was then the Northern District. Relations with the Papuans were bad from the start, and there were numerous killings on both sides. The Protectorate of British New Guinea became Australian territory by the passing of the Papua Act of 1905 by the Commonwealth Government of Australia. The new administration adopted a policy of peace- ful penetration, and many measures of social and economic national development were introduced. Local control was in the hands of village constables, paid servants of the Crown. Chosen by European officers, they were intermediaries between the government and the people. In 1951 an eruption occurred on Mount Lamington, completely devastating a large part of the area occupied by the Orokaiva. Survivors were provided with food, medicine, and other relief by the government and were maintained in evacuation camps. Large-scale, expertly planned social, economic, and political development began in Papua around 1960 with the intro- duction of. cash crops, agricultural extension work, land- tide improvement, road improvement, and educational development. Settlements Small villages with populations not exceeding 720 are the typical units of settlement, with houses dispersed in a more or less rectangular form around a central earth or grass "square." Villages are in flat clearings where the grass is scrupulously cut and kept free of rubbish. Houses are built by the men, each house normally being occupied by one nuclear family. Bachelors' houses, of the same size and construction, are also built. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The household is the basic unit of production and consumption, with swidden horticulture as the subsistence base. The main crop is taro, which occupies about 90 percent of the cultivated land. A variety of other plants are grown as well, including bananas, sugarcane, edible pitpit, and a few introduced cultigens such as pineapples, tomatoes, beans, and sweet potatoes. Al- though the Orokaiva traditionally tended coconut, sago, betel-nut, and a few other varieties of trees in gardens, villages, and in the bush, their arboriculture was rudimentary in comparison to their precise and detailed attention to tubers, especially taro. In response to Australian pressure during the colonial period, rubber, coffee, and coconut palms for copra have been planted, providing the Orokaiva with a reliable and substantial cash income in recent years. A good deal of plant and animal food is obtained by foraging, especially in the tropical rain forest that covers most of the Northern District. Foraged animal foods include grubs, frogs, snails, rats, and bush eggs. Foraged plant foods are valued during the dry season, when roots, leaves, and fern fronds make up part of a meal. Fish are an important resource, being used not only for consumption but for trade. Hunting is less important; the usual quarry consists of small marsupials, birds, and pigs. Pigs, dogs, and fowl have been domesticated and each man has one or more small dogs that he uses for hunting but that are ultimately destined for the pot Fowl are a useful source of meat, eggs, and feathers for decoration on headdresses, spears, etc. Domestic pigs are slowly disappearing from the villages, due to a government campaign to eliminate pig hus- bandry in an attempt to improve village hygiene. Industrial Arts. Items produced include rafts and canoes, pottery, bark cloth (tapa) from the paper mulberry, mats and baskets of coconut and pandanus leaves, wooden bowls, various musical instruments, and weapons. Trade. Intertribal trade was mainly in animal products, betel-nut products, feathers, and certain artifacts known to be of high quality in particular districts. Although small in volume, trade was politically important in providing a motive for terminating warlike disputes. Division of Labor. Cooperation among men is common during hunting and house-building. Cooperation of a total village is rare, but there are cooperative hunting and fishing expeditions. There is also a sharp sexual division of labor. Men hunt; prepare tools and equipment; make sago; plant all crops, both traditional (taro, yams, sweet potatoes) and introduced (rubber, coffee); maintain the yams and rubber, harvest rubber, and market coffee. Women cook, care for the sick, maintain the taro and sweet potatoes, harvest taro, and market root crops. Men and women both fish, build fences, Orokaiva 25 7 collect firewood, maintain and harvest the coffee crop, and market rubber. Land Tenure. Various land rights may be given to the clan branch, the lineage, or an individual, the relative significance of each varying with the locality and population density. More than one descent group may have rights in a single piece of land. In many instances, the clan branch functions as a reference group, with all land being associated with it. How- ever, it may also function as a primary right-holding group for those hunting areas distinct from current garden land, typically the grasslands. Primary rights to garden land are normally vested in the lineage. Nevertheless, all such land is ultimately identifiable with individuals who may distribute land (and property) prior to their death not only to their immedi- ate family but also to more distant kin. Traditional tree crops are not planted in stands or groups like cash-crop trees but are widely scattered and are as likely to be planted on patri- monial land as on the land of affines or matrilateral kin. In- heritance of rights to trees usually does not bring rights to the land on which they stand. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Every Orokaiva is recruited by birth into the clan of his or her father. All members of a clan claim, but cannot necessarily trace, common descent from a usually eponymous ancestor. Each clan is subdivided into named subgroups or lineages that trace their origin to a named ancestor. Kinship Terminology. Kinship terminology is of the Iroquois type. Marrage and Family Marriage. Polygyny among the Orokaiva is accepted but rare. Clan exogamy is preferred, but not strictly enforced. Vil- lages are not exogamous. A large bride-price is required for ar- ranged marriages, although in the past wives were also obtained through capture. Postmarital. residence is ideally patrilocal, but in practice people have a wide choice between the villages of patrilateral or matrilateral kin or of affines, and residence may be changed at any time. The distribution of clan branches through a number of villages is closely related to access to the group's land, hence the initial motivation for a long-term change in residence may be influenced by proximity to land intended to be brought into cultivation. Divorce is allowed, with custody of minor children going to the father, except for infants. Domestic Unit. The basic domestic and economic unit is the household, composed of either a nuclear or extended family. Inheritance. Inheritance is usually patrilineal. Socialiation. Errant children are subject to beating and especially to scolding. Education is predominantly through a system of mission schools, partly financed by the government's department of education. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The social system is characterized by flexibility in arrangements for group membership and for transmission of rights to land. A village normally contains more than one clan branch and consequently is not necessarily a landholding unit. Residents may have closer kinship ties to residents of other villages than with some of their coresi- dents. Nevertheless, common residence implies some community of interest and a degree of group solidarity that is rein- forced by government policy, which recognizes villages rather than descent groups as functional entities. Marriages between members of different clan branches within the village also re- inforce this solidarity, which is expressed in ways such as daily food gifts, cooperation in certain tasks, and joint ceremonial activities. On the average, a lineage comprises three households. Usually, several clans are represented in a village, with members of a single clan (clan branches) being scattered among a number of neighboring villages. Lineages are more localized in character, frequently being confined to a single village and tending to occupy one section of it. Political Organizaton. Political organization incorpo- rates no central authority or hereditary leadership. Instead, it is characterized by big-men (embo dambo) and an ascendancy of elders who have proved themselves equal to the task. Such men command the respect of the village, based upon ob- served qualities of generosity, diligence, wealth, ability to make wise decisions, and skill in arranging ceremonial activities. This status confers no sanctioning authority, however. The Orokaiva tribes, around twelve in number, are very loose units politically and recognize no single leader. The largest unit is the tribe, which has a common territory usually demar- cated from neighboring tribal territories by a belt of uninhabi- ted land. Social Control. There are customary restrictions upon feuding within the tribe, which exist in sharp contrast to the standard acceptance and formalization of hostility between tribes. Formerly, official legal penalties, generally violent, were meted out to criminals. Fear of the ancestors and desire to avoid unfavorable public opinion remain the major mechanisms of social control. Conflict. Prior to European contact, aggression against the members of another tribe took the form of organized, often cannibalistic raids. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The traditional beliefs of the Orokaiva, though in many respects vague and locally variable, focused primarily on the "spirits of the dead" and their influence on the living. The Orokaiva had no high god. Formerly, they were animists, believing in the existence of souls (asisi) in hu- mans, plants, and animals. The taro spirit was of particular importance and was the inspiration and foundation of the Taro Cult. The Orokaiva have been swept recently by a series of new cults, indicative of their religious adaptability in the face of fresh experience. Mission influence is strong in the Northern District. Religious training is provided almost ex- clusively by the Anglican church, although mission influence has not totally eradicated traditional beliefs, producing an air of mysticism about the resultant religious system. Religious Practitioners. Orokaiva shamans, or 'taro men' serve as healers, weather magicians, and sorcerers. Ceremonies. Dances are held often, sometimes accompanied by music, singing, and drums. From time to time, big- men sponsor large redistributive feasts, featuring pig sacrifices 25 8 Orokaiva and food distribution. Activities associated with the taro cult (the "Kava Keva" cult) are the major ritual activity. The Taro Cult began about 1915 and soon evolved into ritual practices meant to placate the spirits of the dead (sovai) who control the taro crop. Thus, it is both a fertility cult and a cult of the dead. Taro men lead the ritual which includes choral singing, drumming, feasting, and violent shaking movements. Arts. The Orokaiva decorate all manner of artifacts with abstract and representational figures. They are especially fond of music and in the past produced wooden drums and pipes, conch and wooden trumpets, and Jew's harps of bamboo. Medicine. Illness and misfortune are attributed to the sprits of the dead, to the actions of sorcerers, or to natural causes such as an accident or the weather. Since illness is generally seen as caused by a foreign element entering the body, most cures used by curers (those who have sivo, or special power and knowledge) are designed to extract the foreign element. These methods include producing noxious odors, rub- bing the affected area, and extracting a foreign object by sucking. Death and Afterlife. The Orokaiva believe that upon death the human soul is released and becomes a sovai. Ini- tially, the sovai roam the village, but they ultimately depart to special places of the dead, such as rock outcroppings and stagnant pools of water. Sovai often chastise errant kin by bringing upon them misfortune, illness, and even death. Death is appraised with particular realism, although it is still considered to be ultimately the result of supernatural causes. Bibliography Keesing, Felix M. (19 52) . "The Papuan Orokaiva vs. Mount Lamington: Cultural Shock and Its Aftermath." Human Or- ganization 11:16 -2 2 . New Guinea Research Unit (1966). Orokaiva Papers. New Guinea Research Bulletin no. 13. Canberra: Australian Na- tional University Press. Oostermeyer, W. J., and Joanne Gray, eds. (1967). Papuan Entrepreneurs. Canberra: Australian National University, New Guinea Research Unit. Schwimmer, Erik G. (1973). Exchange in the Social Structure of the Orokaiva. New York: St. Martin's Press. Schwimmer, Erik G. (1979). 'Reciprocity and Structure: A Semiotic Analysis of Some Orokaiva Exchange Data." Man 14 :27 1 -2 8 5. Williams, Francis Edgar (1930). Orokaiva Society. London: Oxford University Press. CHRISTOPHER S. LATHAM Orokolo ETHNONYMS: Elema, Ipi, Western Elema Orientation Identificaton. The term "Orokolo" generally refers to all of the Western Elema people living around Orokolo Bay in Papua New Guinea, although the name also refers to one of the five languages in the Eleman Language Family, to the major dialect of this language, and also to one of the five major Orokolo villages (Arihava, Yogu, Orokolo, Auma, and Vailala). The Orokolo are similar to the Eastern Elema people (sometimes called Toaripi) in both language and culture. Location. The Orokolo live in the Gulf Province of Papua New Guinea, between the mouths of the Vailala River (to the east) and the Aivel River (to the west) at 8° S and 145° E. Their villages are located along the beaches of the 20 -mile- wide Orokolo Bay in the Gulf of Papua. Orokolo territory consists of a wide coastal strip, fringed by coconut palms, be- hind which lie the sago swamps that provide much of the people's food. The area is tropical, but, due to an unusual local pattern, the monsoon rainfall patterns are the reverse of those generally prevalent in New Guinea. Hence the northwest monsoon, from October to April, brings a comparatively pleasant, drier season of relative calm, whereas the normally mild southeast trade winds blow directly into the gulf, bringing heavy rains and restless surf for the balance of the year. Demography. In 1937, the ethnographic present for this report (when F. E. Williams concluded his major monograph on the Orokolo), the population was 4,500. Today it is in ex- cess of 7,500. Linguistic Affiliation. Orokolo is a member of the Eleman Language Family, a group of about five closely related, mutu- ally intelligible Non-Austronesian languages generally placed within the Purari-Eleman Stock. The Eleman Family has about eight different dialects. The major Eleman linguistic distinction, like the major cultural division, is between the Eastern Eleman and Western Eleman groups of languages, which are bisected by an only distantly related language called Raepa Tati, spoken near the provincial headquarters at Kerema. History and Cultural Relations European contact along the Gulf of Papua began well before the turn of the century and was quite extensive. Missionaries and labor recruiters were active, and the entire area was considered "controlled' before 19 12. By 1919, there were reports of the "Vailala Madness"-one of the first recorded manifes- tations of a Melanesian cargo cult-among the Orokolo. These cargo cults are generally thought to be linked to mental confusion surrounding rapid sociocultural change associated with European contact and to a breakdown of traditional culture. "Vailala Madness" involved mass hysteria, in which large numbers of people became giddy, appeared to lose control of their limbs, and reeled about. This condition was known locally as haro heraipe, meaning 'one's head is turning around." These psychosomatic symptoms were associated with teachings that the spirits of the dead would return and Orokolo 25 9 that the old ceremonies and cultural practices should be elim- inated. In Eastern Orokolo villages, bullroarers and masks associated with sacred ceremonies were taken from men's houses and burned in front of women and uninitiated boys. After several years, however, traditional practices were re- sumed in this area on a more limited basis. Settlements Villages, perhaps 800 meters in length but only about 54 meters in width, stretch out along the beach. Large areas are fenced to keep pigs either in or out. There are some vacant spaces, however, so that the entire village resembles a series of very elongated rectangles. Inside the rectangles lie the houses, built in several alternative styles but generally on piles, with veranda platforms and small entrances. Dominating the ordi- nary dwellings are the large men's houses, called eravo, some 30 meters long and 15 meters tall, accompanied by one or two smaller versions, nominally for boys. The rectangular enclo- sures are generally kept meticulously clean of weeds and debris. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Orokolo are predominantly dependent on the sago palm for their live- lihood. Sago grows in such profusion that there is no need to tend trees or plant suckers. The other main sources of staples are gardens that are communally fenced and divided into in- dividually tended lateral strips. Main garden crops are yams, taro, and bananas. Coconuts and domestic pigs are also eaten. Hunting-generally with bows and arrows, sometimes with spears, and often aided by dogs-is practiced. Larger quarry include wild pigs and cassowaries, while smaller prey include marsupials and birds. Orokolo also fish, employing a variety of techniques: most commonly they use nets or fish with bows and arrows or spears from pedestals in the water. However, considering the Orokolo's proximity to the sea, maritime produce contributes relatively little to their diets. Industial Arts. Orokolo adults are generalists, commonly producing nearly all of the art, craft objects, tools, and clothing used in their daily lives. There are different individuals who are acknowledged experts in making dugout canoes, drums, ceremonial masks, and carvings, but these crafts are not in any sense commercial activities. Trade. Orokolo engage in utilitarian barter among themselves and in some rather limited trade for ornamental shells with groups to the east, but historically their most important intertribal exchange is the anthropologically well-known hiri trade with the Motu people of the Central Province. Because of prolonged dry spells and resultant food shortages in their territory, the Motu made annual voyages to the eastern Gulf of Papua to exchange clay pots, shell ornaments, and stone blades for gulf sago. The Orokolo obtained their cooking pots in this fashion. The medium of communication between the tribes that developed through this trade was a pidginized form of Motu, combining a limited Motu vocabulary with a structure grammatically and syntactically similar to Toaripi (and Orokolo). This language, called 'Police Motu" or "Hiri Motu," subsequently became the lingua franca of all Papua and is today one of Papua New Guinea's three official languages. Division of Labor. As in most tribal societies, division of labor is primarily based on age and sex. Orokolo often say that women's work is in the village and men's work is abroad, although this description is not entirely accurate. Women tend to the children, cook, clean the house and grounds, feed the pigs, provide the water and firewood, and do skilled- craftwork, including the making of nets. Another important part of their work is making sago, a task shared with men. Men fell the trees, split the trunks, and scrape out the pith, while women wash and beat the sago and carry it home. Men do virtually all of the gardening, hunting, fishing, and building. Land Tenure. Land is not in particularly short supply, and land tenure and ownership are quite flexible. Ownership of land is nominally vested in the bira'ipi, a rather fluid group based on both residence and descent. In actuality, it is subdivided among larava, patrilineal kinship groups that might best be termed lineages. The senior male of the lineage (based on principles of descent) is the "controller" of the land. In practice, however, permission to use land is freely given, and sometimes an entire village segment will garden on land tech- nically belonging to just one of its constituent lineages. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. Orokolo have a series of about ten named, totemic, exogamous patrilineal clans subdivided into patrilineal lineages. Each clan has an extensive mythol- ogy, including art forms associated with the myths, that re- lates to the clan ancestors and totems. Kinship Terminology. Kinship terminology is of the Iro- quois type. Manage and Family Marriage. Marriage rules, like many other rules among the Orokolo, are flexible. Most marriages are monogamous, but polygyny is permitted. Traditionally, young men generally married immediately after emerging

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