462 9. Temporal subordination in the various time-zones Figure 9.5. The tense structure of On one occasion I’ve even drawn the curtains across a window through which a journalist was peeping. present temporal domain whose central orientation time is the situation time of a present perfect tense form in a clause receiving an indefinite interpretation’.) Has it happened that your proposals were rejected even though you knew you were right? (The three preterite forms express T-simultaneity.) Has he ever promised that he would help you? (T-posteriority) Once or twice I have torn up a manuscript on which I had been working for months [because I was dissatisfied with it]. (T-anteriority) In the past two years I’ve been told at least a dozen times that he would soon have left [but he is still here]. (The conditional perfect expresses a ‘complex relation’ combining T-posteriority and T-anteriority.) When have you most felt that you had lost touch with God? (www) (T-anteriority) In many of the examples both clauses refer to repetitive hypersituations con- sisting of a number of subsituations. In such cases, each subsituation of the hypersituation of the subclause is interpreted as W-simultaneous with one of the subsituations forming the hypersituation referred to in the head clause. Since the pre-present domain is expanded as if it were a past domain, the subclause uses the relative past tense to express this W-simultaneity as T-simul- taneity: His lawyer has visited him in prison as often as he wanted to. I have sometimes rung him up when I was feeling lonely. [Long interested in ragtime,] he has often felt frustrated when his limited technique prevented him from playing the music as he heard it in his inner ear. (www) [Even though it is a malleable material,] I have often had it break while I was bending it for its intended use: reinforcement in concrete work. (www) II. Temporal relations in a pre-present domain 463 The following examples are similar, except for the fact that the tense of the subclause expresses T-anteriority or T-posteriority: But all in all, I have sometimes chosen to ride home when my taillight had quit, [equipped only with a large amber rear reflector and pedal reflectors.] (www) Pepe has often driven before when he had forgotten to take his medicine [and there has been no problem as long as the drive is short.] (www) Fiorina has never assumed that HP’s size would guarantee its position in the market place. [She has pushed relentlessly for new and different products.] (www) Bank of America, which hasn’t made a major acquisition in four years, has fre- quently pushed aside speculation that it would soon buy another company. (www) 9.9.4 A pre-present domain established by an indefinite perfect is not nor- mally expanded as if it were a past domain if the pre-present situation receives a recency interpretation. Thus in the following sentence, which is used to ex- press ‘hot news’, the pre-present domain cannot be expanded: [Listen to this!] John has just said that he {was afraid of mice / had seen a ghost / ?? would become famous}. The normal interpretation of was [afraid] is not as a relative past tense form expressing T-simultaneity to the head clause situation time, but as an absolute preterite referring to a situation which is interpreted as W-anterior to the head clause situation. Had seen is a relative tense, but it is unlikely to be interpreted as expressing T-anteriority to the situation time of has said. Rather, had said is naturally interpreted as expressing T-anteriority to an unspecified orientation time that is W-anterior to the situation time of has said.Astowould become, this can hardly be interpreted as expressing T-posteriority to the head clause situation time or to an unspecified orientation time and so is not readily inter- pretable. By contrast, in the following examples the head clause does not receive a recency interpretation, so that the pre-present domain is expanded (as if it were a past domain): Never before has John declared that he {was afraid of mice / had seen a ghost / would become famous}. (The italicized forms are relative tense forms expressing T- simultaneity, T-anteriority and T-posteriority respectively.) When have you most felt that you had lost touch with God? (www) (T-anteriority) When have you felt like your entire existence was swallowed by something you either looked into or listened to? (www) (T-simultaneity) In sum, a pre-present domain established by an indefinite perfect can only be expanded (as if it were a past domain) if there is not a hot news reading or another kind of recency interpretation Ϫ see 9.9.8 below for more details. The reading that best allows it is the ‘experiential’ reading (see 5.13). This is clear from the above examples and from a comparison of the following sentences: 464 9. Temporal subordination in the various time-zones [Have you heard the news?] Senator Harris has promised that he {will / *would} help us! (indefinite perfect; ‘hot news’ reading) Has he ever promised that he {will / would} help you? (indefinite perfect; experien- tial reading) [I seem to remember that] she has told me once that she { ?? has / had} quarrelled with her husband. (indefinite perfect; experiential reading) (Compare with She has just told me that she {has / ? had} quarrelled with her husband, where the word just makes the use of the past perfect less likely.) 9.9.5 When a pre-present domain is expanded, the speaker relates the situa- tion time of the subclause to the pre-present situation time of the head clause. It follows that no T-relation is expressed between the bound situation time and t 0 . Because of this, there are in principle several possible interpretations as far as the W-relation between the bound situation time and t 0 is concerned: Once or twice I have told her what I was looking for. (The bound situation time is interpreted as W-anterior to t 0 .) Has he ever promised that he would be here now? (The bound situation time is interpreted as W-simultaneous with t 0 , while it is represented as T-posterior to the situation time of the head-clause.) He has never promised that he would give us everything now, [but he will provide for our daily needs and more than that too.] (www) (idem) Has Beckham ever categorically stated that he would transfer next year? (The bound situation time is interpreted as W-posterior to t 0 .) Has the landlord ever promised that he would have had the roof repaired by Christ- mas day? (The bound situation time is T-anterior to an orientation time (Christmas day) which is T-posterior to another orientation time (the time of promising) which is T-anterior to t 0 . It follows that the W-relation between the bound situation time and t 0 can vary according to the temporal relation between t 0 and Christmas day: the bound situation time may be interpreted as W-anterior, W-simultaneous, or W- posterior to t 0 .) [Then one day he found himself in a “home” where several “little people” were institutionalized. “There was nothing wrong with them,” says Rappaport. “They weren’t ill. They were there just because they were little. It had a chilling effect on me. I’ve never forgotten it.”] Never in his 35 years has anyone ever suggested that Rappaport would end like the lost people of his (…) tale, [shunted away because of their dwarfism.] (www) 9.9.6 Instead of expanding the pre-present domain, the tense form of the subclause may under certain conditions also ‘shift the domain’, i. e. use an absolute tense to create a new temporal domain in one of the four absolute time-zones. When the new temporal domain is also a pre-present one, the two pre- present domains are often interpreted as W-simultaneous with each other. In II. Temporal relations in a pre-present domain 465 that case there is no difference of temporal interpretation between the use of the present perfect in the subclause and the use of the relative past tense (which expresses T-simultaneity): When have you most felt that you have lost touch with God? (Have lost is interpre- ted as an indefinite perfect creating a pre-present domain which is interpreted as W- simultaneous with the pre-present domain established by have felt. The claim that the simultaneity relation between have felt and have lost is a W-simultaneity relation is demonstrated by the fact that it is not a relation of strict coincidence: the situation of feeling may be properly included in the state of having lost touch.) [“Money is something to everybody.” Ϫ “Is it?] When have you found that I have taken any account of it? (ϭ ‘When have you found me to be taking any account of it?’ Have taken is an absolute tense form, but its situation time is likely to be inter- preted as W-simultaneous with that of have found.) I’ve sometimes called him up when I {felt / have felt} lonely. (felt ϭ temporal subor- dination; have felt ϭ shift of domain) My pets have never failed me when I {needed / have needed} a friend. (similar) I have often wanted to ask him for advice, to have him by my side when I have struggled, or when I needed a hug. (www) (The fact that the speaker chooses freely between the present perfect and the past tense indicates that he does not interpret them differently.) Of course, there are also cases in which, for pragmatic reasons, the pre-present domain established by the subclause is not interpreted as W-simultaneous with that established by the head clause: The doctor has already confirmed that Bill has sprained his ankle. (The situation time of has sprained is interpreted as W-anterior to that of has confirmed.) When have you felt that others have taken advantage of your good nature on the job? [What did you do about the situation?] (www) (Have taken is an absolute tense form; its situation time is interpreted as W-anterior to that of have felt.) The interpretation is certainly not in terms of W-simultaneity if the subclause shifts the domain to another absolute time-zone: Have you ever considered the possibility that Kennedy was murdered by the FBI? (absolute past tense, establishing a past domain which is interpreted as W-anterior to the pre-present domain established by have considered) I have always been told that Keats died in Italy. (idem) When has Bush ever said that he will use nuclear pre-emption? (www) (W-posterior- ity) At no time has he ever denied that he will be a part of Damian’s life. (www) (idem) No one has ever seriously considered that Secretariat’s world record for the mile and a half distance of the Belmont Stakes is in danger, nor has anyone ever considered 466 9. Temporal subordination in the various time-zones that it will be in the future. (www) (Is and will be establish a present domain and a post-present domain, respectively.) I haven’t met anybody yet who {was / is} not interested in money. (There is a clear difference of meaning between the two tense forms. If the speaker uses was, which expresses T-simultaneity in the domain established by have met, he refers to anybody he has ever met, whether they are still living or dead. By using is he limits the reference to those that are still living at t 0 , i. e. to those who can still be interested in money at t 0 .) Sheila has often told me that she {loved / loves} me. (There is a meaning difference, because the situation time of loved may not include t 0 whereas the situation time of loves coincides with t 0 . The use of loved therefore suggests that the speaker has no confidence at all that Sheila still does love him.) Because of the difference in meaning between the relative past tense (expressing T-simultaneity with the central orientation time of the pre-present domain) and the present tense (locating the situation time of the subclause at t 0 ), there are many cases in which only one of the two is quite suitable: It has often struck me when I’m being quizzed (before people know my reasons) [that however bad it feels for me, it would be infinitely worse if I had a drink.] (www) (When I was being quizzed would be possible but highly unlikely: the speaker is talking about something that forms part of his current life, not about individual past situations.) Until now, this has often meant that a student Ϫ to be bullied digitally Ϫ needed to be sitting at a computer connected to high-speed or a telephone line. (www) (Needs is probably unacceptable here.) The credibility of women with disabilities has often been questioned when they report sexual assault, [particularly in the case of ] (Reported is not impossible, but it would provoke a strong shift of temporal focus: it would put more focus on the individual past occasions rather than just characterizing the sort of situation in which the women’s credibility is questioned.) It has often been said that they were too similar and destined to become enemies. (Are could not replace were without a drastic change of temporal interpretation, because were and are refer to time-zones that are incompatible with each other Ϫ then versus now .) 9.9.7 In repetitive sentences like the following, the subclause uses an absolute present tense rather than a present perfect establishing a W-simultaneous do- main: The result has often been that, after escaping the dangers of the widest seas, and the most violent storms, they wreck their ship in harbour. (www) The result has often been that health care providers opt for the cheapest patients, [those who are not sick at all or suffering only from minor ailments.] (www) II. Temporal relations in a pre-present domain 467 The result has sometimes been that we have all the numbers, [but little indication of what those numbers are trying to tell us or why.] (www) [We sometimes include “feed the band” in our terms.] This has sometimes meant that we get a cheese roll each. [We’ve only twice been included in the champagne.] (www) The last example seems to be a blending of (the more or less generic sentence) This sometimes means that we get a cheese roll each and This has sometimes meant that we have got a cheese roll each. (In 9.9.11 we will observe something similar in connection with sentences like But whenever I’ve looked at the job board the job asks for experience, which seems to be a blending of Whenever I’ve looked at the job board the job has asked for experience and Whenever I look at the job board the job asks for experience.) The speaker wants to talk at the same time about what he believes is habitually the case and what has habitually been the case and is thus evidence for his assertion about the habit- ual present. In other words, one clause locates its situation in the pre-present and the other locates its situation in the present, and the listener is expected to make sense of these temporally unconnected T-locations, using the repeti- tiveness of the first clause as a guide to make the double interpretation out- lined above. It should be noted that a present tense form, which locates its situation at t 0 , is only possible as an alternative to a present perfect (which creates a pre- present domain that is interpreted as W-simultaneous with the pre-present do- main of the head clause). In cases like the following, where a contrast is ex- pressed between the present and the past, only the relative past tense (express- ing T-simultaneity in the head clause domain) can be used: Our quick response to immediate needs and crises has sometimes meant that we didn’t have, or make, the time to take advantage of the technologies that can help our work. [Today, we’re using computers, the Internet, and the media both to get our message out and to organize our work internally.] (www) 9.9.8 As noted in 9.9.4, a shift of domain is much more likely than the use of a relative tense when the indefinite perfect receives a recency reading. Com- pare the following: [Approach strangers with a meaningful question rather than something as mundane as “How are you doing?”.] Questions such as “Have you found what you are looking for?” will start your conversation off better. (www) (The past tense form were look- ing could be used here, but not as a relative past tense expressing T-simultaneity in the pre-present domain established by have found. It would be interpreted as estab- lishing a past domain of its own, interpreted as W-anterior to the pre-present do- main, and would therefore imply that the addressee is no longer looking for what- ever it was that he was looking for.) [Of all the times that Bill has claimed to have sprained his ankle,] the doctor has only once confirmed that he {had /*has} indeed sprained his ankle. (no recency interpretation) 468 9. Temporal subordination in the various time-zones [Listen to this!] The teacher has just said that Bill {has /#had} sprained his ankle. (Out of context, had sprained is unacceptable, because it cannot be interpreted as a T-anteriority form expanding the domain. This follows from the fact that has just said can only receive a recency (more specifically, ‘hot news’) interpretation. (How- ever, had sprained is all right if the context provides a past orientation time which is W-anterior to the teacher’s confirmation and to which the spraining of the ankle is represented as T-anterior.)) Figure 9.6 represents the tense structure of the last example (with has sprained). Figure 9.6. The tense structure of The teacher has just said that Bill has sprained his ankle. When a subclause depending on a head clause with an indefinite present perfect form could in principle use a relative tense but uses an absolute tense form (which creates a new domain and thus effects a shift of domain), it means that the speaker wishes to represent a W-relation of some kind (temporal and/or logical) between the subclause situation and t 0 . For example: The janitor has just said that he has locked the front door. (The subclause uses an indefinite perfect; the W-relation between its situation and the present is of a logical rather than temporal nature: reporting the janitor’s locking the front door in the present perfect implicates current relevance, more particularly resultativeness: the front door is locked now.) I haven’t met anybody yet who is not interested in money. (As noted earlier in this section, if the speaker used was, he would be referring to anybody he has ever met, whether they are still living or dead. By using is he limits the reference to those that are still living, i. e. to those who can still be interested in money at t 0 .) There have been times in my life when I felt depressed, and then I have found that good friends are invaluable. (This example illustrates both temporal subordination and domain shifting. The form have been establishes a pre-present domain and the preterite form felt expresses T-simultaneity within this domain. Then there is a shift to a new pre-present domain, established by have found, which, because of then, is interpreted as W-simultaneous with the domain established by have been. This do- main is not further expanded, for are, which is interpreted generically, again shifts the domain, this time to the present zone.) It goes without saying that when the tense in the subclause shifts the domain (i. e. creates a temporal domain of its own), no T-relation is expressed between . W-simultaneous do- main: The result has often been that, after escaping the dangers of the widest seas, and the most violent storms, they wreck their ship in harbour. (www) The result has often been that. that Rappaport would end like the lost people of his (…) tale, [shunted away because of their dwarfism.] (www) 9.9.6 Instead of expanding the pre-present domain, the tense form of the subclause may under. me. (There is a meaning difference, because the situation time of loved may not include t 0 whereas the situation time of loves coincides with t 0 . The use of loved therefore suggests that the