Học từ vựng hiệu quả phần READING từ bộ đề Cambridge 19

Việc học phần đọc (Reading) trong IELTS chưa bao giờ là dễ dàng, đặc biệt là đối với những bạn còn hạn chế về từ vựng. Tuy nhiên, trong tài liệu này, mình đã chuẩn bị sẵn các từ vựng và phát âm để giúp bạn tiết kiệm thời gian và nâng cao hiệu quả học tập. Khi học, hãy kết hợp học cùng phần nghe bài đọc trên youtube (link) mà mình đã chuẩn bị sẵn để nắm rõ hơn cách phát âm các từ mới cũng như là tăng khả năng nghe của mình nhé.

How tennis rackets have changed

In 2016, the British professional tennis player Andy Murray was ranked as the world’s number one It was an incredible achievement (thành tựu đáng kinh ngạc) /ɪnˈkrɛdɪbəl əˈʧivmənt/ by any standard – made even more remarkable (đáng chú ý) /rɪˈmɑrkəbl/ by the fact that he did this during a period considered to be one of the strongest in the sport’s history, competing against the likes of Rafael Nadal, Roger Federer, and Novak Djokovic, to name just a few (chỉ kể tên một vài/neɪm dʒʌst ə fjuː/) Yet (Tuy nhiên – thể hiện sự tương phản) five years previously, he had been regarded as (được coi là /rɪˈɡɑrdəd ổz/) a talented outsider (người nước ngoài) /ˈaʊtsaɪdər/ who entered but never won the major tournaments (giải đấu lớn) /ˈmeɪdʒər ˈtʊrnəmənts/

Of the changes that account for (giải thích, làm rõ nguyên nhân /əˈkaʊnt fɔːr/) this transformation (sự chuyển đổi) /ˌtrổnsfərˈmeɪʃən/, one was visible (/ˈvɪzəbl/Rừ ràng, dễ thấy) and widely publicised (được công khai) /ˈpʌblɪsaɪzd/: in 2011, Murray invited former number one player Ivan Lendl onto his coaching team (đội ngũ huấn luyện) /ˈkoʊtʃɪŋ tim/

– a valuable addition (sự bổ sung quý giỏ) /ˈvổljʊəbl əˈdɪʃən/ that had a visible impact

(tỏc động rừ ràng/ˈvɪzəbl ˈɪmpổkt/) on the player’s playing style (phong cỏch chơi) /ˈpleɪɪŋ staɪl/ Another change was so subtle (tinh tế, không dễ nhận thấy) /ˈsʌtl/ as to pass more

R ADING PA AG 1: How tennis rackets have changed

3 or less unnoticed Like many players, Murray has long preferred a racket (vợt) /ˈrổkɪt/ that consists of two types of string (dây vợt) /strɪŋ/: one for the mains (dây dọc) /meɪnz/ and another for the crosses (dây ngang) /krɔsɪz/ While he continued to use natural string (dây vợt tự nhiờn) /ˈnổʧrəl strɪŋ/ in the crosses, in 2012 he switched to a synthetic string (dõy vợt tổng hợp) /sɪnˈθɛtɪk strɪŋ/ for the mains A small change, perhaps, but its importance (tầm quan trọng) /ɪmˈpɔrtəns/ should not be underestimated (đánh giá thấp /ˌʌndərˈɛstɪmeɪtɪd/)

The modification (sự sửa đổi) /ˌmɒdɪfɪˈkeɪʃən/ that Murray made is just one of a number of options available to players looking to tweak (điều chỉnh nhỏ) /twiːk/ their rackets in order to improve (cải thiện) /ɪmˈpruːv/ their games ‘Touring professionals các tay vợt chuyên nghiệp /ˈtʊərɪŋ prəˈfɛʃənlz/ have their rackets customised (cá nhân hóa) /ˈkʌstəmaɪzd/ to their specific needs,’ says Colin Triplow, a UK-based professional racket stringer (người căng dây vợt chuyên nghiệp) /ˈstrɪŋər/ ‘It’s a highly important part of performance maximisation (tối ưu húa hiệu suất) /pərˈfɔrməns ˌmổkˌsɪmaɪˈzeɪʃən/.’ Consequently, the specific rackets used by the world’s elite (hàng đầu, xuất sắc/ɪˈliːt/) are not actually readily available to the public; rather, each racket is individually made to suit the player who uses it Take the US professional tennis players Mike and Bob Bryan, for example: ‘We’re very particular with (cẩn thận với/pəˈtɪkjələr wɪð/) our racket specifications (thông số kỹ thuật) /ˌspɛsɪfɪˈkeɪʃənz/,’ they say ‘All our rackets are sent from our manufacturer to Tampa,

Florida, where our frames (khung vợt) /freɪmz/ go through a thorough customisation process (quá trình cá nhân hóa) /ˌkʌstəmaɪˈzeɪʃən ˈprəʊsɛs/.’ They explain how they have adjusted not only racket length but even experimented with different kinds of paint (sơn)

/peɪnt/ The rackets they use now weigh more than the average model (mẫu trung bình)

/ˈổvərɪdʒ ˈmɒdəl/ and also have a denser string pattern (mẫu dõy vợt dày đặc) /ˈdɛnsər strɪŋ ˈpổtən/ (i.e more crosses and mains)

The primary reason for these modifications is simple: as the line between winning and losing becomes thinner and thinner, even these slight changes become more and more important As a result, players and their teams are becoming increasingly creative (sáng tạo) /kriˈeɪtɪv/ with the modifications to their rackets as they look to maximise their competitive advantage (lợi thế cạnh tranh) /kəmˈpɛtɪtɪv ədˈvổntɪdʒ/

4 Racket modifications mainly date back to the 1970s, when the amateur German tennis player Werner Fischer started playing with the so-called (cái gọi là/ˈsoʊˌkɔld/) spaghetti- strung racket (vợt dõy spaghetti) /spəˌɡɛti strʌŋ ˈrổkɪt/ It created a string bed (mặt dõy vợt) /strɪŋ bɛd/ that generated so much topspin (xoáy topspin) /ˈtɒpspɪn/ that it was quickly banned by the International Tennis Federation (Liên đoàn quần vợt quốc tế) /ˌɪntəˈnổʃənl ˈtɛnɪs ˌfɛdəˈreɪʃən/ However, within a decade or two, racket modification became a regularity (sự thường xuyờn) /ˌrɛɡjʊˈlổrɪti/ Today it is, in many ways, an aspect of the game that is equal in significance (tầm quan trọng) /sɪɡˈnɪfɪkəns/ to nutrition or training

Modifications can be divided into two categories: those to the string bed (mặt dây vợt) /strɪŋ bɛd/ and those to the racket frame (khung vợt) /ˈrổkɪt freɪm/ The former is far more common than the latter: the choice of the strings and the tension (độ căng) /ˈtɛnʃən/ with which they are installed is something that nearly all professional players experiment with

They will continually change it depending on various factors including the court surface (bề mặt sõn) /kɔrt ˈsɜrfɪs/, climatic conditions (điều kiện khớ hậu) /klaɪˈmổtɪk kənˈdɪʃənz/, and game styles (phong cách chơi) /ɡeɪm staɪlz/ Some will even change it depending on how they feel at the time

At one time, all tennis rackets were strung (to string with- dùng để căng với) with natural gut (dõy ruột tự nhiờn) /ˈnổʧrəl ɡʌt/ made from the outer layer of sheep or cow intestines

(ruột )/ɪnˈtɛstɪnz/ This all changed in the early 1990s with the development of synthetic strings (dây vợt tổng hợp) /sɪnˈθɛtɪk strɪŋz/ that were cheaper and more durable (bền) /ˈdjʊərəbl/ They are made from three materials: nylon (nylon - tương đối bền và giá cả phải chăng) /ˈnaɪlən/, Kevlar (Kevlar - quá cứng để sử dụng đơn lẻ) /ˈkɛvlɑːr/ or co-polyester (co-polyester - polyester kết hợp với phụ gia làm tăng hiệu suất) /koʊˌpɒliˈɛstər/ Even so, many professional players continue to use a ‘hybrid set-up’ (cấu hình kết hợp) /ˈhaɪbrɪd ˈsɛtʌp/, where a combination of both synthetic and natural strings are used

Of the synthetics, co-polyester is by far the most widely used It’s a perfect fit for the style of tennis now played, where players tend to battle it out from the back of the court rather than coming to the net Studies indicate that the average spin (xoáy) /spɪn/ from a co- polyester string is 25% greater than that from natural string or other synthetics In a sense

5 (theo một nghĩa/khía cạnh nào đó), the development of co-polyester strings has revolutionised (cách mạng hóa) /ˌrɛvəˈluːʃənʌɪzd/ the game

However, many players go beyond (vượt ra ngoài/bɪˈjɒnd/) these basic adjustments to the strings and make changes to the racket frame (khung vợt) /ˈrổkɪt freɪm/ itself For example, much of the serving power (sức mạnh giao bóng) /ˈsɜrvɪŋ ˈpaʊər/ of US professional player

Pete ampras was attributed to (được cho là do, được gán cho /əˈtrɪbjuːtɪd tuː/) the addition of four to five lead weights (quả nặng bằng chì) /liːd weɪts/ onto his rackets, and today many professionals have the weight adjusted during the manufacturing process ((quá trỡnh sản xuất) /ˌmổnəˈfổktʃərɪŋ ˈprəʊsɛs/)

The pirates of the ancient Mediterranean

In the first and second millennia (hàng thiên niên kỷ - /mɪˈlɛn.i.ə/) BCE (Before Common Era - trước Công Nguyên), pirates (cướp biển - /ˈpaɪ.rəts/) sailed around the

Mediterranean (Địa Trung Hải - /ˌmɛdɪtəˈreɪniən/), attacking (tấn cụng - /əˈtổkɪŋ/) ships and avoiding pursuers (người truy đuổi - /pəˈsjuːərz/)

When one mentions pirates (cướp biển - /ˈpaɪ.rəts/), an image springs (nảy ra - /sprɪŋz/) to most people’s minds of a crew of misfits (người lạc loài - /ˈmɪs.fɪts/), daredevils (người liều lĩnh - /ˈdɛrˌdɛv.əlz/) and adventurers (nhà phiêu lưu - /ədˈvɛn.tʃərz/) in command (chỉ huy - /kəˈmổnd/) of a tall sailing ship in the Caribbean ea (Biển Caribbean - /ˌkổrɪˈbiːən siː/) Yet from the first to the third millennium (thiên niên kỷ - /mɪˈlɛn.i.əm/) BCE, thousands of years before these swashbucklers (những tay kiếm hiệp - /ˈswɒʃˌbʌk.lərz/) began spreading fear across the Caribbean, pirates (cướp biển - /ˈpaɪ.rəts/) prowled the

Mediterranean (Địa Trung Hải - /ˌmɛdɪtəˈreɪniən/), raiding merchant ships (tàu buôn - /ˈmɜːr.tʃənt ʃɪps/) and threatening vital trade routes (tuyến đường thương mại - /treɪd ruːts/)

However, despite all efforts and the might of various ancient states (các quốc gia cổ đại -

/ˈeɪnʃənt steɪts/), piracy (nạn cướp biển - /ˈpaɪrəsi/) could not be stopped The situation remained unchanged for thousands of years Only when the pirates (cướp biển - /ˈpaɪ.rəts/)

7 directly threatened the interests of ancient Rome did the Roman Republic (Cộng hòa La Mã - /ˈroʊmən rɪˈpʌblɪk/) organise a massive fleet (hạm đội - /fliːt/) to eliminate (loại bỏ - /ɪˈlɪmɪˌneɪt/) piracy Under the command (chỉ huy - /kəˈmổnd/) of the Roman general Pompey, Rome eradicated piracy, transforming the Mediterranean into ‘Mare Nostrum’

Although piracy in the Mediterranean is first recorded in ancient (cổ đại - /ˈeɪnʃənt/) Egypt during the reign (triều đại - /reɪn/) of Pharaoh Amenhotep III, it is reasonable to assume it predated (có trước - /ˌpriːˈdeɪtɪd/) this powerful civilisation (nền văn minh - /ˌsɪvɪlaɪˈzeɪʃən/) This is partly due to the great importance the Mediterranean held at this time, and partly due to its geography (địa lý - /dʒiˈɒɡrəfi/) While the Mediterranean region is predominantly (chủ yếu - /prɪˈdɒmɪnəntli/) fertile (màu mỡ - /ˈfɜːrtaɪl/), some parts are rugged (gồ ghề - /ˈrʌɡɪd/) and hilly (nhấp nhô - /ˈhɪli/), even mountainous (núi non - /ˈmaʊntənəs/) In the ancient times, the inhabitants (dõn cư - /ɪnˈhổbɪtənts/) of these areas relied heavily on marine resources (tài nguyên biển - /məˈriːn rɪˈsɔːrsɪz/), including fish and salt Most had their own boats, possessed good seafaring skills (kỹ năng hàng hải

- /ˈsiːˌfɛərɪŋ skɪlz/), and unsurpassed (vô song - /ˌʌnsəˈpɑːrst/) knowledge of the local coastline (đường bờ biển - /ˈkoʊstlaɪn/) and sailing routes (lộ trình hàng hải - /ˈseɪlɪŋ ruːts/) Thus, it is not surprising that during hardships (khó khăn - /ˈhɑːrdʃɪps/), these men turned to piracy (nạn cướp biển - /ˈpaɪrəsi/) Geography itself further benefited the pirates, with the numerous coves (vịnh nhỏ - /koʊvz/) along the coast providing places for them to hide their boats and strike (tấn công - /straɪk/) undetected (không bị phát hiện - /ˌʌndɪˈtɛktɪd/) Before the invention of ocean-going caravels (tàu caravel - /ˈkổrəˌvɛlz/) in the 15th century, ships could not easily cross long distances over open water Thus, in the ancient world most were restricted to a few well-known navigable routes (đường hàng hải cú thể đi lại - /ˈnổvɪɡəbl ruːts/) that followed the coastline Caught in a trap, a slow merchant ship (tàu buôn - /ˈmɜːr.tʃənt ʃɪp/) laden (chở đầy - /ˈleɪdn/) with goods (hàng hóa - /ɡʊdz/) had no other option but to surrender (đầu hàng - /səˈrɛndər/) In addition, knowledge of the local area helped the pirates to avoid retaliation (trả thự - /rɪˌtổliˈeɪʃən/) once a state fleet (hạm đội của nhà nước - /steɪt fliːt/) arrived

8 One should also add that it was not unknown in the first and second millennia (thiên niên kỷ - /mɪˈlɛniə/) BCE for governments (chính phủ - /ˈɡʌvərnmənts/) to resort (dùng đến -

/rɪˈzɔːrt/) to pirates’ services, especially during wartime (thời gian chiến tranh - /ˈwɔːrtaɪm/), employing their skills and numbers against their opponents (đối thủ - /əˈpoʊnənts/) A pirate fleet (hạm đội cướp biển - /ˈpaɪrət fliːt/) would serve in the first wave (làn súng - /weɪv/) of attack (tấn cụng - /əˈtổk/), preparing the way for the navy (hải quân - /ˈneɪvi/) Some of the regions were known for providing safe harbours (bến cảng - /ˈhɑːrbərz/) to pirates, who, in return, boosted (thúc đẩy - /buːstɪd/) the local economy (nền kinh tế địa phương - /ˈloʊkəl ɪˈkɒnəmi/)

The first known record (bằng chứng - /ˈrɛkərd/) of a named group of Mediterranean pirates, made during the rule (quyền lực - /ruːl/) of ancient Egyptian Pharaoh Akhenaten (c 1353–

1336 BCE), was in the Amarna Letters These were extracts (trớch đoạn - /ˈɛkstrổkts/) of diplomatic (ngoại giao - /ˌdɪpləˈmổtɪk/) correspondence (thư từ - /ˌkɔːrəˈspɒndəns/) between the pharaoh and his allies (đồng minh - /ˈổlaɪz/), and covered many pressing (cấp bách - /ˈprɛsɪŋ/) issues, including piracy It seems the pharaoh was troubled by two distinct (riêng biệt - /dɪsˈtɪŋkt/) pirate groups, the Lukka and the Sherden Despite the Egyptian fleet’s best efforts, the pirates continued to cause substantial (đỏng kể - /səbˈstổnʃəl/) disruption (sự gián đoạn - /dɪsˈrʌpʃən/) to regional commerce (thương mại - /ˈkɒmɜːrs/)

In the letters, the king of Alashiya (modern Cyprus) rejected Akhenaten’s claims of a connection (mối liên hệ - /kəˈnɛkʃən/) with the Lukka (based in modern-day Turkey) The king assured (đảm bảo - /əˈʃʊrd/) Akhenaten he was prepared to punish (trừng phạt - /ˈpʌnɪʃ/) any of his subjects (người dân - /ˈsʌbdʒɪkts/) involved in piracy

The ancient Greek world’s experience of piracy (nạn cướp biển - /ˈpaɪrəsi/) was different from that of Egyptian rulers (nhà cai trị - /ˈruːləz/) While Egypt’s power was land-based (dựa trờn đất liền - /lổnd-beɪst/), the ancient Greeks relied on the Mediterranean in almost all aspects of life, from trade (thương mại - /treɪd/) to warfare (chiến tranh - /ˈwɔːrfeər/)

Interestingly, in his works the Iliad and the Odyssey, the ancient Greek writer Homer not only condones (tha thứ - /kənˈdəʊnz/), but praises (khen ngợi - /preɪzɪz/) the lifestyle and

9 actions of pirates The opinion remained unchanged in the following centuries (thế kỷ - /ˈsɛntriz/) The ancient Greek historian Thucydides, for instance, glorified (tôn vinh - /ˈɡlɔːrɪfaɪd/) pirates’ daring attacks on ships or even cities For Greeks, piracy was a part of everyday life Even high-ranking members of the state were not beyond (ngoài phạm vi - /bɪˈjɒnd/) engaging in such activities According to the Greek orator Demosthenes, in 355 BCE, Athenian ambassadors (đại sứ - /ổmˈbổsədəz/) made a detour (lối đi vũng - /ˈdiːtʊər/) from their official travel to capture a ship sailing from Egypt, taking the wealth (tài sản - /wɛlθ/) found onboard (trên tàu - /ˌɒnbɔːrd/) for themselves! The Greeks’ liberal

(thoải mái - /ˈlɪbərəl/) approach towards piracy does not mean they always tolerated (tha thứ - /ˈtɒləreɪtɪd/) it, but attempts to curtail (hạn chế - /kɜːrˈteɪl/) piracy were hampered (cản trở - /ˈhổmpərd/) by the large number of pirates operating in the Mediterranean

F The rising power (sức mạnh đang lên - /ˈraɪ.zɪŋ ˈpaʊ.ɚ/) of ancient Rome required the Roman Republic (Cộng hòa La Mã - /rəˈpʌb.lɪk/) to deal with (giải quyết - /diːl wɪð/) piracy in the Mediterranean While piracy was a serious issue for the Republic, Rome profited greatly from its existence Pirate raids (cuộc tấn công - /reɪdz/) provided a steady source of slaves (nô lệ - /sleɪvz/), essential for Rome’s agriculture and mining industries But this arrangement could work only while the pirates left Roman interests alone Pirate attacks on grain ships (tàu chở ngũ cốc - /ɡreɪn ʃɪps/), which were essential to Roman citizens, led to angry voices in the Senate, demanding punishment of the culprits (thủ phạm - /ˈkʌl.prɪts/)

Rome, however, did nothing, further encouraging piracy By the 1st century BCE, emboldened (được khuyến khích - /ɪmˈboʊl.dənd/) pirates kidnapped prominent (nổi bật

- /ˈprɑː.mə.nənt/) Roman dignitaries (chức sắc - /ˈdɪɡ.nɪ.ter.iz/), asking for a large ransom (tiền chuộc - /ˈrổn.səm/) to be paid Their most famous hostage (con tin - /ˈhɑː.stɪdʒ/) was none other than Julius Caesar, captured (bị bắt giữ - /ˈkổp.tʃɚd/) in 75 BCE

G By now (Đến lúc này - /baɪ naʊ/), Rome was well aware that pirates had outlived (sống lâu hơn giá trị sử dụng - /aʊtˈlɪvd/) their usefulness (tính hữu dụng - /ˈjuːs.fəl.nəs/) The time had come (Thời gian đó đến - /ðə taɪm hổd kʌm/) for concerted action In 67 BCE, a new law granted Pompey vast funds to combat the Mediterranean menace (mối đe dọa -

10 /ˈmen.ɪs/) Taking personal command (Nhận quyền chỉ huy cá nhân - /ˈteɪ.kɪŋ ˈpɜːr.sən.əl kəˈmổnd/), Pompey divided the entire Mediterranean into 13 districts, assigning a fleet and commander to each After cleansing (làm sạch - /ˈklen.zɪŋ/) one district of pirates, the fleet would join another in the next district The process continued until the entire Mediterranean was free of pirates Although thousands of pirates died at the hands of Pompey’s troops

The persistence and peril of misinformation

Brian Southwell looks at how human brains verify (xác minh) /ˈvɛrɪˌfaɪ/ information and discusses some of the challenges of battling widespread (đối phó với sự lan truyền rộng rói) /ˈbổtəlɪŋ ˈwɪdˌsprɛd/ falsehoods (lời núi dối) /ˈfɔːlsˌhʊdz/

Misinformation (thông tin sai lệch) /ˌmɪsɪnˈfɔːrmeɪʃən/ – both deliberately promoted

(được cố ý quảng bá) /dɪˈlɪbərətli prəˈmoʊtɪd/ and accidentally shared (được chia sẻ một cỏch vụ tỡnh) /ˌổksɪˈdɛntli ʃɛrd/ – is perhaps an inevitable (khụng thể trỏnh khỏi) /ɪˈnɛvɪtəbl/ part of the world in which we live, but it is not a new problem People likely have

11 lied (nói dối) /laɪd/ to one another for roughly (khoảng) /ˈrʌfli/ as long as verbal communication (giao tiếp bằng lời nói) /ˈvɜːrbəl kəˌmjunɪˈkeɪʃən/ has existed Deceiving others (lừa dối người khác) /dɪˈsivɪŋ ˈʌðərz/ can offer an apparent opportunity (cơ hội rõ ràng) /əˈpổrənt ˌɒpəˈtjunɪti/ to gain strategic advantage (lợi thế chiến lược) /strəˈtidʒɪk ədˈvổntɪdʒ/, to motivate others to action (khuyến khớch người khỏc hành động) /ˈmoʊtɪˌveɪt ˈʌðərz tuː ˈổkʃən/, or even to protect interpersonal bonds (mối liờn hệ cỏ nhân) /ˌɪntərˈpɜːrsənl bɒndz/ Moreover, people inadvertently (vô tình) /ˌɪnədˈvɜːrtəntli/ have been sharing inaccurate information (thụng tin khụng chớnh xỏc) /ɪˈnổkjərət ˌɪnfərˈmeɪʃən/ with one another for thousands of years

However (Tuy nhiên) /haʊˈɛvər/, we currently live in an era (kỷ nguyên) /ˈɪərə/ in which technology (công nghệ) /tɛkˈnɒlədʒi/ enables information (thông tin) /ˌɪnfərˈmeɪʃən/ to reach large audiences (lướng lớn công chúng) /lɑːrdʒ ˈɔːdiənsɪz/ distributed across the globe (lan truyền trên toàn cầu) /ɡloʊb/, and thus the potential (tiềm năng) /pəˈtɛnʃəl/ for immediate (ngay lập tức) /ɪˈmiːdiət/ and widespread (rộng rãi) /ˈwaɪdˌsprɛd/ effects from misinformation (thông tin sai lệch) /ˌmɪsɪnˈfɔːrmeɪʃən/ now looms larger (trở nên nghiêm trọng hơn) /luːmz ˈlɑːrdʒər/ than in the past Yet the means (cách thức) /miːnz/ to correct misinformation (sửa chữa thông tin sai lệch) /kəˈrɛkt ˌmɪsɪnˈfɔːrmeɪʃən/ might, over time, be found in those same patterns (mụ hỡnh) /ˈpổtərnz/ of mass communication (truyền thụng đại chỳng) /mổs kəˌmjunɪˈkeɪʃən/ and of the facilitated spread (sự phỏt tỏn được hỗ trợ) /fəˈsɪlɪteɪtɪd sprɛd/ of information

The main worry (mối lo ngại chính) /ˈwʌri/ regarding misinformation is its potential to unduly influence (ảnh hưởng quỏ mức) /ʌnˈduːli ˈɪnfluəns/ attitudes (thỏi độ) /ˈổtɪtjuːdz/ and behavior (hành vi) /bɪˈheɪvjə(r)/, leading people to think and act differently than they would if they were correctly informed, as suggested by the research teams of Stephan Lewandowsky of the University of Bristol and Elizabeth Marsh of Duke University, among others In other words, we worry that misinformation might lead people to hold misperceptions (những hiểu lầm) /ˌmɪspəˈsɛpʃənz/ (or false beliefs) and that these misperceptions, especially when they occur among large groups of people, may have detrimental (có hại) /ˌdɛtrɪˈmɛntl/ downstream consequences (hậu quả lâu dài)

12 /ˈdaʊnstriːm ˈkɒnsɪkwənsɪz/ for health, social harmony (hài hòa xã hội) /ˈsəʊʃəl ˈhɑːməni/, and the political climate (tình hình chính trị) /ðə pəˈlɪtɪkl ˈklaɪmət/

At least three observations (quan sát)/ˌɒbzəˈveɪʃənz/ related to misinformation in the contemporary mass-media environment (Môi trường truyền thông đại chúng hiện đại) /kənˈtɛmpərəri mổs ˈmiːdiə ɪnˈvaɪrənmənt/ warrant the attention of researchers, policy makers (Nhà hoạch định chính sách) /ˈpɒlɪsi ˈmeɪkəz/, and really everyone who watches television, listens to the radio, or reads information online First of all, people who encounter misinformation (Gặp phải thông tin sai lệch) /ɪnˈkaʊntər ˌmɪsɪnfəˈmeɪʃən/ tend to believe it, at least initially (Ban đầu) /ɪˈnɪʃəli/ Secondly, electronic and print media (Truyền thông điện tử và in ấn) /ɪˌlekˈtrɒnɪk ənd prɪnt ˈmiːdiə/ often do not block many types of misinformation (Chặn nhiều loại thông tin sai lệch) /blɒk ˈmɛni taɪps əv ˌmɪsɪnfəˈmeɪʃən/ before it appears in content available to large audiences Thirdly, countering misinformation once it has enjoyed wide exposure (Đối phó với thông tin sai lệch sau khi nú đó được phổ biến rộng rói) /ˈkaʊntərɪŋ ˌmɪsɪnfəˈmeɪʃən wʌns ɪt hổz ɪnˈdʒɔɪd waɪd ɪksˈpəʊʒər/ can be a resource-intensive effort (Nỗ lực tốn nhiều tài nguyên) /rɪˈzɔːs ɪnˈtɛnsɪv ˈɛfət/

Knowing what happens when people initially (ban đầu) /ɪˈnɪʃəli/ encounter misinformation holds tremendous (to lớn) /trɪˈmɛndəs/ importance for estimating the potential for subsequent problems (vấn đề xảy ra sau đó) /ˈsʌbskwənt ˈprɒbləmz/ Although it is fairly routine (khá thường xuyên) /ˈfɛərli ruːˈtiːn/ for individuals to come across (gặp phải) /kʌm əˈkrɒs/ information that is false, the question of exactly how – and when – we mentally (về mặt tinh thần) /ˈmɛntəli/ label (gán) /ˈleɪbəl/ information as true or false has garnered (thu được) /ˈɡɑːrnərd/ philosophical debate The dilemma (tình huống khó xử) /dɪˈlɛmə/ is neatly summarized (được tóm tắt một cách gọn gàng) /ˈniːtli ˈsʌməraɪzd/ by a contrast (sự tương phản) /ˈkɒntrɑːst/ between how the 17th-century philosophers (các triết gia) /fɪˈlɒsəfz/ René Descartes and Baruch pinoza described human information engagement (sự tham gia) /ɪnˈɡeɪdʒmənt/, with conflicting predictions (các dự đoán mâu thuẫn) /kənˈflɪktɪŋ prɪˈdɪkʃənz/ that only recently have been empirically (theo cách thực nghiệm) /ɪmˈpɪrɪkli/ tested in robust ways (các phương pháp chắc chắn) /rəʊˈbʌst weɪz/

Descartes argued that a person only accepts or rejects information after considering its

13 truth or falsehood; pinoza argued that people accept all encountered information (or misinformation) by default (theo mặc định) /dɪˈfɔːlt/ and then subsequently (sau đó) /ˈsʌbskwəntli/ verify or reject it through a separate cognitive process (quá trình nhận thức riêng biệt) /ˈsɛprɪt ˈkɒɡnɪtɪv ˈprəʊsɛs/ In recent decades, empirical evidence (bằng chứng thực nghiệm) /ɪmˈpɪrɪkəl ˈɛvɪdəns/ from the research teams of rik Asp of the

University of Chicago and Daniel Gilbert at Harvard University, among others, has supported pinoza’s account: people appear to encode (ghi nhận) /ɪnˈkoʊd/ all new information as if it were true, even if only momentarily (chốc lát) /ˈmoʊmənˌtɛrɪli/, and later tag the information as being either true or false, a pattern that seems consistent (nhất quán) /kənˈsɪstənt/ with the observation that mental resources (tài nguyên tinh thần) /ˈmɛntəl rɪˈsɔːrsɪz/ for skepticism (sự hoài nghi) /ˈskɛptɪsɪzəm/ physically reside (cư trú) /rɪˈzaɪd/ in a different part of the brain than the resources used in perceiving and encoding (nhận thức và ghi nhận) /pərˈsiːvɪŋ ənd ɪnˈkoʊdɪŋ/

What about our second observation that misinformation often can appear in electronic or print media without being preemptively blocked (ngăn chặn trước) /priˈɛmptɪvli blɒkt/? In support of this, one might consider the nature of regulatory structures (các cấu trúc quy định) /ˌrɛɡjʊˈleɪtəri ˈstrʌktʃərz/ in the United States: regulatory agencies (các cơ quan quản lý) /ˌrɛɡjʊˈleɪtəri ˈeɪdʒənsiz/ here tend to focus on post hoc detection (phát hiện sau sự việc) /poʊst hɒk dɪˈtɛkʃən/ of broadcast information (thụng tin phỏt súng) /ˈbrɔːdkổst ˌɪnfəˈmeɪʃən/ Organizations such as the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) offer considerable monitoring and notification functions, but these roles typically do not involve preemptive censoring (kiểm duyệt trước) /priˈɛmptɪv ˈsɛnsərɪŋ/ The FDA oversees direct-to-consumer prescription drug advertising (quảng cáo thuốc kê đơn trực tiếp tới người tiờu dựng) /dɪˈrɛkt tə kənˈsumər prɪˈskrɪpʃən drʌɡˌổdvəˈtaɪzɪŋ/, for example, and has developed mechanisms (cơ chế) /ˈmɛkəˌnɪzəmz/ such as the ‘Bad Ad’ program, through which people can report advertising in apparent violation (vi phạm rõ ràng) /əˈpổrənt ˌvaɪəˈleɪʃən/ of FDA guidelines on drug risks Such programs, although laudable (đáng khen) /ˈlɔːdəbəl/ and useful, do not keep false advertising off the airwaves (sóng phát thanh) /ˈɛrweɪvz/ In addition, even misinformation that is successfully corrected (được

14 sửa chữa thành công) /səkˈsɛsfəli kəˈrɛktɪd/ can continue to affect attitudes (thái độ) /ˈổtɪtjudz/

This leads us to our third observation: a campaign to correct misinformation, even if rhetorically compelling (hùng biện thuyết phục) /rɪˈtɒrɪkli kəmˈpɛlɪŋ/, requires resources

(nguồn lực) /rɪˈsɔːrsɪz/ and planning (kế hoạch) /ˈplổnɪŋ/ to accomplish necessary reach (phạm vi) /riːʧ/ and frequency (tần suất) /ˈfriːkwənsi/ For corrective campaigns (chiến dịch sửa chữa) /kəˈrɛktɪv kổmˈpeɪnz/ to be persuasive (thuyết phục) /pəˈsweɪsɪv/, audiences (khán giả) /ˈɔːdiənsɪz/ need to be able to comprehend (hiểu) /ˌkɒmprɪˈhɛnd/ them, which requires either effort to frame messages (đưa thông điệp) /freɪm ˈmɛsɪdʒɪz/ in ways that are accessible (có thể tiếp cận) /əkˈsɛsəbl/ or effort to educate (giáo dục)

/ˈɛdʒʊkeɪt/ and sensitize (nhạy cảm hóa) /ˈsɛnsɪtaɪz/ audiences to the possibility of misinformation That some audiences might be unaware (không nhận thức) /ˌʌnəˈwɛə/ of the potential (khả năng) /pəˈtɛnʃəl/ for misinformation also suggests the utility (tính hữu ích) /juːˈtɪləti/ of media literacy efforts (nỗ lực về truyền thông giáo dục) /ˈmiːdiə ˈlɪtərəsi ˈɛfərts/ as early as elementary school (trường tiểu học) /ˌɛlɪˈmɛntri skuːl/ Even with journalists (nhà báo) /ˈdʒɜːrnəlɪsts/ and scholars (học giả) /ˈskɒləz/ pointing to the phenomenon of ‘fake news’ (tin giả) /feɪk njuːz/, people do not distinguish (phân biệt) /dɪˈstɪŋɡwɪʃ/ between demonstrably false stories (các câu chuyện sai rõ ràng)

/dɪˈmɒnstrəbli fɔːls ˈstɔːriz/ and those based in fact when scanning (quột) /ˈskổnɪŋ/ and processing (xử lý) /ˈprəʊsɛsɪŋ/ written information

We live at a time when widespread misinformation (thông tin sai lệch lan rộng) /ˈwaɪdspred ˌmɪsɪnˈfɔːmeɪʃən/ is common (phổ biến) /ˈkɒmən/ Yet at this time (Tuy nhiờn vào thời điểm này) /jɛt ổt ðɪs taɪm/ many people also are passionately (nhiệt tỡnh) /ˈpổʃənətli/ developing potential solutions (cỏc giải phỏp tiềm năng) /pəˈtɛnʃəl səˈluːʃənz/ and remedies (biện pháp) /ˈrɛmɪdiz/ The journey forward (hành trình phía trước) /ˈdʒɜːrni ˈfɔːrwərd/ undoubtedly will be a long and arduous (dài và khú khăn) /lɒŋ ổnd ˈɑːrdʒuəs/ one Future remedies will require not only continued theoretical consideration (cân nhắc lý thuyết) /θɪəˈrɛtɪkəl ˌkɒnsɪˈdɛɪʃən/ but also the development (phát triển) /dɪˈvɛləpmənt/ and maintenance (bảo trì) /ˈmeɪntənəns/ of consistent monitoring tools (các công cụ giám sát nhất quán) /kənˈsɪstənt ˈmɒnɪtərɪŋ tuːlz/ – and a recognition (nhận thức)

15 /ˌrɛkəɡˈnɪʃən/ among fellow members of society (các thành viên trong xã hội) /ˈfɛloʊ ˈmɛmbərz əv səˈsaɪəti/ that claims (những tuyên bố) /kleɪmz/ which find prominence (sự nổi bật) /ˈprɒmɪnəns/ in the media (truyền thông) /ˈmiːdiə/ that are insufficiently based in scientific consensus (thiếu sự đồng thuận khoa học) /ˌɪnsəˈfɪʃəntli beɪst ɪn ˌsaɪənˈtɪfɪk kənˈsɛnsəs/ and social reality (thực tế xó hội) /ˈsəʊʃəl riˈổlɪti/ should be countered (phản bác) /ˈkaʊntəd/ Misinformation arises as a result of human fallibility (khả năng sai lầm của con người) /ˈhjuːmən ˌfổlɪˈbɪləti/ and human information needs (nhu cầu thụng tin của con người) /ˈhjuːmən ˌɪnfəˈmeɪʃən niːdz/ To overcome the worst effects (những ảnh hưởng tồi tệ nhất) /wɜːrst ɪˈfɛkts/ of the phenomenon, we will need coordinated efforts

(nỗ lực phối hợp) /kəʊˈɔːdɪneɪtɪd ˈɛfərts/ over time, rather than any singular one-time panacea (biện phỏp chữa trị một lần duy nhất) /ˈsɪŋɡjʊlər ˈwʌn-taɪm ˌpổnəˈsiːə/ we could hope to offer.

The Industrial Revolution in Britain

The Industrial Revolution (Cuộc cách mạng công nghiệp) began in Britain in the mid-1700s and by the 1830s and 1840s (thập niên 1830 và 1840) had spread to many other parts of the world, including the United tates (Hoa Kỳ) In Britain, it was a period when a largely rural (nông thôn /ˈrʊərəl/), agrarian (thuộc về nông nghiệp /əˈɡreəriən/) society was transformed into an industrialised (công nghiệp hóa /ɪnˈdʌstrɪəlaɪzd/), urban (đô thị

/ˈɜːrbən/) one Goods that had once been crafted by hand started to be produced in mass quantities (số lượng lớn /mổs ˈkwɒntɪtiz/) by machines in factories (nhà mỏy /ˈfổktəriːz/), thanks to the invention of steam power (năng lượng hơi nước /stiːm ˈpaʊər/) and the introduction of new machines and manufacturing techniques (kỹ thuật sản xuất

/ˌmổnjuˈfổktʃərɪŋ tɛkˈniːks/) in textiles (dệt may /ˈtɛkstaɪlz/), iron-making (luyện sắt

/ˈaɪən ˌmeɪkɪŋ/) and other industries

The foundations of the Industrial Revolution date back to the early 1700s, when the English inventor Thomas Newcomen (Thomas Newcomen /ˈtɒməs ˈnjuːkəmən/) designed the

16 first modern steam engine (máy hơi nước /stiːm ˈɛnˌdʒɪn/) Called the ‘atmospheric steam engine’ (mỏy hơi nước khớ quyển /ˌổtməsˈfɪərɪk ˈstiːm ˈɛnˌdʒɪn/), Newcomen’s invention was originally used to power machines that pumped water out of mines (mỏ

/maɪnz/) In the 1760s, the Scottish engineer James Watt (James Watt /dʒeɪmz wɒt/) started to adapt one of Newcomen’s models, and succeeded in making it far more efficient (hiệu quả /ɪˈfɪʃənt/) Watt later worked with the English manufacturer Matthew Boulton

(Matthew Boulton /ˈmổθjuː ˈboʊltən/) to invent a new steam engine driven by both the forward (tiến về phớa trước /ˈfɔːrwərd/) and backward (lựi về phớa sau /ˈbổkwərd/) strokes of the piston (pít-tông /ˈpɪstən/), while the gear mechanism (cơ chế bánh răng /ɡɪər ˈmɛkənɪzəm/) it was connected to produced rotary motion (chuyển động xoay /ˈroʊtəri ˈmoʊʃən/) It was a key innovation (sự đổi mới /ˌɪnəˈveɪʃən/) that would allow steam power to spread across British industries

The demand for coal (than /koʊl/), which was a relatively cheap energy source, grew rapidly during the Industrial Revolution, as it was needed to run not only the factories used to produce manufactured goods, but also steam-powered transportation (vận tải bằng hơi nước /stiːm ˈpaʊərd ˌtrổnspɔːrtˈeɪʃən/) In the early 1800s, the English engineer Richard

Trevithick (Richard Trevithick /ˈrɪʧəd trɪˈvɪθɪk/) built a steam-powered locomotive (tàu hỏa /ˌloʊkəˈmoʊtɪv/), and by 1830 goods and passengers were being transported between the industrial centres of Manchester (Manchester /ˈmổntʃɪstər/) and Liverpool (Liverpool /ˈlɪvərpuːl/) In addition, steam-powered boats (thuyền /boʊts/) and ships (tàu /ʃɪps/) were widely used to carry goods along Britain’s canals (kờnh /kəˈnổlz/) as well as across the Atlantic (Đại Tõy Dương /ətˈlổntɪk/)

Britain had produced textiles (vải dệt /ˈtɛkstaɪlz/) like wool (len /wʊl/), linen (vải lanh

/ˈlɪnən/) and cotton (bông /ˈkɒtn/) for hundreds of years, but prior to the Industrial Revolution, the British textile business was a true ‘cottage industry’ (ngành công nghiệp gia đình /ˈkɒtɪdʒ ˈɪndəstri/), with the work performed in small workshops (xưởng /ˈwɜːrkʃɒps/) or even homes by individual spinners (người kéo sợi /ˈspɪnərz/), weavers (thợ dệt /ˈwiːvərz/) and dyers (người nhuộm /ˈdaɪərz/) Starting in the mid-1700s, innovations like the spinning jenny (máy kéo sợi Jenny /ˈspɪnɪŋ ˈdʒɛni/) and the power loom (máy dệt hơi nước /ˈpaʊər luːm/) made weaving cloth and spinning yarn and thread much easier With these machines,

17 relatively little labour (lao động /ˈleɪbər/) was required to produce cloth, and the new, mechanised (cơ khí hóa /ˈmɛkəˌnaɪzd/) textile factories that opened around the country were quickly able to meet customer demand for cloth both at home and abroad

The British iron industry (ngành công nghiệp sắt /ˈaɪən ˈɪndəstri/) also underwent major change as it adopted new innovations (sự đổi mới /ˌɪnəˈveɪʃənz/) Chief among the new techniques was the smelting (luyện /ˈsmɛltɪŋ/) of iron ore with coke (than cốc /koʊk/) (a material made by heating coal) instead of the traditional charcoal (than củi /ˈtʃɑːrkoʊl/)

This method was cheaper and produced metals that were of a higher quality, enabling Britain’s iron and steel production to expand in response to demand created by the

Napoleonic Wars (Các cuộc chiến tranh Napoléon /nəˌpoʊliˈɒnɪk wɔːrz/) (1803-15) and the expansion of the railways (đường sắt /ˈreɪlweɪz/) from the 1830s

The latter part of the Industrial Revolution also saw key advances in communication methods (phương pháp truyền thông /kəˌmjunɪˈkeɪʃən ˈmɛθədz/), as people increasingly saw the need to communicate efficiently over long distances In 1837, British inventors

William Cooke (William Cooke /ˈwɪljəm kʊk/) and Charles Wheatstone (Charles

Wheatstone /ʃɑːrlz ˈwiːtstoʊn/) patented the first commercial telegraphy system (hệ thống điện bỏo /təˈleɡrổfi ˈsɪstəm/) In the 1830s and 1840s, amuel Morse (Samuel

Morse /ˈsổmjuːəl mɔːrs/) and other inventors worked on their own versions in the United

States Cooke and Wheatstone’s system was soon used for railway signalling (tín hiệu đường sắt /ˈreɪlweɪˈsɪɡnəlɪŋ/) in the UK As the speed of the new locomotives (tàu hỏa

/ˌloʊkəˈmoʊtɪvz/) increased, it was essential to have a fast (nhanh /fổst/) and effective

(hiệu quả /ɪˈfɛktɪv/) means of avoiding collisions (va chạm /kəˈlɪʒənz/)

The impact (tỏc động /ˈɪmpổkt/) of the Industrial Revolution on people’s lives was immense (rất lớn /ɪˈmɛns/) Although many people in Britain had begun moving to the cities from rural areas (khu vực nông thôn /ˈrʊərəl ˈɛəriəz/) before the Industrial Revolution, this accelerated (tăng tốc /əkˈsɛlɚeɪtɪd/) dramatically with industrialisation (công nghiệp hóa /ɪnˌdʌstrɪəlaɪˈzeɪʃən/), as the rise of large factories (nhà mỏy /ˈfổktəriːz/) turned smaller towns (thị trấn /taʊnz/) into major cities (thành phố lớn /ˈmeɪdʒər ˈsɪtiz/) in just a few decades This rapid urbanisation (đô thị hóa /ˌɜːrbənaɪˈzeɪʃən/) brought significant challenges, as overcrowded cities (các thành phố đông đúc /ˌoʊvərˈkraʊdɪd ˈsɪtiz/)

18 suffered from pollution (ô nhiễm /pəˈluːʃən/) and inadequate sanitation (vệ sinh không đầy đủ /ɪˈnổdɪkwət ˌsổnɪˈteɪʃən/)

Although industrialisation increased the country’s economic output (sản lượng kinh tế

/ˌiːkəˈnɒmɪk ˈaʊtpʊt/) overall and improved the standard of living (mức sống /ˈstổndərd ʌv ˈlɪvɪŋ/) for the middle and upper classes (tầng lớp trung và thượng lưu /ˈmɪdl ənd ˈʌpər ˈklổsɪz/), many poor people (người nghốo /pʊr ˈpiːpl/) continued to struggle Factory workers (cụng nhõn nhà mỏy /ˈfổktəri ˈwɜːrkərz/) had to work long hours in dangerous conditions (điều kiện nguy hiểm /ˈdeɪndʒərəs kənˈdɪʃənz/) for extremely low wages (tiền lương /ˈweɪdʒɪz/) These conditions along with the rapid pace of change fuelled opposition (sự phản đối /ˌɒpəˈzɪʃən/) to industrialisation A group of British workers who became known as ‘Luddites’ (‘Luddites’ /ˈlʌdaɪts/) were British weavers (thợ dệt /ˈwiːvərz/) and textile workers (công nhân dệt may /ˈtɛkstaɪl ˈwɜːrkərz/) who objected to the increased use of mechanised looms (máy dệt cơ khí /ˈmɛkənaɪzd luːmz/) and knitting frames (khung đan /ˈnɪtɪŋ freɪmz/) Many had spent years learning their craft (nghề /krổft/), and they feared that unskilled machine operators (người điều hành máy móc /məˈʃiːn ˈoʊpəˌreɪtəz/) were robbing them of their livelihood (kế sinh nhai /ˈlaɪvlihʊd/) A few desperate weavers began breaking into factories (xõm nhập vào cỏc nhà mỏy /ˈbreɪkɪŋ ˈɪntuː ˈfổktəriːz/) and smashing textile machines (phỏ hủy mỏy dệt /ˈsmổʃɪŋ ˈtɛkstaɪl məˈʃiːnz/) They called themselves Luddites after Ned Ludd (Ned Ludd /nɛd lʌd/), a young apprentice (thực tập sinh /əˈprɛntɪs/) who was rumoured to have wrecked a textile machine in 1779

The first major instances of machine breaking (phá hủy máy móc /məˈʃiːn ˈbreɪkɪŋ/) took place in 1811 in the city of Nottingham (Nottingham /ˈnɒtɪŋəm/) and the practice soon spread across the country Machine-breaking Luddites attacked and burned factories (đốt chỏy cỏc nhà mỏy /bɜːrnd ˈfổktəriːz/), and in some cases they even exchanged gunfire

(súng đạn /ˈɡʌnfaɪər/) with company guards (bảo vệ công ty /ˈkʌmpəni ɡɑːrdz/) and soldiers The workers wanted employers (người sử dụng lao động /ɪmˈplɔɪəz/) to stop installing new machinery, but the British government responded to the uprisings (cuộc nổi dậy /ˈʌpraɪzɪŋz/) by making machine-breaking punishable by death (tử hình /dɛθ/) The unrest (sự bất an /ʌnˈrɛst/) finally reached its peak in April 1812, when a few Luddites were shot during an attack on a mill (xưởng /mɪl/) near Huddersfield (Huddersfield

Athletes and stress

It isn’t easy being a professional athlete (vận động viờn chuyờn nghiệp /prəˈfɛʃənl ˈổθliːt/)

Not only are the physical demands (nhu cầu thể chất /ˈfɪzɪkl dɪˈmổndz/) greater than most people could handle, athletes also face intense psychological pressure (áp lực tâm lý /ˌsaɪkəˈlɒdʒɪkl ˈprɛʃər/) during competition This is something that British tennis player mma Raducanu (Emma Raducanu /ˈɛmɑː ˌrổdʊˈkɑːnuː/) wrote about on social media following her withdrawal (rút lui /wɪðˈdrɔːəl/) from the 2021 Wimbledon tournament (giải quần vợt Wimbledon 2021 /ˈwɪmbəldən ˈtʊrnəmənt/) Though the young player had been doing well in the tournament, she began having difficulty regulating her breathing (hơi thở

/ˈbriːðɪŋ/) and heart rate (nhịp tim /hɑːrt reɪt/) during a match, which she later attributed to

‘the accumulation of the excitement (hứng thú /ɪkˈsaɪtmənt/) and the buzz (sự hào hứng /bʌz/)

For athletes, some level of performance stress (căng thẳng hiệu suất /pərˈfɔːrməns strɛs/) is almost unavoidable But there are many different factors that dictate just how people’s minds and bodies respond to stressful events (sự kiện căng thẳng /ˈstrɛsfəl ɪˈvɛnts/)

Typically, stress is the result of an exchange between two factors: demands (nhu cầu

/dɪˈmổndz/) and resources (tài nguyờn /rɪˈsɔːrsɪz/) An athlete may feel stressed about an event if they feel the demands on them are greater than they can handle These demands include the high level of physical (thể chất /ˈfɪzɪkl/) and mental effort (nỗ lực tinh thần

/ˈmɛntl ˈɛfərt/) required to succeed, and also the athlete’s concerns about the difficulty

(khó khăn /ˈdɪfɪkəlti/) of the event, their chance of succeeding, and any potential dangers (mối nguy /ˈdeɪndʒərz/) such as injury (chấn thương /ˈɪndʒəri/) Resources, on the other hand, are a person’s ability to cope (đối phó /koʊp/) with these demands These include

20 factors such as the competitor’s degree of confidence (sự tự tin /ˈkɒnfɪdəns/), how much they believe they can control the situation’s outcome, and whether they’re looking forward to the event or not

Each new demand (nhu cầu /dɪˈmổnd/) or change in circumstances affects whether a person responds positively or negatively to stress Typically, the more resources a person feels they have in handling the situation, the more positive their stress response (phản ứng căng thẳng /strɛs rɪˈspɒns/) This positive stress response is called a challenge state (trạng thỏi thỏch thức /ˈtʃổlɪndʒ steɪt/) But should the person feel there are too many demands placed on them, the more likely they are to experience a negative stress response – known as a threat state (trạng thái đe dọa /θrɛt steɪt/) Research shows that the challenge states (trạng thỏi thỏch thức /ˈtʃổlɪndʒ steɪts/) lead to good performance, while threat states

(trạng thái đe dọa /θrɛt steɪts/) lead to poorer performance So, in Emma Raducanu’s case, a much larger audience, higher expectations (mong đợi /ˌɛkspɛkˈteɪʃənz/) and facing a more skilful opponent (đối thủ khéo léo /ˈskɪlfəl əˈpoʊnənt/), may all have led her to feel there were greater demands being placed on her at Wimbledon – but she didn’t have the resources to tackle them This led to her experiencing a threat response (phản ứng đe dọa /θrɛt rɪˈspɒns/)

Our challenge (thỏch thức /ˈtʃổlɪndʒ/) and threat responses (phản ứng đe dọa /θrɛt rɪˈspɒns/) essentially influence how our body responds to stressful situations (tình huống căng thẳng /ˈstrɛsfəl sɪˈtʊeɪʃənz/), as both affect the production of adrenaline (adrenaline

/əˈdrɛnəlɪn/) and cortisol (cortisol /ˈkɔːrtɪsɒl/) – also known as ‘stress hormones’

(hormone căng thẳng /strɛs ˈhɔːrməʊnz/) During a challenge state (trạng thái thách thức

/ˈtʃổlɪndʒ steɪt/), adrenaline increases the amount of blood (mỏu /blʌd/) pumped from the heart and expands (mở rộng /ɪkˈspổndz/) the blood vessels (mạch mỏu /blʌd ˈvɛsəlz/), which allows more energy (năng lượng /ˈɛnərdʒi/) to be delivered to the muscles (cơ bắp

/ˈmʌskəlz/) and brain (não /breɪn/) This increase of blood and decrease of pressure in the blood vessels has been consistently related to superior sport performance (hiệu suất thể thao /spɔːrt pəˈfɔːrməns/) in everything from cricket batting (đỏnh cricket /ˈkrɪkɪt ˈbổtɪŋ/),

21 to golf putting (putting golf /ɡɒlf ˈpʌtɪŋ/) and football penalty taking (sút phạt bóng đá

/ˈfʊtbɔːl ˈpɛnəlti ˈteɪkɪŋ/) But during a threat state (trạng thái đe dọa /θrɛt steɪt/), cortisol inhibits (ức chế /ɪnˈhɪbɪts/) the positive effect of adrenaline, resulting in tighter blood vessels (mạch máu chặt hơn /ˈtaɪtər blʌd ˈvɛsəlz/), higher blood pressure (huyết áp cao

/blʌd ˈprɛʃər/), slower psychological responses (phản ứng tâm lý chậm /ˌsaɪkəˈlɒdʒɪkəl rɪˈspɒnsɪz/), and a faster heart rate (nhịp tim nhanh /hɑːrt reɪt/) In short, a threat state makes people more anxious (lo lắng /ˈổŋkʃəs/) – they make worse decisions (quyết định /dɪˈsɪʒənz/) and perform more poorly In tennis players (vận động viên quần vợt /ˈtɛnɪs ˈpleɪəz/), cortisol has been associated with more unsuccessful serves (phát bóng không thành công /sɜːrvz/) and greater anxiety

That said, anxiety (lo õu /ổŋˈzaɪəti/) is also a common experience for athletes when they’re under pressure Anxiety can increase heart rate (nhịp tim /hɑːrt reɪt/) and perspiration (mồ hụi /ˌpɜːrspəˈreɪʃən/), cause heart palpitations (nhịp tim đập nhanh /hɑːrt ˌpổlpɪˈteɪʃənz/), muscle tremors (run rẩy cơ bắp /ˈmʌskəl ˈtrɛməz/) and shortness of breath (hụt hơi

/ˈʃɔːtnəs əv brɛθ/), as well as headaches (đau đầu /ˈhɛdeɪks/), nausea (buồn nôn /ˈnɔːziə/), stomach pain (đau bụng /ˈstʌmək peɪn/), weakness (yếu /ˈwiːknəs/) and a desire to escape (mong muốn thoát khỏi /dɪˈzaɪər tuː ɪsˈkeɪp/) in more extreme cases Anxiety can also reduce concentration (sự tập trung /ˌkɒnsənˈtreɪʃən/) and self-control (kiểm soát bản thân /sɛlf kənˈtrəʊl/) and cause overthinking (suy nghĩ quá mức /ˌoʊvərˈθɪŋkɪŋ/) The intensity with which a person experiences anxiety depends on the demands and resources they have Anxiety may also manifest itself (biểu hiện /ˌmổnɪˈfɛst ɪtˈsɛlf/) in the form of excitement (hứng thú /ɪkˈsaɪtmənt/) or nervousness (sự lo lắng /ˈnɜːrvəsnəs/) depending on the stress response Negative stress responses can be damaging to both physical and mental health (sức khỏe tinh thần /ˈmɛntl hɛlθ/) – and repeated episodes of anxiety coupled with negative responses can increase risk of heart disease (bệnh tim /hɑːrt dɪˈziːz/) and depression (trầm cảm /dɪˈprɛʃən/)

But there are many ways athletes can ensure they respond positively under pressure

Positive stress responses can be promoted through the language (ngụn ngữ /ˈlổŋɡwɪdʒ/)

22 that they and others – such as coaches (huấn luyện viên /koʊtʃɪz/) or parents (bố mẹ

/ˈpɛrənts/) — use Psychologists (nhà tâm lý học /saɪˈkɒlədʒɪsts/) can also help athletes change how they see their physiological responses (phản ứng sinh lý /ˌfɪziəˈlɒdʒɪkəl rɪˈspɒnsɪz/) – such as helping them see a higher heart rate as excitement, rather than nerves Developing psychological skills (kỹ năng tâm lý /saɪkəˈlɒdʒɪkəl skɪlz/), such as visualisation (hình dung /ˌvɪʒuəlʌɪˈzeɪʃən/), can also help decrease physiological responses to threat Visualisation may involve the athlete recreating a mental picture (hình ảnh tinh thần /ˈmɛntl ˈpɪktʃər/) of a time when they performed well, or picturing themselves doing well in the future This can help create a feeling of control (kiểm soát /kənˈtroʊl/) over the stressful event Recreating competitive pressure (áp lực cạnh tranh /kəmˈpɛtɪtɪv ˈprɛʃər/) during training (huấn luyện /ˈtreɪnɪŋ/) can also help athletes learn how to deal with stress An example of this might be scoring athletes (các vận động viên được chấm điểm

Archaeologists discover evidence of prehistoric island settlers

Archaeologists (Nhà khảo cổ học /ˌɑːrkiˈɒlədʒɪsts/) discover (phát hiện /dɪˈskʌvər/) evidence (bằng chứng /ˈevɪdəns/) of prehistoric (thuộc thời tiền sử /ˌpriːhɪˈstɔːrɪk/) island settlers (người định cư trên đảo /ˈaɪlənd ˈsetlərz/) 1

In early April 2019, Dr Ceri Shipton and his colleagues from Australian National University

(Đại học Quốc gia Úc /ɔːˈstreɪliən ˈnổʃnəl juːˈnɪvərsəti/) became the first archaeologists to explore (khám phá /ɪkˈsplɔːr/) Obi, one of many tropical islands in Indonesia’s Maluku Utara (Maluku Utara - tên địa phương) province The research team’s discoveries (những khám phá của đội nghiên cứu /rɪˈsɜːrtʃ tiːm ˈdɪskəvəriz/) suggest that the prehistoric people who lived on Obi were adept (thành thạo /əˈdept/) on both land and sea, hunting

(săn bắn /ˈhʌntɪŋ/) in the dense rainforest (rừng mưa dày đặc /dens ˈreɪnfɔːrɪst/), foraging (kiếm ăn /ˈfɔːrɪdʒɪŋ/) on the seashore (bờ biển /ˈsiːʃɔːr/), and possibly even voyaging (hành trình /ˈvɔɪɪdʒɪŋ/) between islands

The excavations (cuộc khai quật /ˌekskəˈveɪʃənz/) were part of a project to learn more about how people first dispersed (phân tán /dɪˈspɜːrst/) from mainland Asia, through the

Indonesian archipelago (quần đảo /ˌɑːrkɪˈpeləɡoʊ/) and into the prehistoric continent that once connected Australia and New Guinea The team’s earlier research suggested that the northernmost islands in the group, known as the Wallacean islands, including Obi, would have offered the easiest migration route (lộ trình di cư /maɪˈɡreɪʃən ruːt/) It also seemed likely that these islands were crucial (quan trọng /ˈkruːʃl/) ‘stepping stones’ on humans’ island-hopping voyages (hành trình nhảy đảo /ˈaɪlənd ˈhɑːpɪŋ ˈvɔɪɪdʒɪz/) through this

27 region millennia (hàng thiên niên kỷ /mɪˈleniə/) ago But to support this idea, they needed archaeological evidence (bằng chứng khảo cổ học /ˌɑːrkiəˈlɑːdʒɪkl ˈevɪdəns/) for humans living in this remote area in the ancient past So, they travelled to Obi to look for sites (địa điểm /saɪts/) that might reveal evidence of early occupation (bằng chứng về sự định cư sớm /ˈevɪdəns əv ˈɜːrli ˌɒkjəˈpeɪʃən/)

Just inland from the village of Kelo on Obi’s northern coast, Shipton and his colleagues found two caves (hang động /keɪvz/) containing prehistoric rock shelters that were suitable for excavation With the permission and help of the local people of Kelo, they dug a small test excavation in each shelter There they found numerous artefacts (nhiều hiện vật /ˈnuːmərəs ˈɑːrtɪfổktz/), including fragments of axes (mảnh rỡu /ˈfrổɡmənts əv ổksɪz/), some dating to about 14,000 years ago The earliest axes at Kelo were made using clam shells (vỏ sũ /klổm ʃelz/) Axes made from clam shells from roughly the same time had also previously been found elsewhere in this region, including on the nearby island of Gebe to the northeast As on Gebe, it is highly likely that Obi’s axes were used in the construction of canoes (xây dựng thuyền độc mộc /kənˈstrʌkʃn əv kəˈnuːz/), thus allowing these early peoples to maintain connections between communities (kết nối giữa các cộng đồng /kəˈnekʃənz bɪˈtwiːn kəˈmjuːnətiz/) on neighbouring islands (các đảo lân cận /ˈneɪbərɪŋ ˈaɪləndz/)

The oldest cultural layers (lớp văn hóa /ˈkʌltʃərəl ˈleɪərz/) from the Kelo site provided the team with the earliest record for human occupation (ghi chép về sự chiếm đóng của con người /ˈrekərd fə ˈhjuːmən ˌɒkjəˈpeɪʃən/) on Obi, dating back around 18,000 years At this time the climate (khí hậu /ˈklaɪmət/) was drier and colder (khô hơn và lạnh hơn /ˈdraɪər ənd ˈkoʊldər/) than today, and the island’s dense rainforests would likely have been much less impenetrable (khó xuyên qua /ɪmˈpenɪtrəbl/) than they are now ea levels (mực nước biển /siːˈlevlz/) were about 120 metres lower, meaning Obi was a much larger island, encompassing (bao gồm /ɪnˈkʌmpəsɪŋ/) what is today the separate island of Bisa, as well as several other small islands nearby

28 Roughly 11,700 years ago, as the most recent ice age (kỷ băng hà /aɪs eɪdʒ/) ended, the climate became significantly warmer and wetter (khí hậu trở nên ấm áp và ẩm ướt hơn

/ˈklaɪmət bɪˈkeɪm sɪɡˈnɪfɪkəntli ˈwɔːrmər ənd ˈwetər/), no doubt making Obi’s jungle much thicker (dày hơn /ˈθɪkər/) According to the researchers, it is no coincidence (trùng hợp

/koʊˈɪnsɪdəns/) that around this time the first axes crafted from stone (rìu được chế tạo từ đỏ /ổksɪz ˈkrổftɪd frəm stoʊn/) rather than sea shells appear, likely in response to their heavy-duty use (sử dụng chịu lực /ˈhevi ˈdjuːti juːs/) for clearing and modification (sửa đổi

/ˌmɒdɪfɪˈkeɪʃn/) of the increasingly dense rainforest While stone takes about twice as long to grind (mài /ɡraɪnd/) into an axe compared to shell, the harder material keeps its sharp edge for longer

Judging by (Dựa trên /ˈdʒʌdʒɪŋ baɪ/) the bones (xương /boʊnz/) which the researchers unearthed (khai quật /ʌnˈɜːrθt/) in the Kelo caves (hang động Kelo /ˈkeɪloʊ keɪvz/), people living there mainly hunted (săn bắn /ˈhʌntɪd/) the Rothschild’s cuscus (thú có túi Rothschild /ˈrɒθsʧaɪldz ˈkʌskəs/), a possum-like creature (sinh vật giống thú có túi /ˈpɒsəm-laɪk ˈkriːʧər/) that still lives on Obi today As the forest (rừng /ˈfɒrɪst/) grew more dense (dày đặc /dens/), people probably used axes (rỡu /ổksɪz/) to clear patches of forest

(phỏt quang cỏc mảng rừng /klɪər pổʧɪz əv ˈfɒrɪst/) and make hunting easier

Shipton’s team’s excavation (cuộc khai quật /ˌekskəˈveɪʃn/) of the shelters (chỗ trú ẩn /ˈʃeltərz/) at the Kelo site unearthed a volcanic glass substance (chất thủy tinh núi lửa /vɒlˈkổnɪk ɡlổs ˈsʌbstəns/) called obsidian (đỏ obsidian /əbˈsɪdiən/), which must have been brought over (mang từ /brɔːt ˈoʊvər/) from another island, as there is no known source on Obi It also revealed particular types of beads (các loại hạt cụ thể /pərˈtɪkjələr taɪps əv biːdz/), similar to those previously found on islands in southern Wallacea (phía nam Wallacea /ˈsʌðərn wəˈlổsiə/) These finds again support the idea that Obi islanders routinely travelled to other islands (đi đến cỏc đảo khỏc /ˈtrổvld tə ˈʌðər ˈaɪləndz/)

The excavations (cuộc khai quật /ˌekskəˈveɪʃnz/) suggest people successfully lived in the two Kelo shelters for about 10,000 years But then, about 8,000 years ago, both were

29 abandoned (bỏ hoang /əˈbổndənd/) Did the residents (cư dõn /ˈrezɪdənts/) leave Obi completely, or move elsewhere on the island (di chuyển đến nơi khác trên đảo /muːv ˈelsweər ɒn ði ˈaɪlənd/)? Perhaps the jungle (rừng nhiệt đới /ˈdʒʌŋɡl/) had grown so thick (rậm rạp /θɪk/) that axes were no longer a match for the dense undergrowth (tầng cây bụi dày đặc /dens ˈʌndərɡroʊθ/) Perhaps people simply moved to the coast and turned to fishing (chuyển sang đánh cá /tɜːrnd tə ˈfɪʃɪŋ/) rather than hunting as a means of survival (phương tiện sinh tồn /miːnz əv sərˈvaɪvəl/)

9 Whatever the reason for the departure (lý do rời đi /ˈriːzn fə ðə dɪˈpɑːrʧər/), there is no evidence (bằng chứng /ˈevɪdəns/) for use of the Kelo shelters after this time, until about

1,000 years ago, when they were re-occupied (tái chiếm /ˌriː ˈɒkjʊpaɪd/) by people who owned pottery (đồ gốm /ˈpɒtəri/) as well as items made out of gold and silver (đồ vật làm từ vàng và bạc /ˈaɪtəmz meɪd aʊt əv ɡoʊld ənd ˈsɪlvər/) It seems likely, in view of Obi’s location (vị trí /loʊˈkeɪʃən/), that this final phase of occupation (giai đoạn cuối của sự chiếm đóng /ˈfaɪnəl feɪz əv ˌɒkjʊˈpeɪʃən/) also saw the Kelo shelters used by people involved in the historic trade in spices (buôn bán gia vị lịch sử /hɪˈstɔːrɪk treɪd ɪn ˈspaɪsɪz/) between the Maluku islands (các đảo Maluku /məˈluːku ˈaɪləndz/) and the rest of the world.

The global importance of wetlands

A Wetlands (đầm lầy /ˈwetləndz/) are areas where water covers the soil (nước bao phủ đất

/ˈwɔːtər ˈkʌvərz ðə sɔɪl/), or is present either at or near the surface of the soil (bề mặt của đất /ˈsɜːrfɪs əv ðə sɔɪl/), for all or part of the year These are complex ecosystems (hệ sinh thái phức tạp /ˈkɒmpleks ˌiːkəʊˈsɪstəmz/), rich in unique plant and animal life (đời sống động thực vật độc đỏo /plổnt ənd ˈổnɪml laɪf/) But according to the World Wide Fund for

Nature (WWFN) (Quỹ Quốc tế Bảo vệ Thiên nhiên /ˌwɜːrld ˌwaɪd ˈfʌnd fər ˈneɪtʃər/), half of the world’s wetlands have disappeared (biến mất /ˌdɪsəˈpɪrd/) since 1990 – converted or destroyed (chuyển đổi hoặc bị phá hủy /kənˈvɜːrtɪd ɔːr dɪˈstrɔɪd/) for commercial development (phát triển thương mại /kəˈmɜːrʃl dɪˈveləpmənt/), drainage schemes (các kế hoạch thoỏt nước /ˈdreɪnɪdʒ skiːmz/) and the extraction (khai thỏc /ɪkˈstrổkʃn/) of minerals and peat (khoáng sản và than bùn /ˈmɪnərəlz ənd piːt/) Many of those that remain

30 have been damaged (bị hư hại /ˈdổmɪdʒd/) by agricultural pesticides (thuốc trừ sõu nụng nghiệp /ˌổɡrɪˈkʌltʃərəl ˈpestɪsaɪdz/) and fertilizers (phõn bún /ˈfɜːrtəlaɪzərz/), industrial pollutants (chất ô nhiễm công nghiệp /ɪnˈdʌstriəl pəˈluːtənts/), and construction works (công trình xây dựng /kənˈstrʌkʃn wɜːrks/)

Throughout history, humans have gathered (tụ tập /ˈɡổðərd/) around wetlands, and their fertile ecosystems (hệ sinh thái màu mỡ /ˈfɜːrtaɪl ˌiːkəʊˈsɪstəmz/) have played an important part in human development (sự phát triển của con người /ˈhjuːmən dɪˈveləpmənt/) Consequently, they are of considerable religious, historical and archaeological value (giá trị tôn giáo, lịch sử và khảo cổ học đáng kể /rɪˈlɪdʒəs, hɪˈstɒrɪkl ənd ˌɑːrkiəˈlɒdʒɪkl ˈvổljuː/) to many communities around the world ‘Wetlands directly support the livelihoods and well-being (sinh kế và sự thịnh vượng /ˈlaɪvlihʊdz ənd ˈwel biːɪŋ/) of millions of people,’ says Dr Matthew McCartney, principal researcher (nhà nghiên cứu chính /ˈprɪnsəpl rɪˈsɜːrtʃər/) and hydrologist (nhà thủy văn học /haɪˈdrɒlədʒɪst/) at the

International Water Management Institute (IWMI) (Viện Quản lý Nước Quốc tế /ˌɪntərˈnổʃnəl ˈwɔːtər ˈmổnɪdʒmənt ˈɪnstɪtjuːt/) ‘In many developing countries, large numbers of people are dependent on wetland agriculture (phụ thuộc vào nông nghiệp đầm lầy /dɪˈpendənt ɒn ˈwetlənd ˈổɡrɪkʌltʃər/) for their livelihoods.’

They also serve a crucial environmental purpose (mục đích môi trường quan trọng /ˈkruːʃl ɪnˌvaɪrənˈmentl ˈpɜːrpəs/) ‘Wetlands are one of the key tools in mitigating climate change (giảm thiểu biến đổi khí hậu /ˈmɪtɪɡeɪtɪŋ ˈklaɪmət tʃeɪndʒ/) across the planet,’ says Pieter van Eijk, head of Climate Adaptation (Thớch ứng với khớ hậu /ˈklaɪmət əˈdổpteɪʃn/) at

Wetlands International (WI) (Tổ chức Quốc tế về Đầm lầy /ˈwetləndz ˌɪntərˈnổʃnəl/), pointing to their use as buffers (lá chắn /ˈbʌfərz/) that protect coastal areas (bảo vệ các khu vực ven biển /prəˈtekt ˈkoʊstl ˈeriz/) from sea-level rise (mực nước biển dâng /siː ˈlevl raɪz/) and extreme weather events such as hurricanes and flooding (bão và lũ lụt /ˈhɜːrəkeɪnz ənd ˈflʌdɪŋ/) Wetland coastal forests (rừng ven biển đầm lầy /ˈwetlənd

31 ˈkoʊstl ˈfɔːrɪsts/) provide food and water, as well as shelter from storms (chỗ trú ẩn khỏi bão /ˈʃeltər frəm stɔːrmz/), and WI and other agencies are working to restore (phục hồi /rɪˈstɔːr/) those forests which have been lost ‘It can be as simple as planting a few trees per hectare (trồng vài cõy mỗi hecta /ˈplổntɪŋ ə fjuː triːz pər ˈhekteər/) to create shade

(bóng râm /ʃeɪd/) and substantially change a microclimate (thay đổi đáng kể vi khí hậu /səbˈstổnʃəli tʃeɪndʒ ə ˈmaɪkroʊˌklaɪmət/),’ he says ‘Implementing climate change projects isn’t so much about money.’

The world’s wetlands (đầm lầy /ˈwetləndz/) are, unfortunately, rich sources (nguồn tài nguyên phong phú /rɪtʃ ˈsɔːrsɪz/) for in-demand commodities (hàng hóa có nhu cầu cao /ɪn dɪˈmổnd kəˈmɑːdətiz/), such as palm oil (dầu cọ /pɑːm ɔɪl/) and pulpwood (gỗ bột /ˈpʌlpwʊd/) Peatlands (đất than bựn /ˈpiːtlổndz/) – wetlands with a waterlogged organic soil layer (lớp đất hữu cơ ngập nước /ˈwɔːtərlɔːgd ɔːrˈɡổnɪk sɔɪl ˈleɪər/) – are particularly targeted (bị nhắm đến /ˈtɑːrɡɪtɪd/) When peatlands are drained for cultivation (thoát nước để canh tác /dreɪnd fər ˌkʌltɪˈveɪʃn/), they become net carbon emitters (nguồn phát thải carbon thuần /net ˈkɑːrbən ɪˈmɪtərz/) instead of active carbon stores (kho lưu trữ carbon hoạt động /ˈổktɪv ˈkɑːrbən stɔːrz/), and, according to Marcel Silvius, head of

Climate-smart Land-use (Sử dụng đất thụng minh về khớ hậu /ˈklaɪmət smɑːrt ˈlổnd juːs/) at WI, this practice causes six per cent of all global carbon emissions (sáu phần trăm tổng lượng phát thải carbon toàn cầu /sɪks pər ˈsent əv ɔːl ˈɡloʊbəl ˈkɑːrbən ɪˈmɪʃənz/) The clearance (việc dọn sạch /ˈklɪərəns/) of peatlands for planting also increases the risk (tăng nguy cơ /ɪnˈkriːsɪz ðə rɪsk/) of forest fires (cháy rừng /ˈfɔːrɪst faɪərz/), which release huge amounts of CO₂ ‘We’re seeing huge peatland forests with extremely high biodiversity value (giỏ trị đa dạng sinh học cực kỳ cao /ɪkˈstriːmli haɪˌbaɪəʊdaɪˈvɜːrsɪti ˈvổljuː/) being lost for a few decades of oil palm revenues *(doanh thu từ dầu cọ /ɔɪl pɑːm ˈrevənjuːz/),’ says Silvius

The damage (thiệt hại /ˈdổmɪdʒ/) starts when logging companies (cụng ty khai thỏc gỗ /ˈlɔːɡɪŋ ˈkʌmpəniz/) arrive to clear the trees (chặt cây /klɪər ðə triːz/) They dig ditches (hào /dɪʧɪz/) to enter the peat swamps (đầm lầy than bùn /piːt swɒmps/) by boat and then float

32 the logs out (thả gỗ ra /floʊt ðə lɒgz aʊt/) the same way These are then used to drain water out of the peatlands (thoỏt nước ra khỏi đất than bựn /dreɪn ˈwɔːtər aʊt əv ðə ˈpiːtlổndz/) to allow for the planting (trồng trọt /ˈplổntɪŋ/) of corn, oil palms or pulpwood trees Once the water has drained away, bacteria (vi khuẩn /bổkˈtɪəriə/) and fungi (nấm /ˈfʌndʒaɪ/) then break down (phân hủy /breɪk daʊn/) the carbon in the peat and turn it into CO₂ and methane (mêtan /ˈmiːθeɪn/) Meanwhile, the remainder (phần còn lại /rɪˈmeɪndər/) of the solid matter (chất rắn /ˈsɒlɪd ˈmổtər/) in the peat starts to move downwards (di chuyển xuống dưới /muːv ˈdaʊnwərdz/), in a process known as subsidence (sự lún /səbˈsaɪdəns/)

Peat comprises 90 per cent water, so this is one of the most alarming consequences

(hậu quả đáng báo động /əˈlɑːrmɪŋ ˈkɒnsɪkwənsɪz/) of peatland clearances ‘In the tropics (vùng nhiệt đới /ˈtrɒpɪks/), peat subsides (lún /səbˈsaɪdz/) at about four centimetres a year, so within half a century, very large landscapes (cảnh quan /ˈlổndskeɪps/) on umatra and

Borneo (Sumatra và Borneo /suːˈmɑːtrə ənd ˈbɔːrni.oʊ/) will become flooded as the peat drops below water level,’ says Silvius ‘It’s a huge catastrophe (thảm họa lớn /hjuːdʒ kəˈtổstrəfi/) that’s in preparation Some provinces (tỉnh /ˈprɒvɪnsɪz/) will lose 40 per cent of their landmass *(diện tớch đất /ˈlổndmổs/).’

And while these industries (ngành công nghiệp /ˈɪndəstriz/) affect wetlands (đầm lầy /ˈwetləndz/) in ways that can easily be documented (được ghi lại /ˈdɒkjuməntɪd/), Dr Dave

Is the era of artificial speech translation upon us?

Once the stuff of science fiction (đề tài khoa học viễn tưởng /stʌf əv ˈsaɪəns ˈfɪkʃən/), technology (công nghệ /tɛkˈnɒlədʒi/) that enables people to talk using different languages (ngụn ngữ /ˈlổŋɡwɪdʒɪz/) is now here But how effective (hiệu quả /ɪˈfɛktɪv/) is it?

Noise (tiếng ồn /nɔɪz/), Alex Waibel tells me, is one of the major challenges (thách thức

/ˈʧổlɪndʒɪz/) that artificial speech translation (dịch giọng núi nhõn tạo /ˌɑːrtɪˈfɪʃl spiːʧ trổnsˈleɪʃən/) has to meet A device (thiết bị /dɪˈvaɪs/) may be able to recognize speech (nhận diện giọng nói /ˈrekəɡnaɪz spiːʧ/) in a laboratory, or a meeting room, but will struggle (gặp khó khăn /ˈstrʌɡəl/) to cope with the kind of background noise (tiếng ồn nền /ˈbổkɡraʊnd nɔɪz/) I can hear in my office surrounding Professor Waibel as he speaks to me from Kyoto station in Japan I’m struggling to follow him in English, on a scratchy line

(đường truyền kộm /ˈskrổʧi laɪn/) that reminds me we are nearly 10,000 kilometers apart – and that distance (khoảng cách /ˈdɪstəns/) is still an obstacle (trở ngại /ˈɒbstəkəl/) to communication (giao tiếp /kəˌmjuːnɪˈkeɪʃən/) even if you’re speaking the same language, as we are We haven’t reached the future (đạt tới tương lai /riːʧt ðə ˈfjuːʧər/) yet If we had, Waibel would have been able to speak more comfortably in his native German and I would have been able to hear his words in English

At Karlsruhe Institute of Technology, where he is a professor of computer science, Waibel and his colleagues already give lectures (bài giảng /ˈlɛktʃərz/) in German that their students can follow in English via an electronic translator (máy dịch điện tử /ɪˌlɛkˈtrɒnɪk ˈtrổnzleɪtər/) The system generates text that students can read on their laptops or phones, so the process is somewhat similar to subtitling (việc tạo phụ đề /ˈsʌbˌtaɪtlɪŋ/) It helps that lecturers (giảng viên /ˈlɛktʃərz/) speak clearly, don’t have to compete (cạnh tranh /kəmˈpiːt/) with background chatter, and say much the same thing each year

35 The idea of artificial speech translation has been around for a long time Douglas Adams’ science fiction novel, The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy, published in 1979, featured a life form (dạng sống /laɪf fɔːrm/) called the ‘Babel fish’ which, when placed in the ear, enabled a listener (người nghe /ˈlɪsənər/) to understand any language (hiểu bất kỳ ngôn ngữ nào /ˌʌndərˈstổnd ˈɛni ˈlổŋɡwɪdʒ/) in the universe *(vũ trụ /ˈjuːnɪvɜːrs/) It came to represent one of those devices that technology enthusiasts dream of long before they become practically realizable, like TVs flat enough to hang on walls: objects (vật thể /ˈɒbdʒɛkts/) that we once could only dream of having but that are now commonplace

*(phổ biến /ˈkɒmənpleɪs/) Now devices that look like prototype Babel fish (nguyên mẫu cá Babel /ˈprəʊtəʊtaɪp ˈbeɪbəl fɪʃ/) have started to appear, riding a wave of advances (tiến bộ /ədˈvɑːnsɪz/) in artificial translation and voice recognition *(nhận diện giọng nói /vɔɪs ˌrekəɡˈnɪʃən/)

At this stage (giai đoạn /steɪdʒ/), however, they seem to be regarded (được coi như /rɪˈɡɑːrdɪd/) as eye-catching novelties (đồ mới lạ bắt mắt /aɪ-ˈkổʧɪŋ ˈnɒvəltiz/) rather than steps towards what Waibel calls ‘making a language-transparent society’ (tạo ra một xó hội minh bạch ngụn ngữ /ˈlổŋɡwɪdʒ trổnˈspổrənt səˈsaɪəti/) They tend to be domestic devices (thiết bị gia dụng /dəˈmɛstɪk dɪˈvaɪsɪz/) or applications suitable for hotel check- ins *(phù hợp cho việc nhận phòng khách sạn /ˈsuːtəbl fər hoʊˈtɛl ˈʧɛk-ɪnz/), for example, providing a practical alternative (sự thay thế thực tế /ɔːlˈtɜːrnətɪv/) to speaking traveler’s nglish *(tiếng Anh cho người du lịch /ˈtrổvələrz ˈɪŋɡlɪʃ/) The efficiency (hiệu quả /ɪˈfɪʃənsi/) of the translator (mỏy dịch /trổnsˈleɪtər/) is less important than the social function *(chức năng xã hội /ˈsoʊʃl ˈfʌŋkʃən/) However, ‘Professionals are less inclined to be patient (ít có xu hướng kiên nhẫn /ɪnˈklaɪnd tə bi ˈpeɪʃənt/) in a conversation *(cuộc trò chuyện /ˌkɒnvərˈseɪʃən/),’ founder and CEO at Waverly Labs, Andrew Ochoa, observes

*(nhận xét /əbˈzɜːrvz/) To redress (khắc phục /rɪˈdrɛs/) this, Waverly is now preparing a new model for professional applications, which entails (bao gồm /ɪnˈteɪlz/) performance improvements (cải thiện hiệu suất /pərˈfɔːrməns ɪmˈpruːvmənts/) in speech recognition

*(nhận diện giọng nói /spiːʧ ˌrɛkəɡˈnɪʃən/), translation accuracy (độ chính xác của bản dịch

/trổnsˈleɪʃən ˈổkjərəsi/) and the time it takes to deliver (cung cấp /dɪˈlɪvər/) the translated speech

For a conversation *(cuộc trò chuyện /ˌkɒnvərˈseɪʃən/), both speakers need to have devices called Pilots (Pilots, một loại tai nghe phiên dịch /ˈpaɪləts/) (translator earpieces) in their ears ‘We find that there’s a barrier (rào cản /ˈbổriər/) with sharing (chia sẻ /ˈʃɛrɪŋ/) one of the earphones with a stranger,’ says Ochoa That can’t have been totally unexpected

*(không thể hoàn toàn bất ngờ /ˌʌnɪkˈspɛktɪd/) The problem would be solved if earpiece translators became sufficiently prevalent (phổ biến /ˈprɛvələnt/) that strangers would be likely to already have their own in their ears Whether that happens, and how quickly, will probably depend not so much on the earpieces themselves, but on the prevalence (mức độ phổ biến /ˈprɛvələns/) of voice-controlled devices (thiết bị điều khiển bằng giọng nói /vɔɪs-kənˈtroʊld dɪˈvaɪsɪz/) and artificial translation (dịch thuật nhân tạo /ˌɑːrtɪˈfɪʃəl trổnsˈleɪʃən/) in general

Waibel highlights (nhấn mạnh /ˈhaɪlaɪts/) the significance (tầm quan trọng /sɪɡˈnɪfɪkəns/) of certain Asian nations, noting that voice translation (dịch giọng núi /vɔɪs trổnsˈleɪʃən/) has really taken off in countries such as Japan with a range of systems *(hệ thống

/ˈsɪstəmz/) There is still a long way to go, though A translation system (hệ thống dịch /trổnsˈleɪʃən ˈsɪstəm/) needs to be simultaneous *(đồng thời /ˌsaɪmlˈteɪniəs/), like the translator’s voice speaking over the foreign politician (chính trị gia nước ngoài /ˈfɔːrən ˌpɒlɪˈtɪʃən/) being interviewed on the TV, rather than in sections that oblige (buộc /əˈblaɪdʒ/) speakers to pause (tạm dừng /pɔːz/) after every few remarks and wait for the translation to be delivered *(được cung cấp /dɪˈlɪvərd/) It needs to work offline *(ngoại tuyến /ˌɒfˈlaɪn/), for situations where internet access (truy cập internet /ˈɪntərˌnɛt ˈổkses/) isn’t possible, and to address apprehensions (lo ngại /ˌổprɪˈhɛnʃənz/) about the amount of private speech data (dữ liệu giọng nói riêng tư /ˈpraɪvɪt spiːʧ ˈdeɪtə/) accumulating in the cloud *(đám mây /klaʊd/), having been sent to servers (máy chủ /ˈsɜːrvərz/) for processing *(xử lý /ˈprɑːsesɪŋ/)

37 ystems (hệ thống /ˈsɪstəmz/) not only need to cope with (đối phó với /koʊp wɪð/) physical challenges (những thỏch thức vật lý /ˈfɪzɪkl ˈʧổlɪndʒɪz/) such as noise *(tiếng ồn

/nɔɪz/), they will also need to be socially aware (nhận thức xã hội /ˈsoʊʃəli əˈweər/) by addressing people in the right way Some cultural traditions (truyền thống văn hóa /ˈkʌltʃərəl trəˈdɪʃənz/) demand solemn respect (sự tôn trọng trang nghiêm /ˈsɒləm rɪˈspɛkt/) for academic status *(địa vị học thuật /ˌổkəˈdɛmɪk ˈstổtəs/), for example, and it is only polite (lịch sự /pəˈlaɪt/) to respect this tiquette-sensitive artificial translators

(mỏy dịch nhạy cảm với nghi thức /ˈɛtɪkɛt-ˈsɛnsətɪv ˌɑːrtɪˈfɪʃəl trổnsˈleɪtərz/) could relieve people of the need to know these differing cultural norms *(chuẩn mực /nɔːrmz/) At the same time, they might help to preserve local customs *(bảo tồn phong tục địa phương

/prɪˈzɜːrv ˈloʊkəl ˈkʌstəmz/), slowing the spread of habits associated with international nglish *(tiếng Anh quốc tế /ˌɪntərˈnổʃənəl ˈɪŋɡlɪʃ/), such as its readiness to get on first- name terms *(dùng tên riêng /fɜːrst-neɪm tɜːrmz/)

Professors and other professionals (giáo sư và các chuyên gia khác /prəˈfɛsərz ənd ˈʌðər prəˈfɛʃənəlz/) will not outsource (thuê ngoài, giao phó/ˈaʊtsɔːrs/) language awareness

The impact of climate change on butterflies in Britain

The impact of climate change (tỏc động của biến đổi khớ hậu /ði ˈɪmpổkt əv ˈklaɪmət ʧeɪndʒ/) on butterflies in Britain (đối với loài bướm ở Anh /ɒn ˈbʌtəflaɪz ɪn ˈbrɪtən/)

According to conservationists (nhà bảo tồn /ˌkɒnsəˈveɪʃənɪsts/), populations of around two thirds of butterfly species (các loài bướm /ˈbʌtəflaɪ ˈspiːʃiz/) have declined (suy giảm

/dɪˈklaɪnd/) in Britain over the past 40 years If this trend (xu hướng /trɛnd/) continues, it might have unpredictable knock-on effects (những tác động không thể đoán trước được

/ˌʌnprɪˈdɪktəbl ˈnɒk ɒn ɪˈfɛkts/) for other species in the ecosystem (hệ sinh thái

/ˈiːkəʊˌsɪstəm/) Butterfly eggs (trứng bướm /ˈbʌtəflaɪ ɛgz/) develop into caterpillars (sâu bướm /ˈkổtəˌpɪləz/) and these insects, which are the second stage in a new butterfly’s lifecycle *(vòng đời /ˈlaɪfˌsaɪkəl/), consume vast quantities of plant material (vật liệu thực vật /plɑːnt məˈtɪərɪəl/), and in turn act as prey (con mồi /preɪ/) for birds (chim /bɜːdz/) as

39 well as bats (dơi /bổts/) and other small mammals (động vật cú vỳ nhỏ /smɔːl ˈmổməlz/)

Only by arming themselves with an understanding of why butterfly numbers are down can conservationists hope to halt or reverse (ngăn chặn hoặc đảo ngược /hɔːlt ɔːr rɪˈvɜːs/) the decline

Butterflies prefer outdoor conditions (điều kiện ngoài trời /ˈaʊtdɔːr kənˈdɪʃənz/) to be ‘just right’, which means neither too hot nor too cold Under the conditions of climate change, the temperature (nhiệt độ /ˈtɛmpərətʃər/) at any given time in summer is generally getting warmer, leaving butterflies with the challenge (thỏch thức /ˈʧổlɪndʒ/) of how to deal with this One of the main ways in which species are ensuring conditions suit them is by changing the time of year (thay đổi thời gian trong năm /ˈʧeɪndʒɪŋ ðə taɪm əv jɪər/) at which they are active and reproduce (sinh sản /ˌriːprəˈdjuːs/) Scientists refer to the timing of such lifecycle events (thời gian của các sự kiện vòng đời như vậy /ˈtaɪmɪŋ əv sʌʧ ˈlaɪfˌsaɪkəl ɪˈvɛnts/) as ‘phenology’ (hiện tượng học /fɪˈnɒləʤi/), so when an animal or plant starts to do something earlier in the year than it usually does, it is said to be ‘advancing its phenology’

These advances (tiến bộ /ədˈvɑːnsɪz/) have been observed already in a wide range of butterflies – indeed, most species are advancing their phenology to some extent In Britain, as the average spring temperature (nhiệt độ trung bỡnh mựa xuõn /ˈổvərɪʤ sprɪŋ ˈtɛmpərətʃər/) has increased by roughly 0.5°C over the past 20 years, species have advanced by between three days and a week on average, to keep in line with cooler temperatures Is this a sign that butterflies are well equipped to cope with (đối phó với /koʊp wɪð/) climate change, and readily adjust (dễ dàng điều chỉnh /ˈrɛdɪli əˈʤʌst/) to new temperatures? Or are these populations under stress (căng thẳng /strɛs/), being dragged along unwillingly by unnaturally fast changes? The answer is still unknown, but a new study is seeking to answer these questions

First, the researchers (các nhà nghiên cứu /rɪˈsɜːrtʃərz/) pulled together data from millions of records (hồ sơ, ghi chép /ˈrekərdz/) that had been submitted by butterfly enthusiasts

(những người yờu thớch bướm /ˈbʌtəflaɪ ɪnˈθuːziổsts/) – people who spend their free time observing (quan sát /əbˈzɜːrvɪŋ/) the activities of different species This provided information on 130 species of butterflies (loài bướm /ˈspiːʃiz əv ˈbʌtəflaɪz/) in Great Britain every year for a 20-year period They then estimated the abundance (sự phong phú /əˈbʌndəns/) and distribution (sự phân bố /ˌdɪstrɪˈbjuːʃən/) of each species across this time, along with how far north (phía bắc /nɔːrθ/) in the country they had moved The data also, crucially (quan trọng /ˈkruːʃəli/), allowed researchers to estimate subtle changes

(những thay đổi nhỏ /ˈsʌtl ʧeɪndʒɪz/) in what time of the year each species was changing into an adult butterfly (bướm trưởng thành /əˈdʌlt ˈbʌtəflaɪ/)

Analyzing the trends (phõn tớch cỏc xu hướng /ˈổnəlaɪzɪŋ ðə trɛndz/) in each variable

(biến số /ˈvɛəriəbl/), the researchers discovered that species with more flexible lifecycles

(vòng đời linh hoạt /ˈflɛksɪbl ˈlaɪfsaɪklz/) were more likely to be able to benefit from an earlier emergence (sự xuất hiện /ɪˈmɜːrdʒəns/) driven by climate change Some species are able to go from caterpillar to butterfly (từ sõu bướm đến bướm /ˈkổtəˌpɪlər tə ˈbʌtəflaɪ/) twice or more per year, so that the individual butterflies you see flying in the spring are the grandchildren (chỏu /ˈɡrổntʃɪldrən/) or great-grandchildren (chắt /ˌɡreɪtˈɡrổntʃɪldrən/) of the individuals seen a year previously

Among these species, researchers observed that those which have been advancing their phenology (đẩy nhanh thời kỳ sinh trưởng /ədˈvổnsɪŋ ðeə fɪˈnɒləʤi/) the most over the

20-year study period also had the most positive trends in abundance (sự phong phú /əˈbʌndəns/), distribution (sự phân bố /ˌdɪstrɪˈbjuːʃən/) and northwards extent (phạm vi phía bắc /ˈnɔːrθwərdz ɪkˈstɛnt/) For these species, such as Britain’s tiniest butterfly, the dainty mall Blue, whose colonies (các đàn /ˈkɒləniz/) are up to a hundred strong, some develop into butterflies early in spring, allowing their summer generations (thế hệ mùa hè

/ˈsʌmər ˌdʒɛnəˈreɪʃənz/) to complete another reproductive cycle (chu kỳ sinh sản /ˌriːprəˈdʌktɪv ˈsaɪkl/) by autumn so that more population growth (tăng trưởng dân số /ˌpɒpjʊˈleɪʃən ɡroʊθ/) occurs

Other species (các loài /ˈspiːʃiz/), however, are less flexible (linh hoạt /ˈflɛksɪbl/) and restricted to a single reproductive cycle (chu kỳ sinh sản /ˌriːprəˈdʌktɪv ˈsaɪkl/) per year

For these species, there was no evidence of any benefit (lợi ích /ˈbɛnɪfɪt/) to emerging earlier (xuất hiện sớm hơn /ɪˈmɜːdʒɪŋ ˈɜːrlɪər/) Indeed, worryingly, it was found that the species in this group that specialize (chuyên về /ˈspɛʃəlaɪz/) in very specific habitat types

(loại mụi trường sống /ˈhổbɪtổt taɪps/), often related to the caterpillar’s preferred diet

(chế độ ăn ưa thích của sâu bướm /prɪˈfɜːrd ˈdaɪət/), actually tended to be most at harm from advancing phenology (bị tổn hại nhất từ việc đẩy nhanh thời kỳ sinh trưởng /hɑːrm frəm ədˈvổnsɪŋ fɪˈnɒləʤi/) The beautiful High Brown Fritillary, often described as

Britain’s most endangered butterfly (loài bướm nguy cấp nhất ở Anh /ɪnˈdeɪndʒərd ˈbʌtəflaɪ/), is in this group It is found only in coppiced woodland (rừng đã cắt tỉa /ˈkɒpɪst ˈwʊdlənd/) and limestone pavement habitats (môi trường sống trên đá vôi /ˈlaɪmstoʊn ˈpeɪvmənt ˈhổbɪtổts/) It is also a single-generation butterfly that has advanced its phenology This suggests that climate change, while undoubtedly not the sole cause, might have played a part in the downfall (sự suy giảm /ˈdaʊnfɔːl/) of this species

All is not lost, however Many of Britain’s single-generation species show the capacity (khả năng /kəˈpổsɪti/), in continental urope (chõu Âu lục địa /ˌkɒntɪˈnɛntl ˈjʊərəp/), to add a second generation in years that are sufficiently warm (đủ ấm /səˈfɪʃəntli wɔːrm/)

Therefore, as the climate continues to warm (ấm lên /wɔːrm/), species like the ilver- studded Blue might be able to switch to multiple generations (nhiều thế hệ /ˈmʌltɪpl ˌdʒɛnəˈreɪʃənz/) in the UK as well, and so begin to extract benefits from the additional warmth (sự ấm áp thêm /əˈdɪʃənl wɔːrmθ/), potentially leading to population increases

(gia tăng dân số /ˌpɒpjʊˈleɪʃən ˈɪnˌkriːsɪz/)

More immediately, conservationists (nhà bảo tồn /ˌkɒnsəˈveɪʃənɪsts/) can arm themselves with all this knowledge to spot the warning signs (phát hiện dấu hiệu cảnh báo

Deep-sea mining

Bacteria from the ocean floor (Vi khuẩn từ đỏy đại dương /bổkˈtɪəriə frɒm ði ˈoʊʃən flɔːr/) can beat superbugs and cancer *(cú thể đỏnh bại siờu vi khuẩn và ung thư /kổn biːt ˈsuːpəbʌɡz ənd ˈkổnsər/) But habitats (mụi trường sống /ˈhổbɪtổts/) are at risk (nguy cơ

/rɪsk/) from the hunger for marine minerals (khoáng sản biển /məˈriːn ˈmɪnərəlz/)

When Professor Mat Upton found that a microbe (vi khuẩn /ˈmaɪkroʊb/) from a deep-sea sponge (bọt biển sâu /diːp-siː spʌndʒ/) was killing pathogenic bugs (vi khuẩn gây bệnh /ˌpổθəˈdʒɛnɪk bʌɡz/) in his laboratory, he realised it could be a breakthrough (bước đột phá /ˈbreɪkθruː/) in the fight against antibiotic-resistant superbugs (siêu vi khuẩn kháng khỏng sinh /ˌổntibaɪˈɒtɪk-rɪˈzɪstənt ˈsuːpəbʌɡz/), which are responsible for thousands of deaths (cái chết /dɛθs/) a year in the UK alone Further tests confirmed that an antibiotic

(khỏng sinh /ˌổntibaɪˈɒtɪk/) from the sponge bacteria, found living more than 700 metres under the sea at the Rockall trough (rãnh Rockall /ˈrɒkɔːl trɒf/) in the north-east Atlantic (Đại Tõy Dương /ổtˈlổntɪk/), was previously unknown to science, boosting its potential

(tiềm năng /pəˈtɛnʃəl/) as a life-saving medicine (thuốc cứu sinh /ˈlaɪfˌseɪvɪŋ ˈmɛdɪsɪn/)

But Upton, and other scientists who view the deep ocean and its wealth of unique and undocumented species (các loài độc đáo và chưa được ghi chép /juˈniːk ənd ˌʌndɒkjʊˈmɛntɪd ˈspiːʃiz/) as a prospecting ground (khu vực khai thác /ˈprɒspɛktɪŋ ɡraʊnd/) for new medicines, fear such potential will be lost in the rush to exploit (khai thác /ɪkˈsplɔɪt/) the deep sea’s equally rich metal and mineral resources (tài nguyên kim loại và khoáng sản /ˈmɛtl ənd ˈmɪnərəl rɪˈzɔːrsɪz/)

‘We’re looking at the bioactive potential (tiềm năng sinh học /ˌbaɪoʊˈổktɪv pəˈtɛnʃəl/) of marine resources, to see if there are any more medicines or drugs (thuốc hoặc dược phẩm

/ˈmɛdɪsɪnz ɔːr drʌɡz/) down there before we destroy (phá hủy /dɪˈstrɔɪ/) it for ever,’ says

Upton, a medical microbiologist (nhà vi sinh y học /ˈmɛdɪkəl ˌmaɪkroʊbaɪˈɒləʤɪst/) at the University of Plymouth *(Đại học Plymouth /ˌjuːnɪˈvɜːrsɪti əv ˈplɪməθ/) He is among many scientists urging (kêu gọi /ˈɜːrdʒɪŋ/) a halt to deep-sea mining, asking for time to weigh up the pros and cons *(cân nhắc lợi và hại /weɪ ʌp ðə prəʊz ənd kɒnz/) ‘In sustainability terms, this could be a better way of exploiting the economic potential of the deep sea,’ he argues Oceanographers (nhà hải dương học /ˌoʊʃəˈnɑːɡrəfərz/) using remotely operated vehicles (phương tiện điều khiển từ xa /rɪˈmoʊtli ˈɒpəreɪtɪd ˈviːəklz/) have spotted (phát hiện /ˈspɒtɪd/) many new species Among them have been sea cucumbers (dưa chuột biển /siː ˈkjuːkʌmbərz/) with tails (đuôi /teɪlz/) allowing them to sail along (di chuyển dọc theo /seɪl əˈlɒŋ/) the ocean floor, and a rare ‘Dumbo’ octopus

*(bạch tuộc /ˈɒktəpəs/), found 3,000 metres under the Pacific Ocean *(Thái Bình Dương

/pəˈsɪfɪk ˈoʊʃən/), off the coast of California *(bờ biển California /ˌkổlɪˈfɔːrnjə/) Any one of these could offer lifesaving potential (tiềm năng cứu sinh /ˈlaɪfˌseɪvɪŋ pəˈtɛnʃəl/)

Upton estimates it could take up to a decade for a newly discovered antibiotic to become a medicine – but the race towards commercial mining (cuộc đua khai thác thương mại /reɪs təˈwɔːrdz kəˈmɜːrʃəl ˈmaɪnɪŋ/) in the ocean abyss has already begun

The deep sea contains more nickel, cobalt and rare earth metals (nhiều niken, coban và kim loại đất hiếm /ˈnɪkəl, ˈkoʊbɔlt ənd rɛər ɜːrθ ˈmɛtəlz/) than all land reserves combined, according to the US Geological Survey Mining corporations (công ty khai thác /ˈmaɪnɪŋ ˌkɔːrpəˈreɪʃənz/) argue that deep-sea exploration (thám hiểm đáy biển /ˌdiːp-siː ˌɛkspləˈreɪʃən/) could help diversify the supply of metals and point to the fact that demand for resources (nhu cầu về tài nguyờn /dɪˈmổnd fɔːr rɪˈsɔːrsɪz/) such as copper, aluminum, cobalt for electric car batteries (pin xe điện /ɪˈlɛktrɪk kɑːr ˈbổtəriz/) and other metals to power technology (cung cấp năng lượng cho công nghệ /ˈpaʊər tɛkˈnɒləʤi/) and smartphones, is soaring (tăng vọt /ˈsɔːrɪŋ/) They say that deep-sea mining could yield far superior ore (quặng /ɔːr/) to land mining with little, if any, waste Different methods of

44 extraction (phương phỏp khai thỏc /ˈmɛθədz əv ɪkˈstrổkʃən/) exist, but most involve employing some form of converted machinery (máy móc chuyển đổi /kənˈvɜːrtɪd məˈʃiːnəri/) previously used in terrestrial mining (khai thác trên đất liền /təˈrɛstriəl ˈmaɪnɪŋ/) to excavate materials (khai quật vật liệu /ˈɛkskəveɪt məˈtɪəriəlz/) from the sea floor, at depths of up to 6,000 meters, then drawing a seawater slurry (dung dịch nước biển

/ˈsiːˌwɔːtər ˈslʌri/), containing rock and other solid particles (đá và các hạt rắn khác /rɒk ənd ˈʌðər ˈsɒlɪd ˈpɑːtɪkəlz/), from the sea floor to ships on the surface The slurry is then

‘de-watered’ (loại bỏ nước /diː-ˈwɔːtərd/) and transferred to another vessel for shipping (tàu để vận chuyển /ˈvɛsl fɔːr ˈʃɪpɪŋ/) Extracted seawater (nước biển được khai thác /ɪkˈstrổktɪd ˈsiːˌwɔːtər/) is pumped back down and discharged (xả ra /dɪsˈʧɑːrdʒd/) close to the sea floor

But environmental and legal groups (nhóm bảo vệ môi trường và pháp lý /ɪnˌvaɪrənˈmɛntl ənd ˈliːɡəl ɡruːps/) have urged caution (đã kêu gọi thận trọng /ɜːrdʒd ˈkɔːʃən/), arguing there are potentially massive and unknown ramifications (các tác động tiềm tàng lớn và chưa biết /ˈmổsɪv ənd ʌnˈnəʊn ˌrổmɪfɪˈkeɪʃənz/) for the environment (mụi trường /ɪnˈvaɪrənmənt/) and for nearby communities (cộng đồng /kəˈmjuːnɪtiz/), and that the global regulatory framework (khung pháp lý toàn cầu /ˈrɛgjʊlətəri ˈfreɪmˌwɜːrk/) is not yet drafted ‘Despite arising in the last half century, the “new global gold rush” of deep-sea mining shares many features with past resource scrambles (các cuộc tranh giành tài nguyờn trước đõy /rɪˈzɔːrs ˈskrổmbəlz/) – including a general disregard for environmental and social impacts (sự coi thường các tác động môi trường và xã hội /ˈdɪsrɪˌgɑːrd fɔːr ɪnˌvaɪrənˈmɛntl ənd ˈsəʊʃəl ˈɪmpổkts/), and the marginalisation of indigenous peoples

(sự gạt ra ngoài lề của các dân tộc bản địa /ˌmɑːrdʒɪnəlaɪˈzeɪʃən əv ɪnˈdɪʤənəs ˈpiːpəlz/) and their rights (quyền/raɪts/),’ a paper, written by Julie Hunter and Julian Aguon, from

Blue Ocean Law, and Pradeep Singh, from the Center for Marine Environmental Sciences (Trung tâm Khoa học Môi trường Biển /ˈsɛntər fɔːr məˈriːn ɪnˈvaɪrənˈmɛntl ˈsaɪənsɪz/), Bremen, argues The authors say that knowledge of the deep seabed (đáy biển sâu /diːp ˈsiːbɛd/) remains extremely limited (rất hạn chế /ˈlɪmɪtɪd/) ‘The surface of the

Moon, Mars and even Venus (bề mặt của Mặt Trăng, Sao Hỏa và thậm chí Sao Kim /ˈsɜːrfɪs

The Unselfish Gene

A psychologist (nhà tâm lý học /saɪˈkɒləʤɪst/) gives his view (đưa ra quan điểm của mình /ɡɪvz hɪz vjuː/) on how humans became self-centred (về cách con người trở nên tự cho mình là trung tâm /ɒn haʊ ˈhjuːmənz bɪˈkeɪm sɛlf-ˈsɛntərd/)

There has long been a general assumption (giả định chung /ˈdʒɛnərəl əˈsʌmpʃən/) that human beings are essentially selfish (về cơ bản là ích kỷ /ɪˈsɛnʃəli ˈsɛlfɪʃ/) We’re apparently ruthless (tàn nhẫn /ˈruːθlɪs/), with strong impulses to compete against each

47 other (cạnh tranh với nhau /kəmˈpiːt əˈgɛnst ˈiːʧ ˈʌðər/) for resources (tài nguyên /rɪˈsɔːrsɪz/) and to accumulate power and possessions (tích lũy quyền lực và tài sản /əˈkjuːmjəleɪt ˈpaʊər ənd pəˈzɛʃənz/) If we are kind to one another, it’s usually because we have ulterior motives (động cơ thầm kín /ʌlˈtɪəriər ˈməʊtɪvz/) If we are good, it’s only because we have managed to control and transcend our innate selfishness (bản chất ích kỷ bẩm sinh /ɪˈneɪt ˈsɛlfɪʃnɪs/) and brutality (sự tàn bạo /bruːˈtổləti/)

This bleak view (quan điểm ảm đạm /bliːk vjuː/) of human nature is closely associated with the science writer Richard Dawkins *(nhà khoa học Richard Dawkins /ˈsaɪəns ˈraɪtər ˈrɪʧərd ˈdɔːkɪnz/), whose 1976 book The Selfish Gene (cuốn sách 'Gen Ích Kỷ' của ông năm

1976 /ðə ˈsɛlfɪʃ ʤiːn/) became popular because it fitted so well with – and helped to justify

– the competitive and individualistic ethos (tinh thần cạnh tranh và cá nhân /kəmˈpɛtɪtɪv ənd ˌɪndɪvɪdʒu(ə)ˈlɪstɪk ˈiːθɒs/) that was so prevalent in late 20th-century societies Like many others, Dawkins justifies his views with reference to the field of evolutionary psychology *(tâm lý học tiến hóa /ˌiːvəˈluːʃənəri saɪˈkɒləʤi/) Evolutionary psychology theorises that present-day human traits (đặc điểm con người hiện đại /ˈprɛznt-deɪ ˈhjuːmən treɪts/) developed in prehistoric times, during what is termed the ‘environment of evolutionary adaptedness’ (‘môi trường thích nghi tiến hóa’ /ɪnˈvaɪrənmənt əv ˌiːvəˈluːʃənəri əˈdổptɪdnɪs/)

Prehistory (Tiền sử /priːˈhɪstəri/) is usually seen as a period of intense competition (cạnh tranh khốc liệt /ɪnˈtɛns ˌkɒmpɪˈtɪʃən/), when life was such a brutal battle that only those with traits such as selfishness, aggression, and ruthlessness (ích kỷ, hung hăng và tàn nhẫn /ˈsɛlfɪʃnɪs, əˈgrɛʃən ənd ˈruːθlɪsnɪs/) survived And because survival depended on access to resources (tiếp cận tài nguyờn /ˈổksɛs tuː rɪˈsɔːrsɪz/) – such as rivers, forests, and animals – there was bound to be conflict between rival groups (xung đột giữa các nhóm đối địch /ˈkɒnflɪkt bɪˈtwiːn ˈraɪvəl ɡruːps/), which led to the development of traits such as racism and warfare (phân biệt chủng tộc và chiến tranh /ˈreɪsɪzəm ənd ˈwɔːfeər/)

This seems logical But, in fact, the assumption (giả định /əˈsʌmpʃən/) on which this all

48 rests – that prehistoric life was a desperate struggle for survival (cuộc đấu tranh tuyệt vọng để sinh tồn /ˈdɛspərət ˈstrʌɡəl fɔːr sərˈvaɪvəl/) – is false (sai lầm /fɔːls/)

It’s important to remember that in the prehistoric era (thời tiền sử /ˌpriːhɪˈstɒrɪk ˈɪərə/), the world was very sparsely populated (thưa thớt dân cư /ˈspɑːrsli ˈpɒpjʊleɪtɪd/)

According to some estimates (ước tính /ˈɛstɪmɪts/), around 15,000 years ago, the population (dân số /ˌpɒpjʊˈleɪʃən/) of Europe was only 29,000, and the population of the whole world was less than half a million Humans at that time were hunter-gatherers

(người săn bắt hỏi lượm /ˈhʌntər-ˈɡổðərərz/): people who lived by hunting wild animals

(săn động vật hoang dó /ˈhʌntɪŋ waɪld ˈổnɪməlz/) and collecting wild plants (thu thập thực vật hoang dã /kəˈlɛktɪŋ waɪld plɑːnts/) With such small population densities (mật độ dân số /ˌpɒpjʊˈleɪʃən ˈdɛnsɪtiz/), it seems unlikely that prehistoric hunter-gatherer groups had to compete against each other (cạnh tranh với nhau /kəmˈpiːt əˈgɛnst iːʧ ˈʌðər/) for resources (tài nguyên /rɪˈsɔːrsɪz/) or had any need to develop ruthlessness and competitiveness (tính tàn nhẫn và cạnh tranh /ˈruːθlɪsnəs ənd kəmˈpɛtɪtɪvnəs/), or to go to war (chiến tranh /wɔːr/)

There is significant evidence (bằng chứng quan trọng /sɪɡˈnɪfɪkənt ˈɛvɪdəns/) to back this notion from contemporary hunter-gatherer groups (các nhóm săn bắt hái lượm đương đại /kənˈtɛmpərəri ˈhʌntər-ˈɡổðərər ɡruːps/), who live in the same way as prehistoric humans did As the anthropologist Bruce Knauft (nhà nhõn chủng học /ˌổnθrəˈpɒlədʒɪst) has remarked, hunter-gatherers are characterized by ‘extreme political and sexual egalitarianism’ (chủ nghĩa bình đẳng chính trị và giới tính cực đoan /pəˈlɪtɪkəl ənd ˈsɛkʃʊəl ɪˌgổlɪˈtɛərɪənɪzəm/) Knauft has observed that individuals in such groups don’t accumulate property or possessions (không tích lũy tài sản hay của cải /əˈkjuːmjʊleɪt ˈprɒpəti ɔːr pəˈzɛʃənz/) and have an ethical obligation (nghĩa vụ đạo đức /ˈɛθɪkəl ˌɒblɪˈgeɪʃən/) to share everything They also have methods of preserving egalitarianism (bảo tồn chủ nghĩa bỡnh đẳng /prɪˈzɜːvɪŋ ɪˌgổlɪˈtɛərɪənɪzəm/) by ensuring that disparities of status (chờnh lệch về địa vị /dɪˈspổrɪtiz əv ˈsteɪtəs/) don’t arise

The !Kung people of southern Africa (miền nam Chõu Phi /ˈsʌðərn ˈổfrɪkə/), for example, swap arrows (đổi tờn /ˈổrəʊz/) before going hunting and when an animal is killed (con vật bị giết /ˈổnɪməl ɪz kɪld/), the acclaim (sự tỏn thưởng /əˈkleɪm/) does not go to the person who fired the arrow (bắn tờn /ˈfaɪərd ði ˈổrəʊ/), but to the person the arrow belongs to

And if a person becomes too domineering (độc đoán /ˌdɒmɪˈnɪərɪŋ/), the other members of the group ostracise (tẩy chay /ˈɒstrəsaɪz/) them, exiling (đày ải /ˈɛksaɪlɪŋ/) the offender from society Typically in such groups, men do not dictate (điều khiển /dɪkˈteɪt/) what women do Women in hunter-gatherer groups (các nhóm săn bắt hái lượm /ˈhʌntər- ˈgổðərər ɡruːps/) worldwide often benefit from a high level of autonomy (sự tự chủ /ɔːˈtɒnəmi/), being able to select their own marriage partners (chọn bạn đời /sɪˈlɛkt ðɛr əʊn ˈmổrɪʤ ˈpɑːtnəz/), decide what work they do and work whenever they choose to And if a marriage breaks down (đổ vỡ /breɪks daʊn/), they have custody rights (quyền nuôi con

/ˈkʌstədi raɪts/) over their children

Many anthropologists (nhà nhõn chủng học /ˌổnθrəˈpɒlədʒɪsts/) believe that societies such as the !Kung were normal until a few thousand years ago, when population growth

(sự gia tăng dân số /ˌpɒpjʊˈleɪʃən ɡroʊθ/) led to the development of agriculture (nông nghiệp /ˈổɡrɪˌkʌltʃər/) and a settled lifestyle (lối sống định cư /ˈsɛtld ˈlaɪfstaɪl/) In view of the above, there seems little reason to assume that traits (đặc điểm /treɪts/) such as racism, warfare, and male domination (phân biệt chủng tộc, chiến tranh, và sự thống trị của nam giới /ˈreɪsɪzəm, ˈwɔːfeər, ənd meɪl ˌdɒmɪˈneɪʃən/) should have been selected by evolution (tiến hóa /ˌiːvəˈluːʃən/) – as they would have been of little benefit in the prehistoric era (thời tiền sử /ˌpriːhɪˈstɒrɪk ˈɪərə/) Individuals who behaved selfishly and ruthlessly (ích kỷ và tàn nhẫn /ˈsɛlfɪʃli ənd ˈruːθlɪsli/) would be less likely to survive (sống sót /səˈvaɪv/), since they would have been ostracised (bị tẩy chay /ˈɒstrəsaɪzd/) from their groups

It makes more sense, then, to see traits (đặc điểm /treɪts/) such as cooperation, egalitarianism, altruism (hợp tỏc, bỡnh đẳng, vị tha /kəʊˌɒpəˈreɪʃən, ɪˌɡổlɪˈtɛərɪənɪzəm,