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For
Jo
andJack
, with love: DD
ForJen:PG
Da
'li唯
d
Deacon is
Lec個
rerin
Co
mmu
剖開位
on
and
Media
S
個
dies
Peter Golding is
Pr
ofesωr
of
So
ciology
and
Head ofDepartment,
Depar
恤
ent
ofSocial
Sc
ienα
為Lo
ughborough
University
Taxation
and
Representation: The
Media, Political
Comm
口
nication
and
the
Poll
Tax
David Dcacon
and
Pctcr Golding
Department
of
Social Sclences,
Lo
U9
拙。
rOU9h
Universi
句
iv
British
Li
brary
Ca
個
lo
g1iin
g
in
Publica
位
oilDa
個
Deacon
, David
Taxation
and
Representation:
The
Media,
Poli
位
cal
Comtnunication
and
the
Poll
Tax
Acamedia
Research
Mo
Ii
ograph:
11
I.Ti位
e
II. Gölding,
Peter
m.
Series
336.25
的
BN:
0
86196
390
3
ISSN:
0956-9057
Published
by
John
Li
bbey & Company Ltd, 13
Smi
也
sy
,位
d
,
S
Uínm
erley Street,
Lo
ndonSW18
4I罰,
En
gland.
Telephonè:
+44
(0)81-9472777:
Fax
+44
(0)81-9472664
John
Li
bbey
Eurotext
Ltd,
127
rue
de
la
Républiql
趟,
92120
Montro
1i
ge
,扭曲
ce.
John
Li
bbey -C.I.C. s.r.I., via
Lazzaro
Spallanzani 11, 00161
Rome
,
1
個
ly
。
1994
John
Li
bbey and
Co
mpany
Ltd.
All
rights reserved.
Unauthorised
duplica
位
on
contravenes applicable laws.
Printed
in
Great
Bri
偵旭
byWhits
組
ble
Li
thoL
瓜,
Whitstable, Kent, UK
Contents
Chapter1
Chapter2
Chapter3
Chapter4
Chapter 5
Chapter6
Chapter7
Chapter8
Appendix1
Appendix2
Appendix3
Acknowledgements vi
Preface
Vll
Citi
扭由包
p
,
éommunication
and
Politiês
一
The Tarnished Ideal 1
A BriefHistory
ofthe
Poll Tax
21
Selling Accountability:
Government Promotion
ofthe
Co
mmunity Charge
45
Promoting Dissent:
An
ti Poll
T
,也
Campaigr
血
g
71
Policy Made Public:
Media
Co
verage ofthe
Co
mmunity
Ch
訂
ge
111
Journalis
俗
and
the
Poll Tax
149
The Politics ofPolitical
Co
mmunication:
The Determinants
and
Im
pact ofPoll Tax News
181
Rethin
旭
ng
Political
Co
mmunication
199
Methods
205
Referenêes
207
In
dex
213
v
vi
Acknowledgements
The empirical
rese
缸
ch
that
forms
the basis
of
tbis book was funded by two grants
from
the
Economic
and Social Research
Co
uncil (reference numbers: R000231512
and R000233523).
We
are
gratefulωthe
Co
uncil
for
their support and
interest
旭
therese
位曲,
and to the anonymous referees who
cons
個
lctively
cO
lÌlID
ented on the
grant
submissions
阻
.d
end ofprojectreports.
We
would also like to thank
Jo
Al
dridge, Natalie Fenton,
Al
an
Brym
阻,
Karl
As
h-
worth
,
An
drew Shaw, Julie Johnson and other
co
lI
eagues
at
也
e
De
par
個
ent
of
Social
Scien
白
s
,
Lo
ughborough University
for
their
advi
間,倒也個
nce
and support.
Our
thanks
曲
o
to
Jo
Wakefield
for
her careful
transc
旬
tion
ofthe
interview
草,
Pe
記
r
Beaman
for
his technical
suppo
此,
Bob
Fran
蛤
in
for
his steady supply of
po
lI恤
clipp
旭函,
and Wendy Monk
for
her
me
位
culous
proofreading.
。田
fur
也
er
thanks to
all
也
ejournali
喲,
news editors,
poli
位
.cians
,
presSnre group
representa
卸的,
trade unionists, business men and women and press and publicity
officers
, who agreed to
be
interviewed
for
the research. Without their
co
-o
peration
and candour many important elements
of
也
is
story would have remained hidden
fromview.
Finally
, our
th
叩
ks
to
0
田
families
,
whose forebearance
and
悶
pport
during the
completion
of
tbis manuscript made the
crea
位
.vestraine
個
ier
切
be
且
Preface
'Lo
okl
Quickl
Wasn'tt
加
tapo
位
cy
Just
now?
Too
late.
It's
gone.
We
threw
the
proposer
out'.
Aris切
pheries
,
The Assembly ofWomèn
D
……刑
1990
也
eteform
of
叫
loc
叫
govemmentfmànce
wàs
one
Qfthe
mostnewsworthy
的
picson
the
intetnational
news agenda) Newspapers
as
geographicàlly
diverse
as
Zim.
babwe's
Harráre
Her
a1
d,
The
SöVÏet
Union's
Pravda
and
Iz
vest
駒,
France's
Le
Monde
,
It
aly's
La
Rep
的
licca
,
Thailand's
Bangkok Post
and
the
USA's Washington Post
ran
lead stories
on
也
e
issue,
and
in
Australia
Th
e Melboume
Age
edi
切
rialized
世
ataxco
叫
d
be
designed
to
sow
social dissent
and
e
缸
n
unpopul
缸
ity
for a
govemment
,也
is
is
it'
(3/4/90:
13).
Evenmediafarremovedfrom
也
e
intêmâtional
news
agency
rounds
felt compelled to
report
the
political
debate
it
provoked.
For
example,
down
in
the
Falkland
Islands,
The
PenguinNews
ruminated
on
the
political
rammcations
of
'a
good
scheme'
that
had
been
'poòr
甘
im
plemented'
(7/5/90:
12)
When
the
British Conservative
Govemment
aiJ.n
ounced
in
1986
i
tS
inten-
tion
to
replace
the
existing
method
of local domestic
taxation
with
a
new
'Community
Ch
缸醉,
it
couldn't
have
anticipated
the
controversy
it
w
自
unleashing.
Yet
within
fo
肘
ye
訂
s
,
'The
Poll
Tax'
一
as
it
became
more
publicly
and
pejora
位
vely
known
-
had
split
the
ruling
p
訂你仕
om
top
to
bottom
, precipitated serious breakdowns
in
public
order
,
conipro
血
isedthe
electoral
viab
血
ty
and
intemational
cred
晶晶
ty
of
the
Government
, incited
a
cacophony
of
derision from a
normally
quiescent
media
,
and
brought
down
a
Prime
Mini
stβr
who
merely
mönths
before
had
been
considering
扭曲直到
tely
postpon
姐
gherre
位
rement.
Úl
political
ter
n'is
alone
,也
e
晶晶-,
亢的
nofthe
Comm
叫你
Charge
ranks
as(one
ofthe
most
abject
(ailures
姐
i
British domestic
history.
、_)
This book
charts
the
development
of
血
1s
political crisis,
and
in
p
缸
tic
叫叮
(0
tl')
(/'
就
i
討
ii
T
缸
ation
and
Representatio
n: The
Media
,
Political
Cô
mmu
剖開
tionand
也
.ePo
lI
T
,坦
/
(心仙
ho
棚
w
血卸
e
切協岫
su
…
u
extends beyond
the
conten
位
ous
issues raised by
the
new
tax
, for its im-
ρplementation
and
subsequent abandonment
has
provideq
句
invaluable
j
啊。的凶妙的呻
lore
bro
咖
p
加
ciples
inv
伽他
thec()mm
叫
ca
位
on
\.
and
formation of public policy'; As a major fiscal rèform with
impor
個
nt
cons
位
tutional
and
political implications,
the
Co
血
munity
Charge was in-
troduced against a background of considerable
opposi
位.o
n.
The Govern-
ment energetically promoted
the
change;
an
q"
citizens were principally
dependent
on
the media for information
aboutl~t.
How did
such
promotion
occ
恥
and
with
what
effects?
What
form did public discussions take
and
with
what
effect
on
policy
forma
位
on?
An
d
how
far did the media çater for
a full public discussion of
such
a
血
a
吋
jo
肘
r
legislative
i
恤
nnovat
位
io
9'?攻,?
In
i
加
tω
s
i|!jJb
卸叫
r
mo
叮
're
general
c
∞
ont
缸肘
ri
跆
bu
泌咐
t
位
ion
to 0
盯
understanding
0
叫
ft
晶
hesi
站
g
趾
E
趾
c
祖
c
閃
eoft
也
he
l
…伽心旭恤血…
i
站蜘伽叫位伽岫削叫
C
阻叫仙
a
叫恥…
lc
agendasa
缸
repol
扭
it
位
ica
吋
II
蛤
y
generated.
For logistical
,
rather
than
ethnocen
仕
ic
reasons,
our
discussion
foc
u.
ses
on
the reporting ofthe
Co
mmunity
Ch
缸
gein
En
gl
祖
d
and
Wales,
rather
than
in
Scotland - which experienced both a diffetent implementative timetable
個
d
intensity of media
and
public debate. The first chapter contextualizes
/'
our
research within the broader debates currently active
wi
也
M
也
e
fields
of media sociology
, social policy
and
political science,
and
outlines several
conceptual
models
曲的
informo
盯
analysis.
The second chapter provides
r'
a contextual overview of the history of thepoll
tax
,
and
the
main
poli
位
cal
issues its
introduc
位
on
raised. The third looks
at
the
strategies employed by
也
e
British
Governme
前,趾
st
to promote itsEagship policy,
and
then
to
J
ameliorate thepolitical crisis
it
created. The fourth chapter provides a ,
comparative analysis
ofhow
opponents
ofthe
tax
mobilized publicly. The
扭曲,
provides a detailed
comp
缸
ative
analysis of national
and
local media J
coverage of the
t
缸,
and
explores
how
也
e
terms of reference of media
debate shifted as the policy cycle proceeded. The sixth chapter examines
the news gathering of
jo
凹
nalists
and
editors
in
reporting
the
t
缸,
andthe
political
and
strategic
fac
切扭曲的
shaped
their
percep
位
ons.
The seventh, /
draws together material from preceding discussions to explain the specific
fac
切
rs
that
in
f1
uenced the building ofmedia agendas
on
the poll tax.
It
also
explores the
in
f1
uence of media discourses over public perceptions of
the
tax. The
conduding
chapter considers
what
broader inferences
can
be
drawn from this case study of political communication.
Chapter 1
Citizenship, Communication,
and
Politics - The Tarnished Ide
aI
Democracy
in
troubled times:
on
being
an
informed citizen
T
峙的
ook
…………
which
people
盯
e
able to take
p
訂
t
怯
the
poli
位
callife
of their
society.
When
we
組
lk
of citizenship we soon
a
控
ive
at
notions
such
的
p
叮
ticipation
and
involvement,
but
above all we
w
血
隘的岫圳
umbleacro
啦
phantomof
伽叫
or
蚓
~itizen'~
./
Clichés about the 'information society'
and
the deluge of infôrmation to
whichwe
缸
e
all subject, have become so commonplace
that
we sometimes
lose sight of
so
血
e
simple
tru
也
s.
Democracies, even large scale cómplex
democracies
such
as ours,
in
which power is exercised by the few
and
the
remote,
assu
血
e
they
缸
'e
inhabitβd
by informed citizens. Without some
knowledge
ofwhat
the polity is
up
妞,
people
cannot
even begin to exercise
any
reasoned impact
on
the
可
stem
which govems their lives. We therefore
foster
an
ideal
,旭
which
people receive a wide range of political informa-
位.o
n
,
which they sift, consume
and
deploy
in
rational decision making. The
outcome
may
be a vote, a motion
at
a pressure group committee
meet
旭
g
,
a street riot, or a yawn of disinterest and contemp
t.
But
the
informed
ci
位
zen
exercises choice
on
the
basis of information received.
The
tβmpting
metaphor is
that
of the
supermarket
,祖
which
the
votβr
saunters among the shelves of ideas
and
policy
op
位。由,
making shrewd
calcula
位
ons
about cost benefit balances
and
the
comparative virtues
ofthe
ideological packages
on
offer. Trolley filled,
the
citizen strolls to
the
elec-
toralcheck-
。前,
votβin
hand. The problem, ifwe extend the metaphor
just
1
2
T
阻
a
位
onàndRep
悶
enta
鈍。n:
The
Media
,
PO
隘的問
1
臼
mmunication
and the
Poll
Tax
a little
furth
肘,
is
that
not
everyone
can
get to
the
same store. Some
can
afford bigger
and
better-filled trolleys. The
shelves
缸
e
f;
叮
from
full,
and
many
goods somehow never make it to the front ()fthe display stands. Some
個
rn
out
to
~
be very different (r
om
the
glittering
i
扭曲
prömised
on
the
νpackaging{
The
citizen
“
shoppe~
is exercising choice
wi
也祖
ve
可
d
挖出
ct
and
effectivè limits.
This book is
an
at
能
mpt
to
chart
those limits, to find
out
why
the
goods
are
packaged
the
way
they
缸
e
,
and
what
gets
them
on
to
the
shelves. For
the
ideal
of
也
e
informed
ci
位
zen
is precisely
that
,
an
ideal.
An
alysts have
always been
aw
盯
e
,
ofcour
鈍,
ofthe potential ofthe modern mass media to
interrupt
and
dis
的
rt
the flow of information from
the
political
叮
ena
to
voters.
It
is
a
long
位
me
since we
lived
祖
anyth
旭
g
approaching
the
Athe-
nian
polis. But in recent years we have been increasingly alive to
the
limits
of
our
ideal.
There
缸
'e
at
least two reasons for this.
,/
First, we have been witnessing dramatic changes
i
科組組但.anJ:Ù2盟住心
I
ofthe
media through which
poli
位
calinforma
位onp
Ìim訂
ilyreachβs
;i.
s.
In
recent decades the ownership ofmajor national newspapers
has
continuβd
ωfall
in
切
the
hands of a small number of large
corpora
位
ons
,
frequently
controlled by tycoons with uncompromising
and
naked political objectives
alongside
也
eir
commercial
的
pira
位
ons
(Golding
and
Murdock, 1991).
Several
仕
ends
have evolvedfrom the increasingly conglomerate character
of the media. Thepolitical profile of the national press
has
become steadily
less balanced
, with a preponderance ofConservative supporting, or
at
least
Labour
oppos
恆
g
titles
that
even the last Royal Commission
on
the
Press
recognized as creating a 'gap
in
political terms which could be filled with
advantage' (cited
in
ibi
d.).
The increasingly commercial
and
competi
位
ve
character
of
也
e
press
has
alSO
fostered
what
some commentators
iden
位穹
的
'de-politicization'
,
of the
popular
削
es
especially (Curran
and
Seat
凹,
1981:
123). Politics recedes before a rising tide
ofhuman
interest, show-
biz related stories which transform the
press
恤
to
an
appendage of
the
entertainment industry in both economic
andc
叫
turalform.
Broadc
部位
ng
,
too, reflects
this
仕
end;
'Television in Europe thus becomes increasingly
an
entertainment
medium'
但
e
Bens, Kelly
and
Bakke,
1992:
95). Television,
as
the
major and increasingly prominent altemative to the newspaper as a
medium for political
communica
位
on
,
has also entered
an
age
in
which
the
扭曲
ideals
of public service
broadcas
位時缸
e
being confronted
and
dis-
placed by the pressing imperatives of market driven
new
technologies of
dis
出
bution
(Gold
坦
g
,
forthcoming).
Chap
記
r
1:
Ci
tizenship
,
Co
mmunication, ànd
Politics
- The Tarnished
Ideal
Secondly,
our
ideal informed citize
p.
is further disadvantaged by
the
\growth
of
the
‘public relations state'
,)a.
phenomenon
切
which
we
return
shortly.
Inf
ormation designed to persuade
is
never the
same
由
information
passively offered as a service,
and
while this may naively understate
the
inevitably ideologïcal
ch
叮
ac
切
r
of anything we
can
sensibly
c
叫
l'
旭
forma
“
位
on'
,
it
does
reflect
,部
we
note below, a sea change
in
the
opera
位
onofthe
modern state.
For
many
writers within political science the anxieties
and
critiques im“
plicit
in
也
ese
observations
訂
e
unfounded.
Inf
ormation flows have
恤,
creased, electorates have become more sophisticated,
and
democracy
is
the
rich
紅的
a
res
叫
t.
Notions of 'cognitive
mob
也
za
位,
on'
suggest
that
rising
levels of education have created
better
equi
即
ed
p
石五日
ations
﹒
Together
with the gröwth
in
media
provision
也
Ìs
nourishes
thβdemocra
位,
cprocess
(Inglehart, 1977).
Th
間,
as
Dal
的
n
argues
,‘
At
the
same
time
也
at
the
co
俱
Ìtive
skills of Westem mass publics have improved, so too have
the
public'sresources
的
day
there is a
ne
盯
lyunli
凶能
d
supply
and
v
前
ietyof
political news
,
we c
aÍl
[now] be more sanguine about fhe
nature
ofbelief
systems
恤
co
臨時叮叮
publics.'
(Dalt
凹,
1988:
凹,
32).
As
will
becomβclear
throughout this book
our
views are far less confident.
/宜
'he
changing
nature
ofthβcommunication
system is
count
位
balancedby
\._
changes
祖
the
帥部
ta
伽
ns
of
citizenship~
0
盯
case
s
旭旬,
ofthe
m
咖
change
in
local taxation introduced
in
Britain
in
也,
e
1980s
, was centrally
conceived by
its
盯
chitects
旦旦
an
祖
itia
位,
ve
to change
the
bas
泌
of
citizenship.
At local
level
也
is
was designed to be
for
也
e
be
此
er
,
an
缸
gument
we
examine
in
the following chapters. Thepoll
tax
arrived
in
the wake of
considerable efforts by the ideologues of
the
newright
to seize the moral
,
high
且至!
and
citizenship proved
an
attractive
ba
函正高高屁立泣區
dβ
,i:t
te
about
the
怯
x
wound
on
,也
is
theme became
an
insis
切
nt
血
0
位
f
within
the
poli
位
cal
dialogue of
thβlate
1980s.
她
s.
Thatch
肘
's
speech to
the GeneralAssembly ofthe Church ofScotlandinMay
1988
,恤
sis
臼
dthat
句
'most
Chris
位
ans
would
reg
配
d
it as their personal Christian duty to help
their fellow
men
and
womβn'
,
from which premise shemovedrapidlyto
the
今
conclusion
fhat 'intervention by
thβstate
must
never become so great
that
it effectively removes personal responsibility' (see
Rab
間,
1989).
This
w
的
parallelβd
by influential articles by the
then
Home Secretary, Douglas
Hurd
,
in
which
he
argued
that
'the idea of active
ci
位
zenship
is
a
necess
缸
y
complement to
that
ofthe
enterpris
晦
culture.
Public service
may
once have
been the duty of
an
組妞,
but
today it
is
也
e
responsibility of all who have
可/
v
/
3
4
T
臨
ation
and
Represen
個
.tion:
The
Media
,
Poli
位
cal
Co
mmunica
位
on
and the
Poll
T
臨
位
me
or
money to
sp
缸
4
個肘
d
,
1989). The
ac
位.v
e
ci
討
zen
was someone
nurtured
by the fruits of free enterprise,
and
happy to
reinvest
也
eir
well
deserved
acquisitions
姐
to
reSponsible patronage
of
也
e
less fortunate.
lt
W
自
not
al
的
gether
surp
也
ing
that
也
e
debate about
the
poll
tax
came
to
/
adopt this
language.
的Mill
er
notes
,區血
e
battle over
the
t
路
'for
p
缸"
liamentary
and
public opinion
the
訂
guments
have
had
to
be p
ù.
tin
terms
of values
which
訂
e
more broadly
sh
叮
'ed.
These have centred largely
on
explicit
and
implicit
血
odels
of citizenship'.
(M
血
er
,
1989:
96).
\ The citizen found herseijl
constituted
祖
three
very differem
and
confused
(
'~~~e~:
如此,
mdmostMdiaonally
,部
informed
and
responsive
p
缸旭
erto
也
e
state
旭
theman
茍
ementofthe
而梅克耐高高站在孟晶石
EIZJs
than
encoura
到時,
with signs of continuous loss
offai
也
in
the
body politic,
也
e
fragmentation of a civic culture,
and
pluralist stagnation (see Topf,
少_
1989). Second, the
ci
位
zen
was being urged to become the
new
扭扭扭扭
J
thropic active citizen conjured
up
by the enthusiastic visionaries ofvolun-
k
、
teer
welfare capitalism.
The
citizen
豆豆豆豆豆豆豆路
received
her
most
仁
authorita
位
ve
acclamation from the Commission
on
the
subject established
by the Speaker of
the
House of Commons
in
1988.
In
these terms
ci
也阻"
ship became a target for schools in encouraging appropriate curricula,
and
thesumm
訂
y
description of community voluntary work (Commission
on
k
ci
恥的峙,
1990)t Finally, we
had
the
citizen
~s
consumer,_exerting civic
令~一一一一一
power
through
the
mechanics of the market, bullis
h1
y clamouring for
satisfaction
in
the glass
and
steel shop fronts of the town hall
cus
切
mer
service centre,
citizens'
也缸
terinhand.
Ami
dst such
confusion
也
e
血
.edia
have a strategic role, enshrining
and
已
/ç_
promo
伽
g
one or
another
面証
el
,
labelling
and
evaluati
時
theme
恥
and
7
話詢服冊商
ëñ
:-c而
êiãf
屆高豆豆
a
叫
eisthepa
句
layed
by
the
state as a
dominant
so
盯
ce
of information
and
imagery which becomes
the
raw
material for media work.
An
d
in
也
at
role we
cannot
ignore the massive
expansion of the public relations state.
The
rise
of
the
public relations
state
All
governments like to be well
thought
of.
They
pro
血
ote
their
own
policies
and
denigrate those of
oppos
坦
gp
缸位
.es
as
p
缸
t
of
the
routine business of
politicallife. Even Napoleon
invested
位
meandmoney
祖 m
暐旭
gsurethe
Moniteur
purveyed the right line. But
in
recent decades
the
scale
and
ferocity ofthis aspect ofpublic
life
have escalated substantially. Writing of
Chapter
1:
CitizensWp
,
Co
mmunica
位.o
n
,
and
Poli
位的明
TheT
缸
nished
Ideal
the United States, Oscar Gandy
has
drawn
attention to
the
rise of
the
information professionals within government. ‘At every level of gover
Ii-
me
此,
in
every agency,
thete
缸
e
information specialists whose responsi-
b
泌
ty
it
is
to
ensure
也
at
也
enation's
publicmediacarry
也
e
desiredmessage
forward to
the
general public, other government
0
血
cials
,
and
key corpor-
ate leaders who have a role to play
in
the formulation
and
implementation
ofpublic policy'
(G
祖旬,
1982:
74).
Gandy goes
on
to
缸
gue
that
this system works
through
what
he
terms
(‘凶
orma
伽叫咄
es'~Th
帥缸訟吋祉泌的
orm
體型戶臨的帥,
but
闊的盯
es
切
reducetheCost
切坦起草泣忘訴函區忌。
f
obtaining informa-
tion they need to construct news.
By
making
life
easy for
the
news seekers,
information managers
can
influence
and
even determine
the
flo
W'
and
character of coverage about their
ac
位
.vities
in
the
news media.
That
is,
obviously,
the
basis
on
which all public
rela
位
ons
and publicity work rests.
In
the
post-w
位
period
in Britain it was for long
assumed
曲的
politics
was
mo
社
ng
to a steady state of ideological convergence, in'which agreement
about the
nature
ofthe goodsocietywas disturbed only by minor squabbles
over its
administration. This
'consens
肘,
or
‘Butske
Ui
te' happy
statβcame
to a rude end, if
it
ever really
existβd
,
wi
也
the
return
of'
con viction politics'
and
the
launch
ofthe
Thatcherite project
in
the late
1970s.
Once more
government
was
扭曲
e
business of winning
he
叮
tsandm
扭曲.
The state
is
at
the
heart
of the news machine. Studies of news have pere
Ii-
nially plotted the dominance of items about the machinery of gover
Iim
ent
and
the routine drama of
Wes
個
lnster
life
wi
也旭
thebroad
缸
rayofnews
coverage. Though this has, as we noted above,
declined
自
a
proportion of
the whole
,
and
indeed its reduction
has
recently occasioned some distress
among politicians (Straw
,
1993)
, the predominant flavour
in
the
daily diet
of the news media continues to be
the
whiff of political grapeshot
and
the
odour ofWestminster's
hot
air. 'News prioritizes the state
and
its agents,
treating even minor state
activi
位的
as
inherently newsworthy, viewing
agents of the
sta
切
as
‘
reliable'
sources
and
as interesting speakers,
and
portraying the visible aspects ofrelations among states' (Kni
ght
and
Curt
詣,
1987:
的).
Of
course this portrayal
has
its own elisions
and
evasions
(Golding
, 1981).
But
也
is
combination of
ideolo
斟
cal
divergence
and
the
prom
垣
ence
of the state as
an
object of media attention
has
created
the
conditions for a substantial increase in public relations
ac
位
vity
by
the
state.
♂
Tλ
正與
v'
5
6
T
臨
ation
and
Represen
個
tio
n:
The
Media
,
PO
加叫“
mmunication
and the
Poll
T;
盟
Many observers have noted
the
importation of
the
machinery
and
prac
偏
低
ces
of
the
advertising industry into
poli
位
cs.
A
new
branch
of this craft
appears
,
in
whatNim
血
o
and
Combs
describe
扭扭‘
indus
仕
y
of experience
brokers'
, of'propartists' consisting of'professionalhypesters with a
v
前
iety
of specialities
and
s
泌
ls'
(Nimmo
and
Combs,
1990:
67).
That
poli
位
cs
is
nowg
盯
landed
by
an
app
盯
atus
of spin doctors, 10bbyists, consultants,
communication analysts, press officers,
and
their kin is only too familiar.
The
political
叮
ena
is a supreme1y image-conscious one.
Af
ter
all, as
the
architect of
the
Sun's dramatic rise
rather
innocent1y
puts
仗,
'it
is
poli
說,
cians,
rather
than
newspapermen, who tend to exaggerate
the
power
ofthe
press'ιamb
,
1989:
161).
f'
í Government
has
become a major
e
月
10yer
of press
and
public re1atio
n.
s
心
j
翩翩,
andof
帥的隘的In
1992
HM
Government
spent
的
3
別扭
on
r
on
advertising.
Betwee
叫
986
and
1991
theinc
自由
e
祖
its
expenditure
姐
」叫做
msw
帥的
out~er
cent,
and
the total expenditure
of
也
is
kind
\!.I
rough1y doub1ed
during
也
e
decade. The Government's advertising budget
dw
缸
fs
that
of
such
mega corporations as Ford, General
Motors
,個
dPr
∞"
如
r
and
Gamb1e.
Moreover
the
Government's figures
no
10nger include
privatized corporations
such
as British Te1ecom
(“
6 million
in
1992)
or
the
utilities.
In
deed, spending
on
the promotion ofprivatization initiatives
formed a
sig
祉
ficant
p
缸
t
of this
publici
可
e
fl'
ort.
The sell“ o
fl'
of
the
water
indus
佐
y
was supported by campaigns costing
f.
42
臨別
io
且,
more
也
an
twice
that
spent
on
the
earlier gas privatization.
In
May
1990
也
e
then
Government
En
ergy Secretary, John Wakeham,
w
部
appointed
to
c
心
ordi
nate
government publicity
and
information,
and
new
proposa1s to give
senior ministers PR 'minders' were revea1ed
(Independent
on
Sunday
,
17
June 1990). Growing politica1 protests about these deve10pments
1ed
to
the
appointment of a public enquiry
by
the
Nationa1 Audit
Office
, which
showed
也
e
very major programmes of expenditure
undertaken
旬,
for
examp1e
the
Dep
盯
tment
of Trade
and
In
dustry
on
its 'Enterprise
Ini
tia-
tive'. Perhaps
the
two key administrative measures, above all others,
whichcame
如
symbolize
the
force
of
也
is
shift
旭
government
promo
位
on
were the incorporation ofthe government statistica1 service into
the
super“
visory embrace of
the
Tr
easury,
and
the
assump
泣。
n
in
1989
by
愉
S
Thatcher
浴缸
enchant
ChiefPress Secretary,
Bernard
In
gha
血,
ofthero1e of
head
of
the
Government
Inf
ormation Service simultaneous1y
wi
也
his
otherduties (In
gham
,
1991:
367
一的;
Roya1
Statis
位
ca1
Society,
1990).
The promotion of good news
and
radica1 policy initiatives has continued to
Chapter 1:
Ci
tizenship
,
Co
mmunication,
andPolitiω
叫祖
eT
,缸
nisb
吋
Id
叫
a
位
ract
subs
個
ntial
reso
叮
ces.
In
J
an.
u
盯
y
1994
the
Secretary of State for
Education announced
that
he
was
個
spend
over
f.
2million sending a 1eaflet
intoev
,位
yhomein
也
e
country giving
the
Governme
肘,
s views
and
advice
onmorali
紗,
citizenship, discipline
and
family values. Between
1989/90
and1991/92Depar
恤
entofHeal
血
spendi
呵。
n
public re1ations rose from
f.
0.8
抽血
ion
to
f.1.
49m
血
ion
(Hansard
, WA
Co
l.
244
, 8
June
1993).
A
Corporate
Afl'airs
In
telligence Unit was
estab1ishβd
to seek
out
,
and
compile
form
恆
isterial
promotion, stories illustrating
the
success of
the
Govern-
ment' s
health
service reforms.
S
旭過缸
1y
,
in
housin
菇,
f.4
.5m
到抽
nw
部
spent
on
public re1ations
to
promote
the
'right to buy' policy betwëen
19
"8
0
and
1993.
It
is
in
this context
that
we should understand the promotion of
the
Com-
mu
國
ty
Charge
de心
cribed
in
t
垃
ss
個
dy.
Whilethe
吧空空空空豆豆些
d
promo-
/2.~
~.:♂
tiona1 e
fl'
ort
inv
哩哇旦出“空缸
gewer
色空穿白磁蛇頭
f
也控股!:~
entire1y
/-U
ν
←
consis
館益
tw
迪金主
~p
d.
inthe
血缸
kçtingof
也
.e
state which
had
been rising
區區已
yb
叫
Go1
,峙,
1990).(
那
poli
叫
promo
位
on
does
not
吋
happen
atna
位
onal1eve
l.
The 10cal state
has
not
been
s10w
to 1earn
thβse
new
肘
cks.
The appointment
ofpublic
叫甜
od
蕊迋京前
5
師布面前話証
予函諾諾8.
1
e
fl'
orts of varying kinds has become a common feature of
the
10ca1governmentscenβry
﹒
The
evo1ution of municipa1 newspapers, bring-
ing
the
good news to every doorstep
扭曲
e
community, is a good indicator
of this deve1opment
,
though
,扭扭曲姐恤an.
d
Murphy note, they are of
such
recent
orig
姐
that
they
were
討
rtually
overlooked
in
the
1977
Royal
Commission
on
the
Press
(fl
叫
detail
on
this phenomenon see Franklin
and
Murphy,
1991:
Ch. 6;
Fr
祖國恤,
1988).
In
all
thes
晦
ways
,也
en
,
the
marke
位
ng
of government
ac
位
.vity
has
become
a
臼
ntralac
位
vity
of modern statecraft.
In
evitab1y the 1aunch of
any
major
policy initiative
will be devised with this
app
缸
atus
of
promo
位
on
and
information management
in
mind.
祖旦旦旦
mmu
剖
ty
Charge became
a
臼
st
JP?
些做些單恆星
E
同仁暫住把堅.
We
neea
oriefly to assess
how
well
equipped students of political
co
血
munication
were to
understand
也
is
process.
Political
communication:
the
doub1e absence
To understand
the
process of politicalcommunication we need to
draw
on
the
insights of both policy analysis
and
of media
and
communication
rese
訂
'ch.
Unfortunate1y both have been curious1y silent
on
也
e
intercon-
o
c:;
7
8
T
阻
ation
and Representation:The
Medi
訟,
Po
加開
l
Co
mmuni
間越
on
and the
Poll
T
缸
nection between
the
two.
The
detailed intellectual history
and
disciplinary
evolution
which
explain
血
is
的哩
t
essential
to
0
凹
concerns
here
,
but
we
do need briefly
to
review them.
Poli
位
cal
studies frequentlý
pay
lip service
~o
the
impo
此
ance
of
the
media
and
communications.
In
p
甜詢問,
howe
Vé
r, this emerges
only
in
cursory
reference
to
血
e
role
ofthe
media, especi
a11
y
as
witness to
the
recurrentand
playful
cI
ash
of pressure groups
wi
血也
.e
poli
位
cal
system/Most
policy
analysis finds its roots
, implicitly
if
not
explic
設旬,
in
也
e
誼
nd
of
systemic
model developed
,
cI
assical
跡,
by writers like David
Easton
徊的恤,
1965).
<"
In
this model
the
policy process
becomes
,的
use
the
familiar
metaphor
, a
black box
,
which
produces
ou
句
uts
in
the
form of decisions
and
actions.
In
to
the
black box go inputs
in
也
e
form of demands
ànd
supports,
either
as
votes,
payment
of taxes,
and
obedience,
or
al
臼
rnatively
as
dissent, press-
ure
and
articulatβd
cIaims. While
it
is
not
diffic
叫
t
to
develop a critique of
functionalist models of
this
垣
nd
,
even
盲
refmed
and
moderated f()rm
they
underpin
a large
number
of policy analyses.
Im
portant
in
such
a view is
the
understanding
of
policy as a
process
函
ta
product,
and
that
insight releases
the
potential
('~
such
traditions
of
policy
ana
蟑螂
as
加
plementation
也
eory
and
incrementalis
哩
d
Each
of
them
,恤
prac
位
ce
,
however, retains
the
sense
of
this process evolving
within
an
'environment',
which
contains tl!e economic
and
social
s
仕
uctures
of
the
wider society beyond
the
polity
~
Our focus
in
this book is
0
的
h
已
medi~
個
d
也可
forma
cruci
刮過
art
of this
èÌìì忱。
mp9.Indeedwe
d
再叫起倒
也叮叮
'e
inherently
p
缸
t
of
the
modern
policy process,
which
is inconceiv-
able
without
the
rhetorical
and
publicity
app
缸
atus
ofpoli
位
cal
communi-
cation.
Thus
to
devolve so
much
of
the
essential
character
of
the
po
垃位
cal
process
to
a residual category of actions
in
the
'environmen
t'
is
拍
miss
much
ofthe
core
ofwhat
determines
and
shapes policy.
It
is
s
凶
Is
凹
prising
how
minimal
an
appe
前
ance
the
media
and
communications
make
in
many
policy analyses,
and
even
where
they
do
it
is organizational com-
munication
rather
than
media communication
which
dominates (Nixon,
1980).
Tν/A
郎
t
伽
same
t
拋iI加
me
血
med
社品曲
ia
st
仇叫
1
w
叫
it
也
h
the
rol
抬
e
of
j
知
O
盯
nali
諂
sm
and
the
careful
and
c
叫
ri
位伽
ca
叫
1
analysis of
the
symbolic world of media
out
句
pu
叫
t.
Where
it
has
been inclined
to
address
politics
it
has
remained resolutely
'media
-c
en
仗
ic'
,
rarely
drawing
on
the
research
and
theory available
within
political sociology
or
policy analysis.
、
2
Chapter
1:
Citizenship
,
Co
mmunica說
on
,
andPo
加
cs
且
TheT
缸
nished
Ideal
Perhaps
the
most
powerful concept
to
be developed
in
血
e
attempt
to
und
酬
and
叫你也粗的叫叫酬的呼叫加叮恤叮叮
The
notion
ofpri
血
ary
definition
was
formulated
by
Hall
and
his colleagues
in
也祉
analysis
of news coverage of‘mugging' (H
a11
et
a1.,
1978).
Domi-
nant
forces
in
society do
not
dictate directly
the
tβ:rms
and
vocabulary of
news coverage
, either conspiratorially
or
by
dictat.
They
缸
'e
able,
how-
ever,
through
the
s
仕
uctures
of news production,
to
ensure
that
news
reflects
the
interests
of
也
e
powerful. This reproduction,
in
也
e
last
instance
,
does
not
ignore
the
real
autonomy
ofnews
producers.
But
because
ofthe
importance of accredited sources
with
authority
to defme news salience
and
form,
and
the
unavoidable exigencies
and
speed
of
routine
news
production
,也
e
news process produces
'a
systematically
structured
over-
accessing
to
the
media of those
in
powerful
and
privileged
posi
位
ons.
The
media
thus
tend
, faithfully
and
impartially,
to
reproduce symbolic
a11
Y
the
J
e
油加
g
struc
個
reofpower
祖
society's
institutional order' (ibi
d.:
58).
The
media
thus
become secondary
defme間,
dependent
on
the
hegemonic defm-
ing
power of accredited sources,
the
representatives
ofm
吋
or
social
ins
位徊,
位
ons.
向三?至苦
I.l;:'
'1}-川
r
ι-_
品
('i'
t i
This model is
an
姐
sightful
and
e
fT
ective one. Not surprisingly,
though
,
it
名言
has
been
regul
甜甜甜
dwi
恤
mediaanaly
呦,
mthsthathmoughf77
wo
吋
r
成啦
k
旭
ing
兮'吋
overb
句
yS
缸
ch
沮
1β
郎
si
姐
nge
侃
r
丸',
whoa
盯
rg
訊
u
泊
est
油
ha
肘
tt
晶
heI
阻
nodelfi
包
or
叩
'ce
臼
sa
組
na
叫
lyst
臼
st
切
;0
rJ
戶、
7
ignore
b
切
ot
晶
h
th
_t'l
processes
by
y
戶\7
1
扭
l
泣
ichs
叩
ot
盯Ir
C
凹
es
c
∞
ont
臼
es
仗
t
for accreditation,
and
y-
the
strate
斟
.es
也
ey
employ to
command
attention
(Schles
姐阱,
1990).As
。盯
discussion
of news
sources
志高志而江那誼妞,
we
would
share
恤
reservation
about
the
notion
of
prim
訂
y
defmition, while
remaining
anxious to
retain
its essential insight
into
也
e
relationship
which
exists
between
the
media
and
power
struβtures
in
society.
o Ö
"0
9
Taxation and
Represen
組
tio
n:
The
Media
,
Poli
位
cal
Co
mmu
凶間組
on
an
:d
the
Poll
Tax
is
an
attempt to explore
the
applicability of a more substantial model ofthis
垣
nd.
The analysis
of
political
communication
函,
of
course, a
well
developed
and
extensive
缸
ea
of
research and discussion. Yet
it
remains a
curiously
un-
helpful one
in
answering the questions
posed
by
this study. There are three
_ reasons for this inadequact.
:P
irst,
po
挂毯
cal
communica
位
on
research has
- í been
.obsessed
wi
也
the
proþess-Qf
~lectionee
且時這
The
natural
experiment
providedby
也
e
spectacle
of
elections has been
just
的
o
bewitching
切
avoid
for generations
of
commentators and researchers,
and
we
readily pleaù
訊Ii
lty
to
sh
訂祖
g
也
is
fascination (Billig et
aL,
1992).
Yet
it
should be
only
個
o
ob
討
ous
that
elections are
anything
but
the
normal
state
of
也
ebody
poli
位
c.
The content and volume
of
public debate, the intensity
of
poli
位
cal
rhetoric, the attentiveness
of
ci
位甜的,
and the energy and partisanship
of
political
media
缸
e
all
切
tally
atypical
in
the periods
fra
血
ed
by
elections.
This
does
not
mean we can learn
nothing
from
也
e
study
of
elec
位。帥,
butit
does
suggest we
would
do
well
to
be
w
訂
y
of
generali
泣
ng
扭曲
e
poli
位
cal
communication process per
se
from
the lessons
of
election research.
于[S
econdlY
,如
tion
research
defmes
伽
nature
of
politics and
po
加
cal
communication
in
é!_
very
closely
fraJll
ed
血
anner.
By
politics
is
me
éUl
t
par
望
J
一-一_ 、」旬-闕_
_ :-"-_J<-_
olitics, and
by
political communication
is
meant
th
墅里
o_!!!
跑單位
veappealof
予
arties
to
electors. Political
co
血
municationresearch
has
much
to
gai
甜苦
Ut
)茁濟問蕊區首品
dli
組
e
,
from
attempts
to
draw
attention
to
也
e
essentially
po
加
c
叫
character
of
all
communicatio
肘,
the ideological
inves
恤
entinall
10
forms
of
public communication, whether fiction
or
non
也
c
位
on
,
whether
dealing
with
the
familiar
artefacts
of
policy
or
the
less
obviously
but
equally
powerful politics
of
the
do
血的啦,也
e
personal, andthe mundane.
?
ThirdlyJolitimIcommmimti
凹的捌
rchhasrem
恥
edlargdmh
空空空空
L
inth
泌
country
with the
mβtropolitanandn
甜
on
些!
me
d!
a.
Th
iS
ls
a mistake
for two
compleme
前可話函函;即此也
econth
鼠忌
gaofcen
叫一
local
state relations has been
at
出
ehe
盯
t
of
many
of
the
key changes
in
British
poli
位
cs
over the past two decades. We examine these changes later
in
this
study.
Suβhhasbeen
也
e
importance of these changes
that
m
吋
ordebates
about the role of
the
state have been
generat
吋
bythe
血
within
poli
位
cal~
theory. On the one
hand
it
is
suggested
th
前
we
now
hav(a
dual
sta
詞,
)
。
perat
旭
g
separately
at
local
and
nationallevel (Saunders,
19
'8
1, 1982).
~
The extent to which this
is
a genuine separation
or
a
contingβnt
one
is
important
阻
d
conten
泣。
us.
On the other
hand
theorists have suggested
Chapterl:
口的
zenship
,
Co
mmu
剖開封
on
,
andPoli
位
cs
-
The
Tamished
Ideal
that
primary social divisions
are
no
longer derived from class
positio
間,
but
by sectoral divisions determined by people's
position
的
consumers
of
services
, notably those provided by the local state (Dunleavy, 1989).
The other reason why concentration
on
也
e
national media is a mistake is
more obviously rooted
in
the
media system. This
coun
設
y
continues to have
吋翩翩
ld
崢伽
n
愉叫缸伽
gion
向服心
992
伽
rewereover
2,
000
regional papers, including over 1,
000
freesheets, whose
number~
had
more
than
doubled
in
a decade. But even
the
p
副
d
位
tles
have been
flourishing. Despite the closure
in
November
1988
oftheNorth
West
Times
,
the frrst new regional daily for
100
ye
帥,
t
凶
is
堅堅空姐一旦血[O
US
('1宇
L
~一些空空白
ec
切
r.
Between
1980
and
1992
the number of paid for regional
daily titles grew by
12
per cent,
and
of Sundays by 28 per cent. Nearly
90
per cent of adults
read
a regional paper.
Behind the bald statistics of survival
, however, lies even more impressive
evidence ofthe continued potency ofthe regional press. The readership
and
use made of local papers is demonstrated
in
a wide
u
訂
iety
of research
which conftrms
how
prominently
也
ey
feafure
in
people's overall media
diet
,
and
most of all, of
course
,旭
their
consump
位
on
of news about local
matters.
Despite the high
penetra
位
on
of national newspapers to households
in
general,
na
位
onal
readership
函,
of course,
dis
缸
ibuted
among a
nu
血
berof
titles. Where above
80
per cent
ofhouseholds
旭
a
given
locality
缸
'ereading
a local paper
they
缸
e
all reading
the
same
paper
的
often
as
not
, since local
monopoly is the norm. The power ofthe local press for local
agenda-s
的峙
is
manifest (Golding, 1989).
Thus both policy analysis
and
media research have, by operating
in
splen-
did isolation
, left the
field
clear
切
a
tradition of politicalcommunication
'
,
research which
is
itself severely
@l
demouri~ed
by virtue of a steady diet 7
。
f
electoral
poli
位
cs.
To move beyond this impotence we need to
exam
坦
ea
little further the
nature
of media-polity interaction.
Rewriting
the
sociology
ofnews
so
叮
ces:
a typology
of
roles
Al
though
the
mass
media
盯
e
crucial intermediaries between ‘society as
audience'
and
‘society as
so
叮
ce'
(El
lio
仗,
1972)
,
concerns
aboutthesocial
impact of media representations have always exceeded attention to
the
processes by which they are themselves socially constructed. Yet to under-
11
12
T
磁
a
的
onandRepr
田
entation:
The
Media
,
Politi
問
l
Co
mmuni
闊前
.on
and the
Pòll
T
盟
瑚
nd
伽
impact
ofmedia discourses we
mu
恥伽
nd
切伽
iro
叫
ri
蚓
i
Gandyi
油
d
由
.en
吋
t
討
i
盒
fied
i
尬
ta
臼
s
theneed
‘可油
t
切
og
伊
o
bey
卯
O
ll<吋.d
agenda setting
to
determine
whos
鋁
et
俗
s
the
media agenda,
how
and
for
what
purposes is it
s
仗,
and
Wi
th
what
impact
on
the
distribution of power
and
values
in
socie
昕,
(Gan
旬,
op.
ci
ι:
7).
By
exploring the
rela
位
.ve
influence of
in
組組位
ons
也
d
恆
divid
uals
in
the
formation ofmedia agendas, we are Jlllalysing strategic power
旭
our
society, which as Silverstone (1990) perceptively points
0
帥,
isvery
difl'erent from
the
tactical power of audiences to select
and
re-appropriate
JmemMgbmM
叫
dualte
恥
Unfortunately,
prim
前
y
research
旭
to
news
s()
盯
ces
remains scailt
and
intermi
此
ent
(Gandy,
op.
cit.; Ericson
et
a1.,
1989)
,
with
most of
our
undet-
standing derived from 'internaUst' analyses
ofjourn
aU
sts
at
wotk
(Schles-
旭
ger
,
op.
cit.). Nevertheless, several important conceptual
principles
盯
e
到
ready
available which provide
an
invaluable foundation for
t
挫
sbook.
心
he
firS~iS
that
j
叫
Usts
叫出
eirsources
叫跑過空白哩
B
ship, where information
is
bartered for pubUcity
(T
unstall
,即
7
的
.H
仰自
ever,
in
this market place ofideas, certain vendors sell their messages
with
greater ease
and
加
f
訂
greater
volume. Gans (1979) identifies
fo
肘
major
factors
that
influence
the
performance of news sources
in
shaping media
agendas
,
that
enc
呻
sulate
a
range
of
current
debates
around
news sources
andtheir
垣
fluence.
v'
、
'、
t
The
趾呼
hctorbthincenφ
ie
a source
has
to seek pubUcity
through
thè
media/G
阻
s
concentrates
on
the
endemic disposition of institutions
and
individuals towards
the
news media - contrasting
the
‘eager'
sourc~s
who
would suffocate without
the
oxygen of
pub
區
city
(such as pressure groups
andpoUticians)
,
with
‘
recalcitr
祖
t'
sources, who
are
habitually more indif-
ferent
or
fearful of media
scru
位
ny.
However, it
is
also important
to
appreci-
ate
that
the
degree of incentive a news source
has
is contextual. Even
the
keenest news
so
盯
ces
will have certain issues they would prefér
的
keep
private,
not
just
because they
may
have
something
扭扭曲,
but
also be-
cause every
human
being
and
organization requires
privatβspace
behind
their pubUc face - a 'private culture' within which decisions
can
be made
and
confidences respected (Ericson
et
a1.,
op.
ci
t.).
Co
nversely, even
the
most
reluctant source
can
experience
diffic
叫位的
ü
it fails
to
respond
approp
品
ately to media
scru
位ny
,的
t
least
in
risking further dangerous intrusions
into its private affairs.
It
may also, of course, use
the
media to further its
own
poUtical ends
(閱
11
肘,
1993).
chapterl:
ci
位
zenship
,
Co
mmuni
阻
tion
,
andPo
恤
ω
自
TheT
回
nished
Ideal
v
Gans' second
fac
切
r
is
the
power of a source.
Hi
s
point
,也
atthere
心
rui
恤
ent
(l_
and
access ofnews sources
r
恥
tsor
石誨
r
social
and
poUtic~!hierarchi
帥,
is
祉
so
prominen
位
y
emphasized -
albeit
抽difl'
erent
degrees
一姐
olli
誼
analyses ofjournalists
and
their sources (Sigal,
1986;
Ericson et
a1.,
op.
cit.;
Gan
旬
,
op.
cit.;
Herm
姐姐
d
Chomsky,
1988;
Seymour-
訂閱,
1987
,
Hall
et
祉
,
op.
cit.). Schlesinger characterizes this as t!!e 'cultural capital' of a news
source
一i.
e.
i
的
perceived
legitimacy,
authoritative
閻明
and
甜甜
ectabili
旬,
which is
derived
吐
om
the
location a source
has
姐
thein
咐他
tional
field …
Official sources
m
可
not
always
have
to be beUeved,
but
they do have
to
be
t
述
en
seriously'
(op.
ci
t.:
81). Those with a high cultural capital will receive
coverage as of right
, whereas
0
也
er
sources have to compete
fì
叮阻
βdia
attention by developing media
strat
曙
ies.
From
也
is
work, it is possible to discern several general themes about
the
power
of
姐
stitu
位
ons
and;
旭Çli
viduals
to shape media discourses
that
訂
e
saUent to
our
discussion.
'Eir
鈍,
as
not
all pubUcity
is
good pubUcity,
the
power of news sources
is
not
just
located
in
their abillty
to
a
前
ractmedia
attention,
but
also to
manage
也
e
nature
of
that
coverage,
and
where
necess
缸
y
切
suppress
or
divert media attention. As
Tuchman
(1978)
pointso
前,
the
power to keep
an
occurrence
out
ofthe news is
an
important
aspect of agenda-building power. This
is
也
e
significance of
our
earUer
observation about
the
new
management regime of official
s
個位組
cs.
S
缸
ec
∞
ond
趴訪拘
ow
咐
ers
of
‘池尬油
e
缸
en
肘
lcloωs
肘
e'
閻
d
‘油品
s
叩
d
枷
Oωs
盯
e'
(趾加
ic
臼
so
阻
n
et
a1.
ι
.
,
op.
cit.)
缸
e
difl'erentially available,
and
缸
e
closely Unked to broader configurations of
political
and
economic power. This
is
most evident
in
the
power of sources
to censor media debate
,
such
as
in
the
ability
ofthe
state to impose a
range
ofunique
sanc
位
ons
on
the
media,
and
ofthe rich to employ the legal system
13
[...]... 1992 the Counclll Tax became law, and on 1 April1993 repled thepoll x in England,J Scotland and Wales J r'lf) 3 2y~-' 41 TaxationandRepresentation:TheMedia, PoliCommunition and the Poll Ti Chapter 2: A Brief History ofThe PollTax h e final two ye'S between the announcement and actualrepeal ofthe controlled However, a Warwick Uversity study the effects of nonregistraon for thepoll t on the. .. England and Wales was held in abeyance until after the 36 / The decision to introduce thetax over four yes in London w aIso subsequently rescinded 37 , Chapter 2: A BriefHistory ofThe PollTax Tation and Represention: The Media Politi1 Communicaon andthePoll T; I! by a system of 'banded' polltax that would link the sysm more direcdy rLLo abilitj:_!pa~ A vote on the amendment was held on the 19... ~ F - 63 Tation andRepresentation:The Med PoliI mmunion andthePollTaxthe charge was high , then we could rehearse one of our preferred general election themes: LabourCostYouMore'" (i bid.: 138) The P s national campaign egy erefore cused on "the ree flagship councils ofWandsworth, Wesinster and Bradford, briefing the media that should these low poll taxed e remain Conservati the pty would be... Thatcher's demise , andthe announcement of the new/ Council Tax, the Ptyspin doctors 170rked strenuously to drawthe out ofthe ce deb In tandem with the bland and low key es on the uncil T.e Pty played down the Council Tax in their campaigning, and ironip allelwith the 1987 General Election , conspicuously avoided the issue ie 1992 General ffiecml Ine 1992 Conservative manifese Co uncil Tax ! received... eprincipal sk of the DoE Press oflỡce in the coming mosw be to justify thepolltax Not my Whitehall PR men see that as a rewarngtask' (Guardian , 2/3/90: 6) 53 TaxationandRepresentation:TheMedia, Polil Commnnion andthePoll T j'most householdsẻwill be be offwiầh the Community Ch they / e now with the 'r-ates' (DoE News Release , No 16 , 1311188) In March 1988 , a Sly of a speech by the EnvirOIiment... higher the band, andthe higher the Council Tax levied) , and the number of adults living in the property (single adult households could claim a 2 5 per cent reduction in their Council Tax) The new business taxationand central grant rangements remained essenally unchanged The consultaon period for e Council Tax w very brief and the legislation was forced through parliament where the proposals met... ? Although political controversy over thepolltax intensified in Scotland durg 1 9 8 , there fol lowed a h ia tu s in the poli caldeb ateinElar an Wales However, the issue remerged once again in early 1989 , wi the introduction of the Community Chge in Scotland andthe stt ofthe registration process England and Wales Here agn m or cs emerged for the Government First, as we discuss in the next chapter,... failure to elicit public, media and intra-party support for epolicy A 47 TaxationandRepresentation:TheMedia, Poli1 Com.munication and ePoIl T ese two strategies changed as the policy cycle proceeded, as did the nature ofthe messages conveyed These changes were 1gely dictated by contextual polical developments Prior to thetax' s introduction in England and Wales , the prootion of e Community Charge... history of .e poll x Weshall also be assessing the evaluative and interpretative capacity of news so'ces and suggesting that the power of arbiters , for example, is far more limited in defming the terpretave dimension of policy an it is in relation to evaluation 19 Taxationand Repentation: The M ed.ia, PO1 mmiI.tion and the Poll T We begin the analysis by assessg the genes and background of the Community... MacGreg 1991) Tation andRepresentation:The Media Polil Communion aIid ePollTax tive as well as person Labo authories (,'\ ./ The impact of e~~J!9-bxpectedly ];lẽgh charge~ were twofold Firstly, the bitter wrangling onthe policy within the Cúnservative P over the policy turned into open warfởkbeers from the right as well as the left ofthe Party, openly turned on the Govern.entand exhorted them to repeal . Depar 恤 ent ofSocial Sc ienα 為Lo ughborough University Taxation and Representation: The Media, Political Comm 口 nication and the Poll Tax David Dcacon and Pctcr Golding Department of Social. Co verage ofthe Co mmunity Ch 訂 ge 111 Journalis 俗 and the Poll Tax 149 The Politics ofPolitical Co mmunication: The Determinants and Im pact ofPoll Tax News 181 Rethin 旭 ng Political. Ca 個 lo g1iin g in Publica 位 oilDa 個 Deacon , David Taxation and Representation: The Media, Poli 位 cal Comtnunication and the Poll Tax Acamedia Research Mo Ii ograph: 11 I.Ti位 e II. Gölding,